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Mass media in various forms have during the last decades increased their presence in India. Among the printed media, the regional daily press has experienced a particularly strong growth through the 1980s and 1990s. This study is primarily concerned with Hindi newspapers and their journalists in the north Indian State of Uttar Pradesh. The form and the content of the newspapers are dealt with, so are routines and organisation of newswork as well as the background and the careers of journalists. The study also elucidates how the Hindi-language journalists formulate their occupational role and understand their position in the public sphere – particularly in relation to the English-language press in India. A central aim of the research has been to describe local and culturally specific conditions of a profession that is working with similar methods and tasks all over the world. Simultaneously, the journalistic form of cultural production is discussed in relation to processes of cultural globalisation, modernity and political imagination. The study is based on fieldwork conducted during two periods of totally 10 months, between 1995 and 1998, among journalists in the city of Lucknow.

Democratization of public communication not only requires the institutional reorganization of the mass media, but also the adoption of new journalistic practices in political reporting. These practices include a new conception of the role of journalists in society and new standards of the quality of news reporting. This article takes the Izvestiya, one of Russia's quality papers, as an example to discuss the specific problems Russian print media are confronted with when struggling for independence. A quantitative content analysis of the political coverage of the Izvestiya, which compares front-page news in 1988 and 1996, elucidates how the paper informs its readers about political matters today and how the structure of news has changed over the last decade. The findings show the coexistence of old and new journalistic norms. There are clear signs of growing professionalization with the news becoming more factual, more timely and broader in the selection of topics. At the same time, we still find a high degree of subjective evaluations indicating the persistence of the historical legacy of Russian journalism.

This study argues that even as the American people declares themselves, in countless public opinion surveys, less concerned with foreign affairs in the Post-Cold War era than at any time since the end of World War II, they are nonetheless growing increasingly attentive to foreign policy crises. I develop a theory suggesting that this trend is attributable to a "direct marketing" revolution in television broadcasting, which has for many Americans increased the appeal of information about foreign crises. As evidence, I conduct two statistical investigations. The first examines the relationship between individual media consumption habits and attentiveness to three recent high-profile foreign policy crisis issues. The second compares public opinion trends during the three major post-World War II American uses of military force -- Korea, Vietnam and the Persian Gulf, to determine whether the relationships identified at the individual level can account for aggregate trends in public attentiveness. I find that the public has indeed grown increasingly attentive to foreign crises over the past half century, and that this increase is attributable, at least in part, to changes in the mass media, particularly television.

Attacks the "family values" rhetoric bandied about in contemporary US politics, particularly by the New Right & Republicans, & disseminated by the mass media. Their claims about the "breakdown" of the traditional nuclear family & subsequent destruction of morality, family life, neighborhood bonds, social values, academic excellence, the sanctity of marriage, etc, are refuted, demonstrating their ignorance &/or misuse of social scientific evidence. The post-WWII period is typically recalled as a "golden age" for whites, though, in reality, many experienced them as extremely troubling times in terms of, eg, conflicted women's roles, juvenile delinquency, mental disorders, illegitimate births, & sexual orientation. Equally fanciful (& false) images exist regarding black families during this period. This unreal conceptualization of the idyllic state of family relations in the past has been promulgated by the media, particularly by the introduction of TV & its rapid attainment of power & influence in shaping public attitudes. Additionally, there have been cultural inscription processes that mask the importance of social factors in bringing about changes in the family, & the tendency by politicians to focus on the family so that they can avoid addressing larger issues of class, race, & gender relations. K. H. Stewart

