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1. Introduction - Africa Foreign Policies and International Organizations:The View from the 21st Century -- 2. An Ambivalence to the Norm-Cycle: The African Union's "New" Approach to Continental Peace and Security -- 3. The AU and Continental Foreign Economic Policy Making in Africa: Institutions and Dialectics on Integration in the Global Economy -- 4. The Troubled Socialising Agent: Democratic Governance and the African Union's Quest to Become an Independent Foreign Policy Actor -- 5. Beyond the Collective: Comparative Strategic Utility of the African Union and the RECs in Pursuing Individual National Security Foreign Policy Goals -- 6. The Role of African Regional Organizations in Post-Election Governments of National Unity -- 7. Nationalism Underpinned by Pan-Regionalism: African Foreign Policies in ECOWAS in Era of Anti-Globalization -- 8. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development: Internal Culture of Foreign Policymaking and Sources of Weaknesses -- 9. The Uses (and Abuses) of the Economic Community of Central African States: The Hidden Functions of Regional Economic Community Membership for African Regimes -- 10. The Instrumentalization of SADC to Achieve Foreign Policy Agendas -- 11. Partnering for Peace: United Nations and African Union Collaboration in Peace and Security -- 12. South Africa's Foreign Policy and the International Criminal Court: Of African Lessons, Security Council Reform, and Possiblities for an Improved ICC -- 13. The International Labor Organization and African States: Internationalizing States and Dispersed Foreign Policy -- 14. African Agency and the World Bank in the 21st Century -- 15. Global Humanitarian Organizations and African Goals: The Case of MSF in South Africa -- 16. Consistency in Inconsistency: South Africa's Foreign Policies in International Organizations -- 17. Leverage in a Tight Space: Zimbabwean Foreign Policy in International Organizations -- 18. Angola's Measured Distance from International Organizations -- 19. Decolonizing Intenational Relations: Insights From the International Financial Institutions in the Congo During the Cold War -- 20. Nigeria's Foreign Policy in Relation to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) -- 21. Senegalese Foreign Policy and International Institutions: Leadership Through Soft Power from Senghor to Sall -- 22. Don't think Cameroon is Timid in International Organizations(ios), it is only a Strategic Approach for achieving its Foreign Policy Goals in Foreign Relations -- 23. Regional Powers, Great Power Allies, and International Institutions: The Case of Ethiopia -- 24. Djiboutian's Foreign Policy in International Institutions: Small State, Big Diplomacy -- 25. Conclusion - African Foreign Policies, International Institutions, and the Future of Global Governance

International audience ; International commercial arbitration is one of the most successful – yet indirect and largely ignored – heirs to the Treaty of Versailles. It was born in Paris in 1923, in the unique political, economic and institutional context that followed the end of World War I and the creation of the League of Nations. But whereas the League soon disappointed its sponsors and the International Labor Organization (ILO), for instance, maintains only modest activity, arbitration has grown into one of the major institutions of the global economy.

International audience ; International commercial arbitration is one of the most successful – yet indirect and largely ignored – heirs to the Treaty of Versailles. It was born in Paris in 1923, in the unique political, economic and institutional context that followed the end of World War I and the creation of the League of Nations. But whereas the League soon disappointed its sponsors and the International Labor Organization (ILO), for instance, maintains only modest activity, arbitration has grown into one of the major institutions of the global economy.

In The Aesthetics of International Law, Ed Morgan engages in a literary parsing of international legal texts. In order to demonstrate how these types of legal narratives are imbued with modernist aesthetics, Morgan juxtaposes international legal documents and modern (as well as some immediately pre- and post-modern) literary texts

