Tornare a interessarsi, ancora una volta, di morfologia dei tessuti urbani, di tipologie edilizie e di tecniche costruttive degli aggregati non è un atteggiamento un po' retrò, passatista di recidivi morfo-tipologi o di geografi urbani, bensì appare una necessità per chi cerca di definire criteri per una sostenibilità possibile e obiettivi effettivamente raggiungibili per l'edilizia diffusa delle città e in particolare di quelle mediterranee in tempi certi ancorché ardui da conseguire. L'evoluzione della città mediterranea è la dimostrazione, a ben vedere, di una forte resilienza che risiede nei caratteri della sua materialità e nella capacità che ha dimostrato di seguire la persistenza e la modificazione dei processi immateriali che la investono. Fine principale è pertanto quello di conseguire, o meglio ripristinare, una resilienza della struttura urbana compatta mediterranea (D'Amico e Currà 2014) e allo stesso tempo definire in termini realistici una sua possibile sostenibilità, consentendole di raggiungere, nel campo delle risorse, quegli obiettivi che la Comunità Europea ha posto, come una delle ragioni stesse della sua sopravvivenza: consapevoli tuttavia del fatto che gli obiettivi comunitari sono prevalentemente attagliati sul bene edilizio da costruire, sugli edifici a venire, e appaiono pertanto innovativamente raggiungibili solo in una fase espansiva dell'edilizia, che appare difficile da stabilizzare nell'attuale contesto economico e produttivo. La vecchia città europea è attualmente abbandonata nel territorio di un generico e quanto inefficace o dannoso retrofit, senza che ne venga analizzata in modo funzionale la fisicità della sua costituzione alla scala di tessuto edilizio e senza sapere quale sia l'entità del fenomeni fisici che la aggrediscono. Cosa fare dunque per impedire la sua violenta modificazione e la sua definitiva emarginazione nel mondo del reale piuttosto che in quello del virtuale, e in particolare della Città Compatta Mediterranea (CCM), unitamente ai caratteri locali che la determinano, travolta dalla vana rincorsa di obiettivi tecnologici irraggiungibili, ancorché vaghi, se non rivalutarla, considerarla per quei valori locali che la connotano e la identificano, senza sposare il riduttivo, debole approccio estetizzante alla sua mitica bellezza, oggi così di moda? Per ri_valutarla a partire dal suo campione, CCM appunto, è necessario determinare scientificamente il comportamento delle categorie che ne descrivono la forma e la struttura a livello di tessuto edilizio denso e compatto, mettendo a punto efficaci e affidabili strumenti di modellazione dinamica in grado di seguire studiosi e progettisti nel loro lavoro di analisi, di comprensione del fenomeno urbano ed edilizio e di adeguamento e prefigurazione del suo destino a venire; cercare, con quella pazienza, che secondo Le Corbusier contraddistingue sia la ricerca che la prefigurazione nella modernità scientifica, dapprima di verificare se esistano relazioni tra le varie categorie che la misurano e la caratterizzano (densità, morfologie, tipologie e tecniche costruttive) e i fenomeni fisici, micro_climatici che in CCM si verificano e che ne caratterizzano la prestazione meccanica d'insieme e l'urban phisics, il comportamento climatico appunto, piuttosto che esclusivamente energetico, e di misurarne valore e intensità. L'attenzione nei confronti di CCM e delle sue caratterizzazioni categoriali, in primo luogo morfo-tipologiche, a ha inizio, ancora una volta, nel territorio meccanico del suo comportamento in relazione agli eventi sismici che drammaticamente ne minano, sotto l'aspetto della sicurezza, la già compromessa agibilità. Per quanto attiene la sicurezza, la ricerca scientifica sul tessuto edilizio si concentra, quasi subito, sull'aggregato, definito, sulla scorta di diverse definizioni, come un sistema complesso, un insieme organico e strutturato di parti tra loro interagenti, il cui comportamento globale, di sistema appunto, non è immediatamente riconducibile a quello dei singoli elementi costituenti, dipendendo piuttosto dal modo in cui essi interagiscono. Ri_valutare un tessuto edilizio, un pezzo di città reale, richiede un approccio ambientale, alla resilienza, ben più complesso quindi di quello connesso alla sua sola agibilità e sicurezza, impone sotto i più diversi punti di vista prestazionali di guardare alla città, e in particolare a CCM, come a un insieme organico di aggregati, scegliendo la scala appropriata di rappresentazione e di dettaglio delle sue forme e di lettura delle varie criticità. Lo scopo ultimo di quest'approccio complesso alla ri_valutazione è quindi di ri_pensare disciplinarmente quegli strumenti che più efficacemente analizzano la building phisics, e quelli deputati alla valutazione di sicurezza urbana, mettendoli in relazione con la forma e la realtà costruttiva di ogni singolo edificio, rendendone possibile l'applicazione al tessuto urbano diffuso e la descrizione analitica dell'ambiente edilizio continuo e denso della città compatta. Vi è quindi un'importante necessità di ri_valutazione edilizia dell'aggregato che scientificamente permetta di legare i fenomeni costruttivi e tipologici al complesso delle prestazioni ambientalmente intese. A partire dall'organismo e giungendo quindi all'aggregato edilizio e al tessuto urbano è necessario che negli apparati di studio della costruzione anche storica si ponga maggior cura all'analisi delle modalità tradizionali, e non solo di resistenza al sisma (cui ci hanno richiamati maestri come Giuffrè e di Pasquale), ma anche è altrettanto significativo affrontare in maniera ambientalmente appropriata le problematiche di comfort e di gestione termo-igrometrica dei complessi manufatti edilizi. Le ri_leggendo nell'impostazione morfo-tipologica dell'organismo e dell'aggregato edilizio quelle soluzioni che, non connesse a specifiche tecnologie, sono meno ravvisabili. Gli ampi sottotetti, diversamente funzionalizzati, le diffuse incannucciate, le canne di ventilazioni, i vespai, i drenaggi attendono di essere ri_analizzati in ragione delle diverse condizioni climatiche del territorio che contribuiscono ad antropizzare. ; To once again turn our attention to the morphology of the urban fabric, of building typologies, and of the construction techniques of the whole, is not outdated behaviour favoured by morpho-typological recidivists or by urban geographers. Rather it is a necessity for the definition of the criteria for a plausible and objective sustainability for widespread building in the cities of the Mediterranean in a specific timeframe, even if these are difficult to obtain. The evolution of the Mediterranean city is proof of a resilience, which is rooted in its material characteristics, and in the ability to pursue the tenacity and the modification of its immaterial natures. The principal objective is to attain, or rather restore, a resilience of the compact urban Mediterranean structure (D'Amico and Currà 2014), and at the same time define a possible sustainability in realistic terms. This would allow the achievement of goals set by the European Union, for example regarding resources, as one of the very reasons for its survival, well aware that these EU objectives are primarily suited to construction projects yet to be carried out, on those buildings which will provide the memory of the future, and thus they appear both innovative and achievable, especially in a phase of production expansion which seems entirely outdated in the current economic context. The old European historical city is presently abandoned in realm of a generic and either ineffectual of damaging retrofit, without a functional analysis of its material makeup, and without knowing the nature of the physical phenomena attacking it. Therefore what is to be done to halt the violent modification and the definitive loss of this urban form? How is it to be salvaged from the fruitless pursuit of unreachable and vague technological goals, if not through re-evaluation? The city needs to be re-evaluated, to be considered for its own identifying and specific values, without taking the reductive, weak approach of simply lauding its celebrated beauty, so fashionable today. In order to avoid the unconditional and stagnant conservation of cities, the re-evaluation of historical buildings is crucial. For this reason, we should take into account the peculiar values that connote and determine themselves during the process of analysis. We should determine the different performances of a compact urban fabric in terms of built-form and urban structure. We need new dynamic energy evaluation methods and tools to estimate the relationship between the characteristics of the built environment (urban form, typology, construction technique, etc.) and the physical phenomena typical of the compact European city, making use of urban physics (urban climate and energy performances), and measuring their value and intensity.