ETHNIC DEVELOPMENTS IN ESTONIA IN 1991-93 WERE CHARACTERIZED BY THE FOLLOWING FEATURES: (1) AFTER THE INDEPENDENCE DECLARATION, THERE WAS A DECLINE IN THE INTENSITY OF ETHNIC TENSIONS--AT LEAST ON THE SURFACE; (2) THERE WAS AN ASYMMETRY OF POST-IMPERIAL CHANGES IN DIFFERENT SOCIAL SUB-SYSTEMS FROM AN ETHNIC POINT OF VIEW; THE OFFICIAL POLITICAL ELITE AND STATE APPARATUS WERE VISIBLY "ESTONIANIZED" AND MIGRATION TRENDS CHANGED RAPIDLY; BUT EDUCATION, MASS MEDIA, AND ECONOMIC ACTIVITY WITNESSED ONLY MODEST ADJUSTMENTS; (3) THE RUSSIAN MOVEMENT IN ESTONIA GRAPPLED WITH A SERIOUS ADAPTATION CRISIS; (4) ESTONIA'S CITIZENSHIP POLICY FOLLOWED A STRICT RESTORATIONIST STRATEGY UNTIL THE SEPTEMBER 1992 ELECTIONS, WHICH WERE FOLLOWED BY A TREND TOWARD LIBERALIZATION; (5) THERE WERE TWO MAIN DIRECTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL PRESSURES REGARDING ESTONIA'S CITIZENSHIP AND MINORITIES POLICIES; THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE WESTERN COUNTRIES AND THE MAJOR INTERSTATE ORGANIZATION MOSTLY APPROVED, WHILE RUSSIA WAS SHARPLY CRITICAL; THE WESTERN MEDIA AND HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATIONS ALSO OFTEN EXPRESSED DISAPPROVAL; (6) COMPARED WITH OTHER POST-COMMUNIST STATES, THE MINORITIES AND CITIZENSHIP POLICY IN ESTONIA APPEARED TO BE QUITE SUCCESSFUL; THE VISIBLE SIGNS OF ETHNIC TENSIONS DIMINISHED; VIOLENCE OR ACTIVE SEPARATISM ON ETHNIC GROUNDS WAS AVOIDED.

This article is based upon the data collected after a survey organized by the agf (Assurances générales de France) in 1991. A sample of 4 465 young people aged 8 to 18 volunteered to answer questionnaires which were collected thereafter.
Studying the responses led to framing the young people's sport practises. The young people's sexual and social patterns, just like the adult's, strongly determine whether they will or won't practise sport and remarkably underline the selected type of sport activity as well as the conditions of practice. These results also make it clear that sport plays a great part in children's socialization through their sporting ideology and the way they identify with champions. The young generally hold to the great principles of tradi- tionnal sport ethics, but they also take into account the social reality of sport conveyed by the mass media. The fact that chidren refer to such a big number of champions leads to diversified figures of success. The media play a great part in bringing champions closer to children but they also make them more ephemeral.

"We have all heard one say 'advertising never sold me anything but it's not true." Advertising has sold every one of us something. Benton and Bowles, Inc., said that there are three basic functions of advertising. First, it "informs" us of news about products. Second, it makes us "want" things advertised. Third, "it creates so much demand that mass production is possible. more goods are sold . for less money." For many years man has used many devices as a medium to advertise or communicate with one another. Whether it was for political, religious, commercial, or moral interests, all accept advertising as important in the control of the attitudes and opinions of the general public. Radio and television have played important parts as sources of information and entertainment, and public control has become increasingly evident during the past three decades.