SIPRI Yearbook 2012 includes contributions from 39 experts from 17 countries who chronicle and analyse important trends and developments in international security, armaments and disarmament. Their analysis points to three persistent contemporary trends that underpin a more dynamic and complex global security order: constraints on established powers; the continuing emergence of new powers and non-state actors; and struggling norms and institutions. Constraints on established powers In 2011 established powers in the world system -- especially the United States and its major transatlantic allies -- continued to face constraints on their economic, political and military capacities to address global and regional security challenges. These constraints were primarily imposed by budget austerity measures in the wake of the crisis in public finances experienced throughout most of the developed world. At the same time, uprisings and regime changes in the Arab world drew international attention and responses, including the United Nations-mandated and NATO-led intervention in Libya. The widespread support for and expansion of traditional peace operations over the past decade are also facing constraints in the years ahead. Moreover, the world's major donors to peace operations are largely looking to cut support to multilateral institutions and to focus on smaller and quicker missions. Continuing emergence of new powers and non-state actors States around the world outside the traditional US alliance system are building greater economic, diplomatic and military capacity to affect regional and, in some cases, global security developments. In-depth tracking of armed violence around the world also reveals the destabilizing role of non-state actors in prosecuting conflicts and engaging in violence against civilians. Unfortunately, the global community has yet to fully grapple with the ongoing structural changes that define today's security landscape -- changes that often outpace the ability of established institutions and mechanisms to cope with them. It will certainly take time for established and newly emergent powers to reach an effective consensus on the most important requirements for international order, stability and peace, and on how to realize and defend them. Struggling norms and institutions Multilateral organizations tasked with promoting and enforcing norms for stability and security continue to face difficulties in generating the political will and financial resources needed to meet their mandates, and gaps remain which require new or more effective mechanisms. A far greater focus will need to be placed on less militarized solutions to the security challenges ahead. Perhaps most crucially, many of the most important security challenges in the years ahead will not readily lend themselves to traditional military solutions. Instead, what will be needed is an innovative integration of preventive diplomacy, pre-emptive and early-warning technologies, and cooperative transnational partnerships. Adapted from the source document.

If the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, designated as "International Co-operation Year," had fallen in 1964 rather than 1965, a general assessment of the evolution of international law and organization since the end of World War II would have justified a measure of cautious confidence. Mankind was still very far from having organized itself against the danger of aggression. The danger of the proliferation of nuclear arms remained without effective control, apart from a partial nuclear test ban to which both the United States and the Soviet Union were parties. The world's largest state, Communist China, remained outside the United Nations and without diplomatic relations with the United States and a large number of other states. The United Nations remained without effective control in conflicts between major Powers. The special agencies of the United Nations and other international welfare organizations still lacked, with few exceptions, the legal and executive power to cope with the many urgent problems of mankind. In the two most vital and dangerous areas: the conservation of resources, and the stemming of the explosive growth in the world's population, international organization was still embryonic or altogether lacking. But these grave drawbacks and deficiencies.

This article analyses the international cooperation of the radical right and the role of populism in forging cross-border ties between different political projects. Drawing on the Laclauian-Mouffian poststructuralist discourse theory, it conceptualises this cross-border collaboration as an attempt to build an international counter-hegemonic project and sheds light on its discursive formation and content. Through the discourse analysis of primary textual data drawn from Europe and the United States, it examines how the discourses of the populist radical right construct collective meanings and identities that enable these actors to cooperate with each other and pursue a common political cause. The article demonstrates that this cross-border collaboration has been made possible and promoted by shared – populist, nationalist and reactionary – political logics of articulation that interpellate and construct subjects as members of an endangered and decaying ethnocultural nation who can only restore their identity through the reversal of political, economic and cultural globalisation and the re-assertation of the 'native people' against 'globalists', 'foreigners', 'immigrants' and 'minorities'. While the transatlantic counter-hegemonic coalition-building has ultimately remained limited, Europe's radical right has successfully broadened its international cooperation and forged a joint counter-hegemonic project that promotes the cultural-racist and supremacist notion of an 'ethnopluralist Europe of nations'.

Die Studie untersucht, welche Rechtsfolgen sich im Rahmen eines internationalen Investitionsschiedsverfahrens ergeben, wenn nachgewiesen wird, dass die streitgegenständliche Investition durch Korruption zustande gekommen ist. Dabei erfolgt eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit der herrschenden Rechtsprechung der Investitionsschiedsgerichte, die im Wege einer Null-Toleranz-Strategie Klagen im Zusammenhang mit korruptionsbehafteten Investitionen stets abweisen. Der Autor plädiert für die Zulassung der Klage in Korruptionsfällen, um im Rahmen des Hauptverfahrens Entscheidungen zu ermöglichen, die nicht nur investorseitige Bestechung, sondern auch die Bestechlichkeit der Amtsträger des Gaststaats berücksichtigen.

Der Autor beschreibt, wie im "Zeitalter der Extreme" in der internationalen Politik der klassische Gegensatz zwischen innerem Frieden und äußerem Krieg auf den Kopf gestellt wird. Zunächst werden die klassischen Vorstellungen von der internationalen Ordnung vorgestellt, wie sie von den beiden Denkschulen der International Relations, den Idealisten und den Realisten, vertreten werden. Anschließend befaßt sich der Autor mit dem aktuellen Konflikt zwischen wirtschaftlicher Verflechtung und kultureller Identität. Im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung steht jedoch die Frage, wie sich die Veränderungen von Krieg und Frieden und jene von Staat und Zivilgesellschaft zueinander verhalten. (pre)