Two sets of factors will be decisive for the future evolution of European electricity sector: on the one hand, the necessity of new wave of investments for the renewal and the expansion of production capacities and, on the other hand, the emergency and the reinforcement of greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) constraints imposed by European policies and directives. The general idea of thesis is that European Emissions Trading system (ETS) is the instrument that can facilitate the decarbonisation of European electricity system. However, the necessary conditions ought to be brought together in the context of liberalisation in terms of risk management, market architecture and setting up of the complementary public policy instruments, in order for the carbon price signal to be effective. The purpose of the thesis is to provide details on these conditions and to examine the potentials scenarios for the evolution of European electricity production mix under the carbon constraint. The introduction of liberalisation in the electricity industry conditions significantly the investment choice. The analysis of theoretical market model allows demonstrating organisational inadequacy for developing an optimal technological mix and for adapting to long-term issues due to the extreme difficulty of interpreting the price signals. Indeed, the logic of a market and a concurrence disadvantages the investments in capital-intensive technologies, even though some of them less polluting like renewable energies, nuclear, hydraulic and thermal technologies integrating carbon capture and sequestration (CCS). In face of numerous uncertainties, the role of long-term risk management becomes therefore crucial. The employment of transaction cost theory allows studying the combinations of vertical arrangements that remain necessary in order to manage the risk and to facilitate the investments (e.g. vertical integration). The introduction of ETS overlaps with the market risks inherent to liberalisation. The analysis of the first years of ETS reveals numerous system design problems: the incoherencies and the counter incentives can be easily created thus facilitating bad decisions. The limited time frame for the carbon constraint and the volatility of the carbon price complicate even more decisions concerning the renewal of long term fixed capital stock. The enlargement of the carbon market and the interaction of European objectives in the horizon 2020 in terms of emissions reduction and increase of green electricity influence as well the anticipation of carbon price. The use of the prospective model POLES allows analysing these different configurations of the carbon market and establishing a number of possible scenarios for the carbon price in the medium and long term, which can be informative for public and private investors. Additionally, certain measures for the reduction of carbon price volatility are recommended (e.g. banking, reserve price). However, the successful implementation of these measures relies foremost on the credibility of governments' engagements in the long term. The modelling exercises with POLES model enable likewise the analysis of European electricity mix in the long term under the uncertainty of carbon constraint. Following the analysis of different methods relevant to the investment appraisal decisions under uncertainty, the privileged way consist of integrating the method of VAR (Value at Risk) as well as the method of mean-variance in the final simulations. In particular, the risk premium increases for carbon intensive technologies principally to the advantage of nuclear, wind and thermal technologies with CCS. The modelling exercises show therefore that it is possible to have a less emitting electricity mix in the future. The remaining challenge is to construct an organisational and institutional framework capable to stimulate the necessary investments in the near future. ; Deux ensembles de facteurs vont être décisifs pour l'évolution future du système électrique européen : d'une part la nécessité d'une nouvelle vague d'investissements pour le renouvellement et l'expansion des capacités de production, et d'autre part l'émergence et le renforcement des contraintes d'émission de gaz à effet de serre (GES) qui imposeront une mise en conformité avec les politiques et directives européennes. L'idée générale de la thèse est que le système européen d'échange de quotas d'émission (SCEQE) est un instrument qui peut faciliter la décarbonisation du système électrique européen. Cependant, les conditions doivent être réunies dans un contexte libéralisé, en termes de gestion de risque, d'architecture des marchés et de mise en place des instruments complémentaires de politique publique, pour que le nouveau signal prix du carbone donne toute sa mesure. L'objet de la thèse est de détailler ces conditions et d'examiner les scénarios potentiels d'évolution de la structure de production du secteur électrique européen à moyen et long terme sous la contrainte carbone. L'introduction de la libéralisation de l'industrie électrique conditionne de manière significative les comportements d'investissement et les choix technologiques. L'analyse du modèle théorique du marché permet de démontrer l'inadéquation organisationnelle de celui-ci pour développer un mix technologique optimal et pour s'adapter aux problèmes de long terme du fait de signaux de prix difficiles à interpréter. En effet, la logique du marché et de la concurrence désavantage les investissements dans les technologies capitalistiques, même celles favorables du point de vue environnemental, comme les énergies renouvelables, le nucléaire, l'hydraulique ou encore les technologies thermiques intégrant capture et séquestration du carbone (CSC). C'est tout le problème de la gestion de risque à long terme face à de nombreuses incertitudes. L'emploi de la théorie des coûts de transaction permet d'examiner les combinaisons des arrangements verticaux qui demeurent nécessaires afin de gérer le risque et de faciliter les investissements (e.g. l'intégration verticale). L'introduction du SCEQE se superpose aux risques du marché inhérents à la libéralisation, et l'incertitude quant à la valeur du carbone rend le choix des investissements encore plus délicat. L'analyse des premières années de fonctionnement du SCEQE révèle l'importance du design du système : des incohérences dans l'architecture et des contre-incitations peuvent facilement être créées, favorisant ainsi les mauvaises décisions. L'horizon de la contrainte carbone qui demeure limité et la volatilité du prix du carbone compliquent davantage les décisions concernant le renouvellement d'un stock de capital de longue durée de vie. L'ouverture du marché carbone sur les mécanismes du projet et d'autres marchés de type cap and trade influencent également le prix du carbone anticipé par les investisseurs européens tout comme l'interaction entre les objectifs européens de réduction des émissions et ceux portant sur l'augmentation de l'électricité d'origine renouvelable à l'horizon 2020. L'emploi du modèle de prospective POLES permet d'examiner ces diverses configurations du marché carbone et d'établir des scenarios possibles de prix du carbone à moyen et long terme, qui peuvent constituer un élément d'information pour les investisseurs publics et privés dans la production d'électricité. De plus, un certain nombre de mesures destinées à réduire la volatilité du prix du carbone et à faciliter la convergence des anticipations des prix à long terme sont préconisées, en particulier l'utilisation de banking ou encore de prix de réserve. Cependant, la mise en oeuvre réussie de ces mesures repose avant tout sur la crédibilité des Etats dans leurs engagements à long terme. Les exercices de modélisation utilisant le modèle POLES permettent également d'examiner les mix technologiques européens à long terme sous l'incertitude du prix du carbone. Suite à un examen des divers outils pertinents d'aide à la décision d'investissements dans un univers incertain, la voie privilégiée consiste à intégrer la méthode VAR (Valeur à Risque) puis celle d'une analyse moyennevariance dans la simulation des portefeuilles de technologie réalisée par le modèle. Ceci conduit à affecter une prime de risque des technologies intenses en carbone principalement au bénéfice du nucléaire, de l'éolien et du thermique associé à la CSC. Les exercices de modélisation montrent donc qu'il est possible de disposer d'une structure de production d'électricité moins émettrice à l'avenir. Le défi restant est de construire un cadre organisationnel et institutionnel susceptible d'inciter à effectuer ces investissements nécessaires très prochainement.