Evoliucionuojant medijoms požiūriai į auditorijas nuolat kito. Auditorijos kaip kolektyvinės medijų pranešimų gavėjos savo esme yra itin dinamiškos ir kintančios struktūros. Kiekviena naujai atsirandanti medija darė įtaką auditorijų kaitos procesams ir skatino mokslininkus iš naujo įvertinti auditorijas formuojančius veiksnius bei persvarstyti jų sampratos aktualumą.Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip kito auditorijų samprata per visą studijų laikotarpį, ir klausiama, kokios auditorijos koncepcijos gyvuoja šiandien, kai iškyla medijų auditorijos, veikiančios daugiakanalėje daugialypės terpės erdvėje.Reikšminiai žodžiai: publikos, minia, masės, auditorijos, masinė auditorija, naujosios medijos, konvergencija, medijų naudotojai, medijų auditorijos.Shifts of the audience's paradigmsDaiva SiudikienėSummaryThis paper reveals the main theoretical approaches which influence the construction and shifts of the audience's paradigms. The audience studies developed eventually under the influence of contradictory theoretical perspectives. It was stated that the significant processes had started long before the academic discipline formation, but intellectual discussions on the reflections of the massification processes were significant for developing the theoretical background for further audience studies. Contemplations on such concepts as public, crowd, mass, mass society, mass audience are closely related to the traditions of political theory, social philosophy and cultural history of the late 19th and the 20th centuries. Development of the communication sciences measures more than one hundred years, but the audience as an equivalent participator of the communication process had been recognized only at the end of the 20th century. For a long time, the audiences had been approached as unqualified and unable to evaluate the media production properly. Therefore, the conception of audience as the market dominated throught a couple of decades and formed the research traditions of the audience as a quantitatively measured object. The extent remains the most significant indicator in this research area, but the audience studies have generated much more concepts. Side by side with the citizens audience, there emerged the notions of the interpretive communities and lifestyle audiences. The recognition of the fact that the audience members differ in their socio-cultural and national characteristics, knowledge, experience in the use of media and other aspects, clarification of this notion remain a complicated matter. The most important facet should be the point that the individuals realize their role differently as an audience, but all together they are in the process of creating the cognitive schemes and the collective ideals as a certain united community. The rise of the new media has generated unprecedented processes in the post-modern societies and new notions applied for media users. It was stated that, despite the media explosion and the audience fragmentation, this term remains relevant. The new media environment is recasting the notion of audience for covering a wide range and multifaceted activities of media users. Therefore, the new roles of media users are under consideration. According to the author of this paper, as the most meaningful concepts should be recognized those that indicate the creative potential of the audience.

In the course of the research the author of the paper recorded a significant increase in the activity of Russian (pro-Russian) media (mass media), other media sources (mass-media, direct-media), individual websites and blogs on the Internet, which are elements of the modern information space. The author attributes such activity to the beginning of the hybrid war against Ukraine by the Russian Federation (RF It is determined that the information disseminated by these mass media is destructive. Namely, such information distorts the outlook of our population, leads to the wrong perception of events in our country and abroad, contributes to the formation of a negative attitude towards the political decisions taken by the leadership, which in turn leads to a deterioration of relations between Ukraine and partner countries diminishes the international image of our country. It is proved that behind the dissemination of fake information both on the territory of Ukraine and beyond, there are Russian special services whose main task is to destabilize the situation inside the state, discredit Ukraine in the international arena, to show its insolvency in all directions. It is investigated what kind of media can be used by the Russian special services to solve this problem. The peculiarities of the information and psychological impact to which various sections of the population of Ukraine are exposed due to information attacks by these media, including the categories residing in the temporarily occupied territories (TOT), are studied. For this purpose it is considered what groups it is expedient to present to the population of Ukraine taking into account its relation to the military conflict, territorial location, and also peculiarities of perception of fake materials by different groups of the population. As a result of the research, the author of the article proposes how to improve the security of competitive intelligence unit's activities in the area of the operation of the Joint Forces (OJF) and the TOT by organizing adequate counteraction to the destructive influence on the population of Ukraine by the Russian (pro-Russian) media available in special structures and means. Namely, the author of the article proposed on the basis of functioning in the interested state structures of information-analytical divisions to create so-called divisions (departments) of information counteraction. Also, the author discloses the features of staffing such units, their information, financial and legal support. ; У ході проведеного дослідження автором статті зафіксовано суттєве підвищення активності російських (проросійських) засобів масової інформації (ЗМІ), інших джерел медійного середовища (мас-медіа, директ-медіа), окремих сайтів та блогів в Інтернеті, котрі є елементами сучасного інформаційного простору. Таку активність автор пов'язує з початком ведення Російською Федерацією (РФ) гібридної війни проти України. Визначено, що інформація, яка розповсюджується зазначеними мас-медіа, має деструктивний характер. Зокрема, така інформація викривляє світогляд нашого населення, призводить до хибного сприйняття сучасних подій в нашій державі й за кордоном, сприяє формуванню у населення негативного відношення до політичних рішень, які приймаються керівництвом нашої держави, що у свою чергу призводить до погіршення відносин між Україною та країнами-партнерами, знижує її міжнародний імідж. Доведено, що за розповсюдженням фейкової інформації (дезінформаційних матеріалів) як на території нашої держави, так й за її межами, стоять російські спецслужби, основне завдання яких – дестабілізувати ситуацію всередині держави, дискредитувати Україну на міжнародній арені, представити її перед світовою спільнотою як державу, яка неспроможна виконувати свої функції за всіма напрямами. Досліджено, які саме ЗМІ можуть використовуватися російськими спецслужбами для вирішення цього завдання. Вивчено особливості інформаційно-психологічного впливу, якому піддаються різні верстви населення України завдяки інформаційним атакам з боку цих ЗМІ, у тому числі ті категорії населення, які проживають на тимчасово окупованих територіях (ТОТ). Для цього автором розглянуто питання, якими основними соціальними групами доцільно представити населення України з огляду на його відношення до військового конфлікту, територіальне розташування, а також з урахуванням особливостей сприйняття різними групами населення фейкових матеріалів. У результаті проведеного дослідження автором надано пропозиції, яким чином можна вдосконалити безпеку діяльності підрозділів конкурентної розвідки в районі проведення ООС і на ТОТ за рахунок організації адекватної протидії деструктивному впливу на населення України з боку російських (проросійських) ЗМІ з використанням наявних у державних структурах спеціальних сил і засобів. Зокрема, автором запропоновано на базі діючих в зацікавлених державних структурах інформаційно-аналітичних підрозділів створити так званні підрозділи (відділи) інформаційної протидії. Також автором розкриті особливості комплектування таких підрозділів, їх інформаційне, фінансове і правове забезпечення.