The Regional Initiative for the Elimination of Mother-to-Child Transmission of HIV goal is to reduce the prevalence of HIV in the newborn population respectively to 2% by the year 2015. This Initiative is promoted by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). Governments from low and middle income countries have adopted and adapted the international directives of the Initiative to their national context in order to respond to international commitments, including the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 5 and 6, related to maternal health and preventable diseases and infections, respectively. Even though bio-medical innovations, mainly Anti Retroviral Drugs, and well-known best practices in public health implementation have made it feasible to prevent most of the Mother to Child transmission, approximately 2.5 million children worldwide are currently living with HIV and every day 1000 children are born with HIV (Marcos et al., 2012; UNAIDS, 2010). In the Dominican Republic (DR), regardless a 98% coverage of antenatal services and institutional birth with skilled staff (MSP and UNICEF, 2011), there are lingering shortcomings that result in high maternal mortality and child mortality rates (150 per 100,000 and 36 per thousand, respectively) (UNICEF et al., 2013). If skilled attendance on birth is "the single most important factor in reducing maternal mortality" (WHO, 1999), how could anyone reconcile Dominican Republic's quasi-universal skilled attendance with a maternal mortality rate that almost doubles the Latin American average? The answer to this paradox, according to UNDP, is the low quality and inequality of health care services (2010). These systemic and institutional weaknesses also affect the Program for the Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission -PMTCT- where the current transmission rate has been estimated in 6% and the rate of full screening for HIV in pregnant women is only 19% (UNICEF, 2012). Consequently, the implementation of the PMTCT in Dominican Republic faces various challenges that range from the disempowerment and vulnerability of the target population (HIV positive pregnant women) to the weak incorporation of the initiative into mainstream prenatal care in order to avoid parallel programs (MSP and UNICEF, 2011). Prevention of transmission from a HIV positive mother to her child requires the completion of a series of consecutive and necessary steps in a continuum of care, also known as the PMTCT cascade (Towle 2009, Marcos et al., 2012). One of the main problems identified in Low and Middle Income Countries (LMICs) is the poor retention and low adherence along this cascade. This phenomenon also called loss to follow-up (LFU) "has been recognized as a major hurdle by PMTCT programs in resource poor settings" (Panditrao et al., 2011). It affects 40% of women enrolled in India, up to 81% in Malawi, 84% in Cote d'Ivoire and more than 70% in South Africa and Zimbawe (Panditrao et al., 2011; Manzi et al., 2005; Painter et al., 2004). Given such high rates of non-adherence to the PMTCT Cascade, the effectiveness of these programs is eroded "not only because the objective of reducing pediatric HIV transmissions is compromised but also because of the missed opportunity to link HIV-infected women and their partners to further care and support activities". (Panditrao et al., 2011). This programmatic failure is compounded by the lack of information and academic literature about the institutional or social mechanisms that trigger a higher or lower adherence level and the risk-factors that influence drop-out in PMTCT (Towle, 2009; Panditrao et al., 2011). According to Horne "nonadherence is often a hidden problem: undisclosed by patients and unrecognised by prescribers" (2005). Notwithstanding massive advance in the evolution of health care services and in the presentation and design of medicine, adherence is still an unsolved problem and therefore the research question has been formulated to investigate: Why are adherence and non-adherence triggered in the intended users of the Program for the reduction of mother to child transmission in the Dominican Republic? In low and middle-income countries, where lack of appropriate data and information systems restrain longitudinal monitoring of patients and hinders systematic investigation, the study of adherence is often confined to epidemiological approaches, leaving the interaction between patient and the health system superficially addressed. Most of the existing literature focuses on the demand for HIV health services (patient behavior), ignoring supply (institutional arrangements and organizational culture). With regards to PMTCT, very few exploratory studies have discussed the social, economic and structural barriers and facilitators to full adherence in low and middle income countries (Towle, 2009; Painter et al., 2004; Castro and Farmer, 2005; Campbell, 2003; Parker, 2001; Trickett, 2005, 2004). In order to analyze and unpack this phenomenon a Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis will be used to address the task of improving the understanding of PMTCT program, its mechanisms and the context in which adherence develops. Service level delivery will be analyzed using in depth interviews with 120 HIV positive women that attended the program. Their experiences with the program have been recorded, translated where necessary, and transcribed. All the data has been systematized, coded and analyzed with fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis looking at how different combinations of conditions concur to adherence and risk for them and for the baby. Policy designers' opinions and practices have been studied during one year of participating in the National Technical Group for the Elimination of Mother to Child Transmission in the Dominican Republic that integrate members of the Ministry of Health and International Organization such as UNICEF and PAHO. This participation has endorsed the elaboration of a series of research questions and interest of the Ministry of Health opening up the access to the two main maternities in the country and partly their documents. Health care providers and practitioners' practices have been studied during two years of observations in maternities and this experience has been essential for creation of the interview questionnaire and in the interpretation of the fsQCA solutions. This thesis is developed in five chapters. Chapter 1 presents the insertion of the study in the trend of analysis of Public Policies in LMICs and the state of the art in this academic field. The Chapter starts by describing current trends and challenges in the literature of health public policies in low and middle-income countries and develops by looking at the importance of adopting a locus at the front line service level to study the experience of non-traditional actors: the women involved in the program. Subsequently, the Chapter presents the factors found in literature that are related to the possible barriers faced by the women in the program from a psychological, social, economical and structural perspective. The chapter ends by presenting the most important and known definitions used to define different types of patient commitment to health programs. The second Chapter presents the outcome, each single condition adopted for the model and their operationalization, the hypothesis and the data set. The third Chapter is divided in two parts. The first one presents the analysis with fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis starting with the results of the Analysis of Necessary Conditions for Positive and Negative Outcome and following with the Analysis of Sufficiency. The second part describes the result of the episodes of violence's categorization that emerged during in depth interviews with the women interviewed. The Chapter ends by exploring the most relevant topics encountered during the analysis of the transcriptions related to the program and the mechanisms involved in adherence and non-adherence. The last Chapter presents the discussion of the results and applied policy implication namely that the most significant determinants for adherence in the Dominican case are language and HIV Knowledge. Despite the numerous literature regarding education and female employment as strong determinants of adherence, the evidence collected does not support their status as necesary conditions. This final chapter ends by addressing the limitation of the current research and future possible development in the field of adherence to the PMTCT in LMICs.
Problem statement: general view and its connection with important scientific or practical tasks. Achieving the goals and realizing the interests of states and transnational corporations and even some specific actors on the world stage is gaining new opportunities through the intensive development of high technology, innovation, information and global cyberspace. Open military confrontation and other types of conflicts in these conditions are transformed into hybrid forms of destructive actions, in which the component of cognitive influences aimed at the human mind, worldview, mentality, which are an integral part of the cognitive sphere of society, grows. Such influences, at the present stage of development of society, are often aimed at forming distrust, changing views and value systems, weakening social cohesion and distorted perception of national interests and values, etc., so their study and counteraction is extremely relevant. Analysis of recent publications in sphere of research and identification of previously unresolved parts of the general problem. Issues related to the study of the cognitive sphere and its components, various cognitive influences on the audience in the process of communication, cognitive manipulation, especially in the field of discourses, and their consequences, were considered in the works of many domestic and foreign researchers, namely: M. Eisenko, L. Apostel, M. Bakhtin, D. Bolinger, P. Brown, E. Bienvenu, R. Blakar, X. Weinrich, A. Vezhbytska, V. Vinokur, Y. Habermas, J. Gintikki, G. Grice, S. Green, T. van Dyck, V. Demyankov, V. Zabotkin, A. Zvirintsev, S. Kara-Murza, E. Koit, O. Kubryakova, R. Lakoff, J. Lakoff, J. Lich, Y. Lotman , S. Levinson, D. Marr, J. Allwood, J. Austin, M. Popper, G. Pocheptsov, O. Rosenstock-Hussey, J. Searle, W. Stewart, S. Tulmin, L. Yakubinsky. At the same time, the study of multilevel, interconnected destructive cognitive effects in cyberspace and through cyberspace in hybrid conflicts and the analysis of practical experience of their coping and consequences, especially with regard to deep systemic aspects and synergies in modern publications are insufficiently addressed. The aim of the article is to study the threats and features of cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and respond to them to reduce the risks of their consequences. Main results. Modern hybrid warfare is a war with a combination of fundamentally different types and methods of its conduct, which are used in a coordinated manner to achieve its goals. It is a high-tech conflict, a continuation of the policy of states (coalitions, political groups, transnational corporations, etc.) in order to impose their will on opponents through complex, adaptive, asymmetric and synchronized influences on them in multidimensional space and various spheres with a combination of conventional and unconventional components, ensuring multiplicity and synergy of results and a high level of uncertainty for opponents regarding the ultimate goals and ways to achieve them. Its features are permanent, variable, in wide ranges, intensity, focus on systemic destabilization and changes that are useful to achieve the interests of the beneficiary, in all spheres of life and activity of the state that is the object of aggression. Hybrid actions, in addition to the purely force component, include complex destructive cognitive, informational, informational-psychological, propaganda and disinformation influences on certain target groups and society as a whole, with cyberattacks on information resources, infrastructure, economic processes and democratic institutions. At the same time, cognitive influences play a significant role in trying to manage communication, transform the beliefs of target audiences to the right (desired) and control their behavior. Issues of destructive cognitive actions are directly related to the processes of emission, processing, interpretation, transformation and internalization of knowledge in managed communication from strategic to tactical levels, from general to targeted impacts on society as a whole and its individual components and specific targets. audiences with integrated use of linguistic, figurative, hidden media effects, mental and other influences at different levels of cybersocial interaction, which, in modern conditions, is increasingly carried out in cyberspace and / or through cyberspace. The theoretical and applied results presented in the article can be used to ensure timely detection of dangers and threats of destructive cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and through cyberspace, risk assessment of their implementation and taking measures to counter and neutralize them. Conclusions. Cognitive influences have become an integral part of hybrid conflicts, both interstate and domestic, and between any geopolitical and regional actors, corporations, and organizations. The cognitive component has an exceptional role in the set of factors that form and cause conflict, affect its course and results, intensity and consequences. Therefore, modern, and especially conflicts of the future, are and will be conducted for the cognitive sphere of society (society, social groups, individuals), taking control and management of cognitive space, which includes perception, awareness, beliefs, understanding and values, intellectual environment of both individuals and social groups and society as a whole, in which, in fact, is their decision-making. Therefore, the main result of successful destructive cognitive influences is a change in the model of the world and its perception in man, social groups and society as a whole, which provides the opportunity to take control and external management on emotional, moral, cultural, ideological and mental levels with the formation stereotypes for the perception of reality through their prism. Of particular importance are the imposition and promotion of erroneous scientific, social, economic, state, military theories, paradigms, concepts, strategies, narratives, which are most effectively promoted and implemented through educational and scientific institutions, NGOs, electronic, social networks and the blogosphere. To this end, all opportunities for strategic communication are used, informational, psychological, cyber and other measures (actions, operations, etc.) are taken, which are aimed at both the direct participants in the conflict and the population of the participating countries, the international community. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a thorough analysis of the threats of such influences, their timely detection and deploy an effective system to counter them and neutralize them, because it becomes one of the key components of national security for today and in the future. Key words: cognitive influences; cyberspace; cybersecurity; destructive cyber influences; information security. ; У статті розглядаються теоретико-прикладні аспекти, особливості, небезпеки, загрози і ризики когнітивних впливів на соціум у кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір та реагування на них. Доведено, що боротьба за отримання контролю над певними цільовими групами в сучасних умовах передбачає насамперед можливість управління їхньою когнітивною сферою з використанням методів ментального, образного, мовного тощо впливів на неї. Це здійснюється в різноманітних інфокомунікаційних системах відповідно до ситуацій, переважно через соціальні мережі, блогосферу, художню, науково-популярну і наукову літературу та відповідні ресурси в інтернеті, розважальну і професійно-орієнтовану аудіо- і відеопродукцію, рекламу, ЗМІ, а також шляхом уведення змін, які сприяють цьому, в наукові теорії, навчальні програми тощо. Основна мета – навмисний вплив на відповідні цільові аудиторії для трансформації їх поглядів, переконань, світогляду, і самого сприйняття дійсності відповідно до інтересів і потреб сторони, яка справляє вплив. Це завжди багатоплановий, багатовекторний, комплексний, системний та керований процес загальної спрямованості або цільові, спрямовані на суспільство в цілому або на цільові групи, конкретних індивідів (ключових акторів), який передбачає справляння за єдиним замислом, планом, місцем і часом когнітивних, інформаційних, інформаційно-психологічних, кібер-впливів тощо. У сучасних умовах значна кількість сфер людської життєдіяльності перенеслася до кіберпростору та здійснюється через кіберпростір. При цьому майже єдиним джерелом знань та інформації для більшості людей поступово стають різноманітні інформаційні та освітні портали й електронні ресурси, які формуються в кіберпросторі. Це значно впливає на формування та зміну світогляду і ментальності соціуму. Саме через глобальну мережу «Інтернет» молодь сприймає найбільше неперевіреної, часто негативної, небажаної і навіть небезпечної інформації. Відсутність захисту соціуму від когнітивних загроз, які реалізуються в кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір, стає серйозним фактором ризику, деякі аспекти зменшення якого розглядаються в цій роботі. Ключові слова: когнітивні впливи; кіберпростір; кібербезпека; деструктивні кібервпливи; інформаційна безпека.
Problem statement: general view and its connection with important scientific or practical tasks. Achieving the goals and realizing the interests of states and transnational corporations and even some specific actors on the world stage is gaining new opportunities through the intensive development of high technology, innovation, information and global cyberspace. Open military confrontation and other types of conflicts in these conditions are transformed into hybrid forms of destructive actions, in which the component of cognitive influences aimed at the human mind, worldview, mentality, which are an integral part of the cognitive sphere of society, grows. Such influences, at the present stage of development of society, are often aimed at forming distrust, changing views and value systems, weakening social cohesion and distorted perception of national interests and values, etc., so their study and counteraction is extremely relevant. Analysis of recent publications in sphere of research and identification of previously unresolved parts of the general problem. Issues related to the study of the cognitive sphere and its components, various cognitive influences on the audience in the process of communication, cognitive manipulation, especially in the field of discourses, and their consequences, were considered in the works of many domestic and foreign researchers, namely: M. Eisenko, L. Apostel, M. Bakhtin, D. Bolinger, P. Brown, E. Bienvenu, R. Blakar, X. Weinrich, A. Vezhbytska, V. Vinokur, Y. Habermas, J. Gintikki, G. Grice, S. Green, T. van Dyck, V. Demyankov, V. Zabotkin, A. Zvirintsev, S. Kara-Murza, E. Koit, O. Kubryakova, R. Lakoff, J. Lakoff, J. Lich, Y. Lotman , S. Levinson, D. Marr, J. Allwood, J. Austin, M. Popper, G. Pocheptsov, O. Rosenstock-Hussey, J. Searle, W. Stewart, S. Tulmin, L. Yakubinsky. At the same time, the study of multilevel, interconnected destructive cognitive effects in cyberspace and through cyberspace in hybrid conflicts and the analysis of practical experience of their coping and consequences, especially with regard to deep systemic aspects and synergies in modern publications are insufficiently addressed. The aim of the article is to study the threats and features of cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and respond to them to reduce the risks of their consequences. Main results. Modern hybrid warfare is a war with a combination of fundamentally different types and methods of its conduct, which are used in a coordinated manner to achieve its goals. It is a high-tech conflict, a continuation of the policy of states (coalitions, political groups, transnational corporations, etc.) in order to impose their will on opponents through complex, adaptive, asymmetric and synchronized influences on them in multidimensional space and various spheres with a combination of conventional and unconventional components, ensuring multiplicity and synergy of results and a high level of uncertainty for opponents regarding the ultimate goals and ways to achieve them. Its features are permanent, variable, in wide ranges, intensity, focus on systemic destabilization and changes that are useful to achieve the interests of the beneficiary, in all spheres of life and activity of the state that is the object of aggression. Hybrid actions, in addition to the purely force component, include complex destructive cognitive, informational, informational-psychological, propaganda and disinformation influences on certain target groups and society as a whole, with cyberattacks on information resources, infrastructure, economic processes and democratic institutions. At the same time, cognitive influences play a significant role in trying to manage communication, transform the beliefs of target audiences to the right (desired) and control their behavior. Issues of destructive cognitive actions are directly related to the processes of emission, processing, interpretation, transformation and internalization of knowledge in managed communication from strategic to tactical levels, from general to targeted impacts on society as a whole and its individual components and specific targets. audiences with integrated use of linguistic, figurative, hidden media effects, mental and other influences at different levels of cybersocial interaction, which, in modern conditions, is increasingly carried out in cyberspace and / or through cyberspace. The theoretical and applied results presented in the article can be used to ensure timely detection of dangers and threats of destructive cognitive influences on society in cyberspace and through cyberspace, risk assessment of their implementation and taking measures to counter and neutralize them. Conclusions. Cognitive influences have become an integral part of hybrid conflicts, both interstate and domestic, and between any geopolitical and regional actors, corporations, and organizations. The cognitive component has an exceptional role in the set of factors that form and cause conflict, affect its course and results, intensity and consequences. Therefore, modern, and especially conflicts of the future, are and will be conducted for the cognitive sphere of society (society, social groups, individuals), taking control and management of cognitive space, which includes perception, awareness, beliefs, understanding and values, intellectual environment of both individuals and social groups and society as a whole, in which, in fact, is their decision-making. Therefore, the main result of successful destructive cognitive influences is a change in the model of the world and its perception in man, social groups and society as a whole, which provides the opportunity to take control and external management on emotional, moral, cultural, ideological and mental levels with the formation stereotypes for the perception of reality through their prism. Of particular importance are the imposition and promotion of erroneous scientific, social, economic, state, military theories, paradigms, concepts, strategies, narratives, which are most effectively promoted and implemented through educational and scientific institutions, NGOs, electronic, social networks and the blogosphere. To this end, all opportunities for strategic communication are used, informational, psychological, cyber and other measures (actions, operations, etc.) are taken, which are aimed at both the direct participants in the conflict and the population of the participating countries, the international community. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a thorough analysis of the threats of such influences, their timely detection and deploy an effective system to counter them and neutralize them, because it becomes one of the key components of national security for today and in the future. Key words: cognitive influences; cyberspace; cybersecurity; destructive cyber influences; information security. ; У статті розглядаються теоретико-прикладні аспекти, особливості, небезпеки, загрози і ризики когнітивних впливів на соціум у кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір та реагування на них. Доведено, що боротьба за отримання контролю над певними цільовими групами в сучасних умовах передбачає насамперед можливість управління їхньою когнітивною сферою з використанням методів ментального, образного, мовного тощо впливів на неї. Це здійснюється в різноманітних інфокомунікаційних системах відповідно до ситуацій, переважно через соціальні мережі, блогосферу, художню, науково-популярну і наукову літературу та відповідні ресурси в інтернеті, розважальну і професійно-орієнтовану аудіо- і відеопродукцію, рекламу, ЗМІ, а також шляхом уведення змін, які сприяють цьому, в наукові теорії, навчальні програми тощо. Основна мета – навмисний вплив на відповідні цільові аудиторії для трансформації їх поглядів, переконань, світогляду, і самого сприйняття дійсності відповідно до інтересів і потреб сторони, яка справляє вплив. Це завжди багатоплановий, багатовекторний, комплексний, системний та керований процес загальної спрямованості або цільові, спрямовані на суспільство в цілому або на цільові групи, конкретних індивідів (ключових акторів), який передбачає справляння за єдиним замислом, планом, місцем і часом когнітивних, інформаційних, інформаційно-психологічних, кібер-впливів тощо. У сучасних умовах значна кількість сфер людської життєдіяльності перенеслася до кіберпростору та здійснюється через кіберпростір. При цьому майже єдиним джерелом знань та інформації для більшості людей поступово стають різноманітні інформаційні та освітні портали й електронні ресурси, які формуються в кіберпросторі. Це значно впливає на формування та зміну світогляду і ментальності соціуму. Саме через глобальну мережу «Інтернет» молодь сприймає найбільше неперевіреної, часто негативної, небажаної і навіть небезпечної інформації. Відсутність захисту соціуму від когнітивних загроз, які реалізуються в кіберпросторі і через кіберпростір, стає серйозним фактором ризику, деякі аспекти зменшення якого розглядаються в цій роботі. Ключові слова: когнітивні впливи; кіберпростір; кібербезпека; деструктивні кібервпливи; інформаційна безпека.
Gegenstand dieser gesellschaftsgeschichtlichen Forschungen zur preußischen Freimaurerei des 18. Jahrhunderts sind die Logengeschichte, die Mitglieder und die Mitgliederstruktur, das gesellschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Leben der Logen und ihre Außenwirkung, also die reale gesellschaftliche Bewegung in der spätfeudalen Gesellschaft Brandenburg-Preußens gegen Ende der Frühen Neuzeit. Die ideologische Ausprägung der Freimaurersysteme (Rituale u.a.), die philosophische und literarische Kritik und die freimaurerisch inspirierte Kunst erscheinen nur am Rande. Die Darstellung beruht auf dem überlieferten Archivgut, der meist nur unikal erhaltenen alten sowie auf der neueren masonischen Literatur, des weiteren auf der sozialgeschichtlichen, landesgeschichtlichen und biographischen Literatur. Ausgewertet werden vor allem die im Geheimen Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem, aufbewahrten, ab 1990 zugänglichen reichen Freimaurerbestände der Altpreußischen Logen, ferner Quellenbestände des Orde van vrijmetselaren onder het Grootoosten der Nederlanden, Den Haag, des Den danske Frimurerorden, Kopenhagen, des Landesarchivs Berlin, des Landesarchivs Magdeburg - Landeshauptarchiv, des Brandenburgischen Landeshauptarchivs, Potsdam, des Stadtarchivs Potsdam, des Thüringischen Hauptstaatsarchivs, Weimar, des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs, Abteilung Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Wien, sowie die Bibliotheken des Deutschen Freimaurer-Museums Bayreuth, der Großen Landesloge der Freimaurer von Deutschland, Berlin, der Großen National-Mutterloge "Zu den drei Weltkugeln" zu Berlin, der Biblioteka uniwersytecka w Poznaniu, Pracownia Zbiorów Masonskich, Poznan, und der Großen Loge der alten freien und angenommenen Maurer von Österreich, Wien. Die Darstellung ist chronologisch und regional gegliedert unter jeweils gleichen Sachpunkten; die kommentierten alphabetischen Mitgliederlisten sind den Logen nachgeordnet. Behandelt werden die Preußischen Staaten in den Grenzen von 1795 (Frieden von Basel, Dritte Polnische Teilung). Das vorliegende Manuskript hat die preußischen Logen zwischen Oder und Niederrhein zum Gegenstand; geplant sind weitere Bände zu Berlin sowie Pommern, Ost- und Westpreußen und Schlesien Die positive Logenpolitik der preußischen Könige markierte den politischen Rahmen für eine ungestörte kontinuierliche Entwicklung der Freimaurerei, beginnend 1740 mit der Legitimierung der Freimaurer durch Friedrich II. und gipfelnd im Allgemeinen Landrecht für die preußischen Staaten und in dem auf ihm beruhenden Edikt wegen der geheimen Verbindungen (1794, 1798). In den mittleren und westlichen Provinzen, ohne Berlin, sind in 30 Städten 47 rechtmäßig konstituierte Johannislogen als Gliederungen großer Logenbünde ermittelt. Bis zum Siebenjährigen Krieg blieben die wenigen Logen auf die großen Städte beschränkt. Der Siebenjährige Krieg belebte die Freimaurerei lediglich in den Festungen (Logen kriegsgefangener Offiziere). Nach dem Krieg nahm die Freimaurerei während eines langen Friedens trotz interner Auseinandersetzungen, des Logenkrieges, und Spaltungen einen großen Aufschwung. Sie erfasste das ganze Land, alle Groß-, die meisten Mittel- und viele Landstädte und auch das platte Land. Ein Vorzug der Logen gegenüber anderen Sozietäten war ihre soziale Offenheit und Breite. Die Logen organisierten in wachsender Zahl Männer unterschiedlichen Standes und (christlicher) Konfession aus den neuen, das friderizianische Preußen tragenden und mit seinem Aufstieg verbundenen sozialen Schichten und Gruppen: Adlige und Bürger, Behördenbeamte und Offiziere, Finanz- und Manufakturunternehmer, Intellektuelle und Künstler. Sie leisteten einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Emanzipation und zur Grundlegung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts. Die Logen organisierten 3665 Männer, die 32 Prozent aller preußischen Freimaurer ausmachten, außerdem 220 Dienende Brüder (Logenangestellte aus den Mittel- und Unterschichten). Die Vollmitglieder kamen zu einem Drittel aus dem überwiegend in Staatsdiensten stehenden Adel und zu zwei Dritteln aus dem neuen Bürgertum. Die Behördenbeamten und die Offiziere stellten etwa je ein Drittel, die Kaufleute, Finanz- und Manufakturunternehmer, Fabrikanten, Verlagsbuchhändler und -drucker, Gastwirte, Schiffskapitäne u.a. etwa ein Viertel und die Theologen, Hochschul- und Gymnasiallehrer, Ärzte, Apotheker, Studenten sowie die Künstler etwa ein Zehntel der Logenmitgliedschaft. Die preußischen Logen des Zeitalters der Aufklärung waren rechtlich geschlossene Vereine. Sie waren weder schlechthin aufgeklärte, politische oder Geheimgesellschaften. Sie grenzten sich als Verein und im maurerischen Selbstbewusstsein (freimaurerisches Geheimnis) von der Öffentlichkeit ab, öffneten sich ihr aber sozial und kulturell. Sie halfen bedürftigen Freimaurern und ihren Familien, beteiligten sich am sozialen Engagement des Staates und der Kirchen, unterstützten oder unterhielten Waisenhäuser und Schulen, organisierten bei Brandkatastrophen und Überschwemmungen landesweite Geldsammlungen und errichteten eine der frühesten öffentlichen Badeanstalten. Die Logen initiierten und belebten das kulturelle Leben der Stadt mit öffentlichen Festen und Konzerten, stellten Denkmäler auf und richteten Bibliotheken, Lesegesellschaften und Ressourcen ein. Bisher beschränkte sich die wissenschaftliche Literatur im Wesentlichen auf einzelne Personen und auffällige Erscheinungen. Über die reale Existenz der Logen und ihren einflussreichen Platz in der altpreußischen Gesellschaft war wenig bekannt. Damit fehlte ein wesentliches Element der Geschichte Brandenburg-Preußens. Die Untersuchung will diese Lücke schließen helfen. ; In the centre of the present research on the social history of the Prussian freemasonry in the 18 century are the history of the lodges, the membership and its structure, the social and cultural life of the lodges and their influence on society, i.e. the actual societal situation of the lodges in the late feudal society of Brandenburg-Prussia towards the end of the Early Modern Age. The ideological aims and practice of the systems of freemasonry (rituals etc.), the philosophical and literary critique as well as the arts rooted in freemasonry are delt with only in passing. The sources of this research are the traditional manuscripts from archives, mostly unique old scripts and modern masonic literature, as well as the literature of socio-historical, regional-historical and biographical origin. The following sources have been searched and analyzed: the opulent masonic sources of the ancient Prussian lodges of the Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem, having been made available since 1990; the sources of the Orde van vrijmetselaren onder het Grootoosten der Nederlanden, Den Haag, of the Den danske Frimurerorden, Kopenhagen, of the Landesarchiv Berlin, of the Landesarchiv Magdeburg - Landeshauptarchiv, the Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv, Potsdam, the Stadtarchiv Potsdam, the Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Weimar, the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, department Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, as well as the libraries of the Deutsches Freimaurer-Museum, Bayreuth, the Great Lodge of Freemasons of Germany, Berlin, the Great National Mother Lodge "To the Three Globes" in Berlin, the Biblioteka uniwersytecka w Poznaniu, Pracownia Zbiorów Masonskich, Poznan, and the Great Lodge of the Old Free and Accepted Freemasons of Austria, Vienna. The Handbook is structured chronologically according to regions and with analogue topics; the alphabetic commented lists of the entire membership follow the chapters of every lodge. Regionally the research covers the Prussian states within their borders of 1795 (Peace of Basel, Third Polish Partition), but without territories that followed a relative autonomous way in their history, or belonged to Prussia only a short term, or came to Prussia after 1795. This manuscript deals with Prussian lodges between the Oder river and the Lower Rhine; the envisaged volumes for publication will include Berlin, Pomerania, Eastern and Western Prussia as well as Silesia. The favourable policy of the Prussian kings formed the external political basis for a continuous development of the freemasonry in the monarchy. This began 1740 with the legitimation of the freemasons by Frederic II and led to the "Common Law of the Prussian States" and the following "Edict on Secret Associations" in 1798. Between 1739 and 1806, 47 legally constituated Johannis lodges as parts of the larger Lodges have been registered in 30 towns in the middle and western provinces, but without Berlin. Until the Seven Year War (1756-1763) the small number of isolated lodges was restricted to the larger cities. A stimulating influence for the freemasonry came only from the garnisons (lodges of the captured officers). After the war, during a long peaceful period, the freemasonry took a steep upsurge, despite the internal struggles, called the "Lodge Wars", and the splittings. The freemasonry extended over the entire country, to the big cities and medium-sized towns and many rural towns. The Lodges distinguished themselves from other associations by their social openness and broadth of membership. They organized a rising number of men from different classes, social strata, groups or trades, (christian) confessions, education and ages. The freemasons belonged to the newly emerging social