In the course of the research the author of the paper recorded a significant increase in the activity of Russian (pro-Russian) media (mass media), other media sources (mass-media, direct-media), individual websites and blogs on the Internet, which are elements of the modern information space. The author attributes such activity to the beginning of the hybrid war against Ukraine by the Russian Federation (RF It is determined that the information disseminated by these mass media is destructive. Namely, such information distorts the outlook of our population, leads to the wrong perception of events in our country and abroad, contributes to the formation of a negative attitude towards the political decisions taken by the leadership, which in turn leads to a deterioration of relations between Ukraine and partner countries diminishes the international image of our country. It is proved that behind the dissemination of fake information both on the territory of Ukraine and beyond, there are Russian special services whose main task is to destabilize the situation inside the state, discredit Ukraine in the international arena, to show its insolvency in all directions. It is investigated what kind of media can be used by the Russian special services to solve this problem. The peculiarities of the information and psychological impact to which various sections of the population of Ukraine are exposed due to information attacks by these media, including the categories residing in the temporarily occupied territories (TOT), are studied. For this purpose it is considered what groups it is expedient to present to the population of Ukraine taking into account its relation to the military conflict, territorial location, and also peculiarities of perception of fake materials by different groups of the population. As a result of the research, the author of the article proposes how to improve the security of competitive intelligence unit's activities in the area of the operation of the Joint Forces (OJF) and the TOT by organizing adequate counteraction to the destructive influence on the population of Ukraine by the Russian (pro-Russian) media available in special structures and means. Namely, the author of the article proposed on the basis of functioning in the interested state structures of information-analytical divisions to create so-called divisions (departments) of information counteraction. Also, the author discloses the features of staffing such units, their information, financial and legal support. ; У ході проведеного дослідження автором статті зафіксовано суттєве підвищення активності російських (проросійських) засобів масової інформації (ЗМІ), інших джерел медійного середовища (мас-медіа, директ-медіа), окремих сайтів та блогів в Інтернеті, котрі є елементами сучасного інформаційного простору. Таку активність автор пов'язує з початком ведення Російською Федерацією (РФ) гібридної війни проти України. Визначено, що інформація, яка розповсюджується зазначеними мас-медіа, має деструктивний характер. Зокрема, така інформація викривляє світогляд нашого населення, призводить до хибного сприйняття сучасних подій в нашій державі й за кордоном, сприяє формуванню у населення негативного відношення до політичних рішень, які приймаються керівництвом нашої держави, що у свою чергу призводить до погіршення відносин між Україною та країнами-партнерами, знижує її міжнародний імідж. Доведено, що за розповсюдженням фейкової інформації (дезінформаційних матеріалів) як на території нашої держави, так й за її межами, стоять російські спецслужби, основне завдання яких – дестабілізувати ситуацію всередині держави, дискредитувати Україну на міжнародній арені, представити її перед світовою спільнотою як державу, яка неспроможна виконувати свої функції за всіма напрямами. Досліджено, які саме ЗМІ можуть використовуватися російськими спецслужбами для вирішення цього завдання. Вивчено особливості інформаційно-психологічного впливу, якому піддаються різні верстви населення України завдяки інформаційним атакам з боку цих ЗМІ, у тому числі ті категорії населення, які проживають на тимчасово окупованих територіях (ТОТ). Для цього автором розглянуто питання, якими основними соціальними групами доцільно представити населення України з огляду на його відношення до військового конфлікту, територіальне розташування, а також з урахуванням особливостей сприйняття різними групами населення фейкових матеріалів. У результаті проведеного дослідження автором надано пропозиції, яким чином можна вдосконалити безпеку діяльності підрозділів конкурентної розвідки в районі проведення ООС і на ТОТ за рахунок організації адекватної протидії деструктивному впливу на населення України з боку російських (проросійських) ЗМІ з використанням наявних у державних структурах спеціальних сил і засобів. Зокрема, автором запропоновано на базі діючих в зацікавлених державних структурах інформаційно-аналітичних підрозділів створити так званні підрозділи (відділи) інформаційної протидії. Також автором розкриті особливості комплектування таких підрозділів, їх інформаційне, фінансове і правове забезпечення.