strata and groups which formed the Prussian state of Frederic II and were closely connected with its progress. These were the nobility and the middle class, the clerks and officers, bankers and manufacturers, intellectuals and artists. Their contribution to the foundation and the emancipation of the bourgeois society of the 19 century was essential. The Prussian lodges between the Oder river and the Lower Rhine organized 3,665 freemasons, these are 32 percent of the number of the presently registered freemasons, as well as 220 Serving Brothers (members of the middle and lower social strata). The members with full rights from the nobility formed one third, those from the new middle classes two thirds of the membership. According to their trades, the office clerks and the officers equally comprised one third, the entrepreneurs (merchants, bankers and manufacturers, publishers and booksellers, pub owners, ship owners) made up about one fourth, and the intellectuals (theologians, lecturers at university and gymnasiums, physicians, chemists, students) and the artists about one tenth of the memberships. The Prussian freemasonry was characterized mainly by their social aims. Although the lodges were closed associations, they were neither political nor secret societies, nor were they enlightened, but they were part of the era of Enlightenment. As an association and in their masonic self-assurance (masonic secrecy) they separated themselves from the public, but in social and cultural terms they were open to the public. They helped needy members and their families, took part in the social engagement of the state and the churches, ran or assisted orphanages and schools, organized countrywide donations after fire catastrophies and floods, and they built one of the first public swimming baths and public monuments, and they organized public libraries, reading societies and ressources. Public festivities and concerts, initiated by the lodges, enlivened the cultural life of the cities. In the past scientific literature usually confined itself to single persons and prominent events. Nevertheless, little was known about the actual existence of the lodges and their influential place in the civic society. Thus an essential element of the bourgeois society in Brandenburg-Prussia had been missing. The present book is meant to fill this gap.
Campaigning for president in 2020, Joe Biden promised to resume Barack Obama's policy of normalizing relations with Cuba "in large part." But Democrats lost big in Florida, partly because Cuban American voters made a sharp turn to the right. That setback made the Biden White House reluctant to reverse the draconian economic sanctions Donald Trump imposed on the island, despite a mounting humanitarian crisis.As foreign policy, the results have been counter-productive. The Trump-Biden sanctions have catalyzed the largest migration crisis since 1959, with nearly 500,000 Cubans arriving in the United States in the past two years. The sanctions have angered Latin American and European allies, driven Cuba closer to U.S. global rivals Russia and China, and done nothing to improve human rights or the prospects for a democratic opening. Such are the consequences of foreign policy becoming a domestic political football.Sixteen elections and countingAs I outline in a new brief for the Quincy Institute, few countries have figured as prominently in U.S. elections over the years as Cuba. From the first campaign after the 1959 triumph of the revolution to the 2020 contest, candidates have raised the issue either to criticize their opponent for being soft on foreign policy, or to appeal to Cuban American voters in the battleground state of Florida. In election years, sitting presidents have frequently tightened sanctions or backed away from diplomatic engagement to boost their party's electoral prospects:In 1960, Dwight D. Eisenhower imposed the first trade sanctions on Cuba, urged on by Richard Nixon;In 1964, Lyndon Johnson abandoned John F. Kennedy's incipient dialogue with Havana, and successfully pressured the Organization of American States to adopt mandatory sanctions;In 1976, Gerald Ford halted Henry Kissinger's normalization negotiations when Ronald Reagan attacked the talks as appeasement;In 1980, Jimmy Carter back away from normalization when Zbigniew Brzezinski convinced him that it made him look soft;In 1992, George H. W. Bush signed the Cuban Democracy Act after Bill Clinton endorsed it.In 1996, Clinton signed the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act (Helms-Burton) at the urging of White House political advisers;In 2004, George W. Bush imposed limits on travel and family remittances to defuse criticism from Cuban American hard-liners;In 2020, Donald Trump did the same in hopes of mobilizing the same Cuban American constituency.In campaigns from the 1960s to the 1980s, Cuba was framed as a proxy for the Soviet Union, and a tough policy toward Cuba was seen as the hallmark of a strong foreign policy generally. No national politician wanted to be branded "soft on Cuba." The collapse of the Soviet Union and end of the Cold War coincided with the emergence of Cuban Americans as a significant voting bloc, shifting how U.S. presidential candidates dealt with the issue. Instead of focusing Cuba as a national security issue, candidates from the 1990s onward appealed to Cuban American voters on issues of democracy and human rights.Before 1992, Democrats saw Florida as solidly Republican, but Bill Clinton aimed to compete there by appealing to Cuban Americans with a Cuba policy tougher than George H. W. Bush's. Although Clinton did not carry Florida in 1992, he did in 1996, establishing Florida as a battleground state. Al Gore's narrow loss in 2000 after Clinton's Justice Department returned six-year old Elián González to his father in Cuba convinced Democrats that Cuba was the third rail of Florida politics.Obama broke with this conventional wisdom in 2008 by appealing to moderate Cuban Americans with a policy of engagement. To the surprise of many, he won half the Cuban American vote in 2012, setting the stage for his dramatic decision to normalize relations with Havana in 2014. Then Trump, in a bid to mobilize Cuban American conservatives, turned back the clock, undoing most of what Obama had achieved. A shift to the right in Cuban American opinion in response to Trump's leadership and a new wave of disaffected immigrants reconfigured politics in south Florida, once again triggering Democrats' fear of Florida.Biden has responded with a bizarre hybrid policy, relaxing some of Trump's sanctions but leaving most in place—an impossible compromise between Obama's policy of coexistence and Trump's policy of regime change. The administration's watchword has been to be "tough on the regime" while "supporting the Cuban people" — as if it were possible to bankrupt the government without immiserating the population. The electoral landscapeMost of the electoral map of the United States is pre-determined. In 2020, there were only eight states in which the winner's margin of victory was less than 5 percentage points, totaling 123 electoral votes. Apart from these battleground states, Democrats begin the race likely to win 226 of the 270 electoral votes needed for majority; Republicans begin with 187. To win the election, Republicans have to win more than two-thirds of the electoral votes in the battlegrounds. Florida's importance is magnified by its size. If Republicans lose Florida's 29 electoral votes, they can only afford to lose one other small swing state.This is why Republicans see Florida as a must-win state and Democrats continue to contest it, despite their flagging prospects there. Ironically, despite the intensity with which both parties have focused on the state for the past 30 years, Florida has rarely been decisive in determining who wins the White House. Since 1960, Florida's electoral votes have made the difference only twice — in 2000 (the infamous Bush v. Gore contest), and 2004. Moreover, Cuban Americans have rarely decided the outcome in Florida. Prior to 1992, there were so few Cuban American voters that the margins of victory in the presidential election were frequently larger than the entire Cuban American electorate. Since then, Florida elections have been close enough that Cuban Americans could claim to have provided the decisive margin in just three contests: 1992, 2000, and 2012. In short, in 16 U.S. elections since Fidel Castro rode into Havana in 1959, there has been only a single occasion when Cuban American votes decided Florida and Florida decided the presidency: 2000.The national interestA Cuba policy that serves the national interests of the United States rather than the parochial interests of conservative Cuban Americans in Miami, or the political fortunes of would-be presidents, would start by acknowledging that the policy of hostility is not going to depose the Cuban government — something that ought to be self-evident after 65 years of trying in vain. A realist approach would identify and build on common interests, while managing areas of disagreement like human rights. In the field of national security, the United States and Cuba share a common interest in combatting transnational crime — narcotics, human trafficking, and terrorism — and on a wide range of other issues as well — transnational problems that near-neighbors have to tackle together, like environmental protection, the impacts of climate change and public health. Finally, the United States and Cuba have deep cultural ties that have grown more profound as the Cuban American diaspora has expanded.In 2024, a policy like this seems a bridge too far, but during the last two years of the Obama presidency, the United States took the first steps down this path. The progress made in just 24 months was substantial, though not without its setbacks. Asked what made Obama's dramatic break with past possible after so many decades of hostility, Ben Rhodes, who led the U.S. negotiating team, gave a surprisingly simple answer: leadership and political will. The normalization of relations with Cuba happened, he said, because it was something the president was determined to do.For a deeper dive into how the electoral ambitions of U.S. politicians have shaped policy toward Cuba from 1960 to 2024, see Professor LeoGrande's new Quincy Institute paper, Cuba's Role in U.S. Presidential Elections.
Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock .The withdrawal of troops ended a chapter in the Little Rock story. The rest of the story is a part of still-unfolding history. . . . But however the story may conclude, the rule of law must prevail" him "a new Arkansas story"; generally he asked for one. Since September, however, there were few moments of levity in our conversations. On this occasion Sherman came to the point quickly. "Get Secretary Brucker on the phone," he said to his secretary, and we had a three-way talk. The Secretary explained what they had in mind about ultimate withdrawal, before June, of all the troops from the high-school building, leaving only a few men stationed at Camp Robinson across the river. Adams asked me to prepare the city and school authorities for this gradual "phasing out" of the force at the school building, leaving the policing at that point to the local authorities. Guardsmen Stay at Central High This was a consummation I had devoutly hoped for-the complete withdrawal of the military-though I had never recommended it until all who had a right to be consulted were sure that it would not jeopardize the safety of Negro or white students. I called Josh Shepherd and Clyde Lowry, members of the businessmen's group, asking them to consult the school board and the mayor and to give me the composite judgment as to this proposed next step. Shepherd called on behalf of the group, at the end of the six-man meeting which lasted an hour and a half, to say that the reaction was negative, that the city was not ready for withdrawal of all the men from Central High. I was familiar enough with the situation not to require a detailed statement of the reasons. Lowry and Shepherd, having opposed the use of the military from the outset, were as eager as I to see the troops withdrawn, but recognized that the new city-manager government was simply not ready to assume such solemn responsibility. Sherman was terribly disappointed. He raised his voice: "Now what will they do when we finally have to pull out-soldiers can't stay there indefinitely-the city must be prepared some day to do ordinary policing." I could not deny that, neither could he deny that timing was too important to be disregarded. Once during the conversation, to keep the talk from getting too brusque, I said, "You and I are about to get into an argument-that doesn't make sense. We both want the same thing-the troops out!" He gave a quick assent, saying he was not irritated-just anxious for us to make progress. I recalled to him that one time previously he had said, when we had been able to forecast a course that would ease tension and avoid the strain on federal-State relations, "We must work our way out of this together." We both moralized a bit following that comment. "It's bound to come out all right eventually," I said, and Sherman then referred to the belief of his Baptist preacher-grandfather that "all things work together for good." He then outlined another more gradual course of troop withdrawal which seemed practical. It was ironic, though, that at this juncture the White House wanted no troops at Central High, while the local leaders wanted them, the minimum. I admired Sherman and sympathized with him, too, knowing that he had many other headaches in addition to this one. I did not see him again till after Easter. At home during the recess I learned from talks with the leaders that the second plan was working. On April 15, the one day I spent in Washington before leaving for Moscow for the four-day visit with Russian Baptists, there was time to talk with him over the phone. I was glad to give him a summary of favorable changes in sentiment at home during the six weeks preceding Easter. The extremists had "overegged their pudding," I told him. The chairman of the school board, Wayne Upton, had said, "I would rather lose the school board's law suit for a review and change of the desegregation order than to have a part in forcing retention of troops here past the time when they could be safely removed." Never at any time following the September 23 conversation, in which he said, "You and I will sign off," had Adams and I discussed the Administration's decision with reference to the use of troops, but there was no cause for exchanging views on that point. Differing as I did with the White House in essential particulars of that decision, I nevertheless gave Sherman credit for desiring as much as I a solution that would get the responsibility for law and order firmly placed with State and local authorities. Only once in the talks we subsequently had on the subject did I say anything about past mistakes, and it was a repetition of my opinion that the Department of Justice should have permitted United States Attorney Cobb to discuss with the federal judge the assignment of a few deputies from the marshal's office to help the city police maintain order on September 23. It would not have been fair to my friend to ask for details as to decisions not to use United States marshals and the later decision to use troops. It was shortly after this that the appeal of Governor Faubus from the injunction issued by Judge Davies against his use of the National Guard to keep Negro children out of Central High was denied by the United States Circuit Court of Appeals. This court ruled that the State could not use its forces to suppress "rights which it is the duty of the State to defend." If such use were permitted, it would encourage violence, since opponents of those rights would have the expectation of the support of the forces of law so long as they gathered in sufficient numbers to constitute a menace to life. In the opinion of this three-man court, "A rule which would permit an official whose duty it was to enforce the law to disregard the very law which it was his duty to enforce in order to pacify a mob or suppress an insurrection, would deprive all citizens of any security in the enjoyment of their life, liberty and property." School Closes-A Chapter Ends With the school year rapidly approaching an end, President Eisenhower, in early May, ordered the withdrawal of all federal troops from Central High after school closed. In his statement releasing the remaining Guardsmen on May 29, he said: "Following that date I trust that State and local officials and citizens will assume full responsibility and duty for seeing that the orders of the federal court are not obstructed. The faithful execution of the responsibility will make it unnecessary for the Federal Government to act further to preserve the integrity of our judicial processes." The withdrawal of troops ended a chapter in the Little Rock story. The rest of the story is a part of still unfolding history that must wait for the telling. But, however the story may conclude, the rule of law must prevail. [END] U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 135
Recently, there has been a lot of talk about consumer empowerment through new information and communication technologies. Corporate captains of marketing, Wired Magazine's neo-libertarian techno-utopians, marketing consultants of the digital economy and many marketing academics agree that we all have more choices, more information, more entertainment, more transparency, and lower prices thanks to Amazon, Facebook, Youtube, and all the rest. We are liberated from the burdens of material ownership, free to access digital objects and services in ways that satisfy our needs in highly targeted and efficient ways. The empowerment through technology chorus is so loud and cohesive that we generally take the message for granted. And in some limited respect, consumers may feel empowered when shopping on Amazon.com or in the malls with their iPhones on hand. But let us be very clear about the idea of empowerment that is promoted by the cheerleaders of what Jodi Dean (2005) calls communicative capitalism. Real empowerment, so much should be clear, will never be "granted" to consumers by those in economic (and thus political) power. In the final analysis – and putting aside for a moment the fact that even empowered consumers are still interpellated first and foremost as subjects of consumption – the ideal of the empowered consumer (rational, enlightened, informed, restrained, un-manipulable) is completely antithetical to the needs of capital and the marketing regime within consumer capitalism. Therefore, any call for actual consumer empowerment would automatically be a radical demand and an insurgent claim aimed at undermining and replacing capital's power to dominate the consumer totally. In the end, it is important to recognize that any technology employed by marketing today becomes a technology of enclosure (even if never