1. Television in the digital public sphere / Jostein Gripsrud -- 2. TV as time machine : television's changing heterochronic regimes and the production of history / William Uricchio -- 3. 'Critical social optics' and the transformations of audio-visual culture / John Corner -- 4. MSN, interface / Nick Browne -- 5. Bingeing on box-sets : the national and the digital in television crime drama / Charlotte Brunsdon -- 6. Forward to the past : the strange case of The wire / Erlend Lavik -- 7. The 'Bollywoodization' of Indian TV news / Daya Kishan Thussu -- 8. Amateur images in the professional news stream / John Bridge and Helle SjØvaag -- 9. A new space for democracy? : online media, factual genres and the transformation of traditional mass media / Ib Bondebjerg -- 10. Lifestyle as factual entertainment / Christa Lykke Christensen -- 11. Television use in new media environments / Barbara Gentikow -- 12. The grey area : a rough guide : television fans, Internet forums, and the cultural public sphere / Peter Larsen -- 13. X factor viewers : debate on an Internet forum / Anne Jerslev -- 14. The digitally enhanced audience : new attitudes to factual footage / John Ellis -- 15. Digital media, television and the discourse of smears / Todd Gitlin -- 16. The cost of citizenship in the digital age : on being informed and the commodification of the public sphere / Peter Golding -- 17. Networking the commons : convergence culture and the public interest / Graham Murdock -- 18. Smart homes : digital lifestyles practiced and imagined / Lynn Spigel -- 19. Television as a means of transport : digital teletechnologies and transmodal systems / David Morley.

The US presidential election campaign 2016 was in many ways remarkable. For the first time ever, there was a female candidate representing one of the main political parties. Furthermore, the female candidate was challenged by a competitor without any previous political experience. Finally, the two candidates were the oldest candidate duo in a presidential race ever.Presidential campaigns in the US have considerable importance in an international perspective. As the only remaining super power in the world the US plays a decisive role in world politics and international economy and still has an outstanding military capacity. Consequently, US elections of head of state may have great implications for the global community and it is plausible to believe that that the outcome of US presidential elections attracts worldwide interest, and in some cases may be covered almost as extensively as are national elections.This study compares press coverage of US presidential election campaign in 2016 in three different European countries: Italy, Sweden and the UK. The countries were selected as they represent three different models of media systems (Hallin & Mancini 2004). Italy reflects the polarized pluralist media system, Sweden represents the democratic corporativist media system and the UK is an example of the liberal media system. In the Swedish and British media models the mass press is a more distinctive feature than in the Italian media model. Additionally, professionalism in journalism is assumed to be more articulated in Sweden and the UK, while the Italian press generally is expected to be associated with a higher degree of political parallelism and partisan political journalism.Using the three models of media systems as an analytical point of departure, this study intends to compare how British, Italian and Swedish press covered the US presidential election campaign in 2016. The differences between the countries with regard to mass media structures, political linkages and journalistic norms may result in diverging patterns in media coverage of the US elections.The comparative study analysed three stages of the US presidential election campaign: the convention period in July, the three televised candidate debates in September-October and in two final weeks of the campaign in October-November. Four daily newspapers were selected in each country: two elite morning papers (one liberal and one conservative), the most popular tabloid newspaper and one regional newspaper. All articles, longer than three paragraphs covering the campaign and mentioning at least one of the presidential candidates were included in the analysis. Methodologically, a quantitative content analysis was conducted using a common code book and code instructions. In total, 933 articles were analysed: 309 in Italian press, 289 in Swedish press and 335 in British press.

The transformations of the mass media and the emergence of new media have generated new social practices. The object of study of this work is the digitization of political discourse. We will use tools of socio-semiotics, of political theory and mediatization theory and convergence. The corpus is formed by the accounts of the candidates for president in the argentine election of 2011. We aim to detail the ways of the inclusion of political discourse in social networks. We hold as a hypothesis that the uses of the politicians of the social networks are framed in the political developments and imply logics of different media. We call them "media strategies". Taking into account the tools of the Twitter interface, the interaction with the mass media and also those from the world of politics, we will conclude in emphasizing the emergence of four types of strategies. ; Las transformaciones de los medios masivos y el surgimiento de nuevos medios han generado nuevas prácticas sociales. El objeto de estudio de este trabajo es la digitalización del discurso político. Para ello, utilizaremos herramientas de la socio-semiótica, de la teoría política y de la teoría de la mediatización y la convergencia. El corpus está formado por las cuentas de Twitter de los candidatos a la presidencia de las elecciones Argentina 2011. Apuntamos a detallar los modos de inserción del discurso político en las redes sociales. Sostenemos, como hipótesis, que los usos de las redes sociales por parte de los políticos están enmarcados en los acontecimientos políticos y, a la vez, implican lógicas de diferentes medios. A estos usos los denominamos estrategias mediáticas. Tomando en cuenta las herramientas de Twitter, la interrelación con los medios masivos y el mundo de la política, concluiremos con la emergencia de cuatro tipos de estrategia. ; As transformações dos meios massivos e o surgimento de novos meios geraram novas práticas sociais. O objeto de estudo deste trabalho é a digitalização do discurso político. Para isso, vamos utilizar ferramentas da sócio-semiótica, da teoria política e a teoria da midiatização e a convergência. O corpus está formado pelas contas de Twitter dos candidatos para a presidência das eleições Argentina 2011. Objetivamos detalhar os modos de inserção do discurso político nas redes sociais. Sustentamos, como hipótese, que os usos das redes sociais por parte dos políticos estão enquadrados nos fatos políticos e, por sua vez, implicam lógicas de diferentes meios. A estes usos nomeamos de estrategias midiáticas. Levando em conta as ferramentas de Twitter, a inter-relação com os meios massivos e o mundo da política, concluímos com a emergência de quatro tipos de estratégia.