completely successful), which permits empowerment only in a version sanction by capital. That is why marketing (and capital more generally [see Lazzarato, 2004]) today is biopolitical. It wants to govern life completely while appearing to not govern at all. In this chapter we argue that new technologies in contemporary marketing management are best thought of as technologies of enclosure. On the one hand, marketing encloses the subject as individualized and individuated consumer. On the other, marketing aims to enclose (ie., capture, make proprietary, appropriate) what is common or collectively produced or cherished by individuals as inalienable expressions of personal identity and agency. At the same time that marketing encloses, it operates ideologically, although not in the classical Marxist sense of creating a false consciousness. Rather, the challenge for marketers is to enclose and capture the subject and the common while appearing not to do any of these things. By accepting as non-ideological terms such as choice, identity, fulfillment, empowerment, enrichment, collaboration, creativity and so on, marketers and consumers alike choose to believe, just as anyone sensible would believe, that new techniques and technologies of enclosure are really just good marketing practice aimed at value creation and delivery, not customer domination and exploitation. We should remember that an atmosphere of distrust has accompanied the development of marketing from the beginning and marketers have long been suspected of being professional manipulators, devising salacious techniques and technologies with which to incite, manipulate and exploit consumer desire and anxiety. As Packard put it fifty years ago, "[T]hese depth manipulators are in their operations beneath the surface of conscious life, starting to acquire a power of persuasion that is becoming a matter of justifiable public scrutiny and concern" (1957, pp. 9-10). More recent popular indictments of marketing include Adam Curtis's documentaries on The Century of the Self, Naomi Klein's No Logo (2000), and the BBC series The Men Who Makes Us Spend (presented by Jacques Peretti). Criticism of marketers is compounded by widespread consumer cynicism regarding the genuineness of marketing messages (see Gabriel and Lang, 1995). Interestingly, the emerging generation of online marketers– typically referred to as digital or social media marketers – see marketing's crisis of legitimacy directly tied to what it considers the corporate, top-down marketing methods devised in the 1970s and 1980s and designed to discipline and control consumers. For a new generation of tech-savvy marketers, imbued with a solid dose of techno-libertarian ideals of independence and a frontier mentality that rejects top-down authority and bureaucracy in favor of self-organizing systems, radical autonomy and freely collaborative networks, a dramatic shift in mindset was needed in the age of participatory media and Big Data. In a radical turn propagated, for example, by prominent social media marketing experts like Solis (2010) and Stratten (2010), marketing has to be 'un'-done. The term 'un-marketing' rises to prominence in the consulting literature and offers a reframing of marketing that rejects corporate-controlled top-down techniques, and favours horizontal, collaborative, and participatory customer engagement (Kutcher, 2010, Stratten, 2010, 2014). In this context, the idea of online customer communities gains popularity because it provides a fantasy of restructuring marketplace relations according to principles of co-creation, sovereignty, equality, and sharing. More recently, what we call Big Data marketing is framed according to similar registers where data magnetizes consumers and marketers to a shared ethos of the "opt-in" economy (Godin, 1999). Big Data marketers – at least in the version propagated by Google's Hal Varian, for example – pose innocuously enough as personal recommendation and consulting agents for consumers who in return for giving up personal information receive ever more relevant, valuable, and desired information, goods and services (Zuboff, 2015). Who would not like such a deal that appears to be based on liberal ideals of good intentions on all sides and the equal distribution of costs and benefits, even as companies manage communities and customer data not on behalf of consumers but on behalf of corporate profit. In sum, new marketing technologies – from blogs to communities to surveillance-based collaborative filtering and recommender systems – no matter how invasive, ever-present and insidious, have been framed by technology-driven marketers as democratizing and equalizing forces reshaping the contemporary marketplace in favor of the consumer. Customer and brand communities are happy places of collaboration and collective value creation governed by an ethos of mutual respect, sharing and dispersed control. Big Data Marketing, which aspires to intensifying consumer surveillance and control (Zuboff, 2015), is often presented as part of the contemporary ethos of collaborative 'in-this-together-ness' and collective support structures between companies and consumers. Marketers are asked to employ Big Data to better understand, assist, support and connect with customers; the technology magnetizing both exchange parties to a fantasy of better products, better choices, better experiences, better prices, better service and generally happier lives. To live in a world where companies strain to innovate and please consumers, all we need to do in return is give companies complete access to our personal information. Such a request makes sense to a generation of marketing professionals and consumers that have grown up with Google, Facebook and Amazon tracking its every move. In the next section we explore critically new marketing technologies such as online customer communities and Big Data, and possession of digital objects as consumer lock in. .We suggest that these technologies are technologies of Biopolitical Marketing. They aspire to enclose all forms of life for profit. We suggest that marketing innovation is now structured according to the imperative of biopolitical marketing: the making, valorizing and enclosing of all forms and expressions of life.
"Opportunities multiply as they are seized."Sun TzuOn the eve of the one hundredth day of his Presidency, Barack Obama received a wonderful gift: Senator Arlen Specter, Republican of Pennsylvania, announced he was leaving the Republican Party to become a Democrat. This puts the number of Senate Republicans at 40, the lowest level in over 30 years, and gives the Democrats, at least on paper, the special majority of 60 votes needed for them to override a filibuster of legislation by the opposition. Besides the obvious advantages for Democrats, Specter's pivotal decision has other important implications, not only for Republicans but also for Democrats.First, it highlights the sad state of the Republican Party: Specter explained that he felt compelled to leave the party because he knew that, as a moderate, he could not win another Republican primary election. The Republican Party under G.W Bush employed the electoral tactic of consolidating the white, Southern, right -wing Christian base, rather than reaching out to the middle. This helped them win two presidential elections and gave credence to the claim that they were the "party of the permanent majority". That was only four years ago. But Bush's disastrous second term had the effect of alienating two major constituencies: the realist establishment in foreign policy who were dismayed by his stated goals of bringing democracy to Iraq and Afghanistan, and the fiscal conservatives who saw the federal budget surplus rapidly turn into deficit. The party then entered a downward spiral of contraction. It lost ground with centrist voters, at a time when the center of the political spectrum was expanding. It suffered from a leadership void that left it at times voiceless, while at other times it spoke in a cacophony of inchoate opinions. During these 100 days, no articulate Republican counter-case was made to Obama's proposals. The "big tent" party has become so narrow in its geographical and ideological base that it is as irrelevant today as the Whigs were in the 1850s.Second, Arlen Specter's switch is also significant in that it may have a moderating force on the Obama agenda, forcing him to accommodate it toward the center instead of pushing ahead at full steam. This could be a timely correction, since some fiscally conservative Democrats (so-called Blue Dog Democrats) are increasingly voicing their concern, not only about the frenetic pace of reforms but also about the ambitious scale of the spending: the request for $ 800 billion in the form of a fiscal stimulus will be followed by another $ 600 billion for health care and $ 500 billion for infrastructure. This will add two trillion dollars to the national debt, and would represent the biggest expansion in the role of the Federal Government since Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society program. According to Niall Ferguson, economic historian at Harvard, the federal debt which is now around a still-healthy 70% of GDP, will balloon to 180% of GDP, similar to Japan's. These are serious concerns that may come back to haunt the administration further down the line, if the economy does not pull ahead in a year or two.The first one hundred days is by most measures an inconclusive, artificial period of time in which to evaluate a President's success. In all likelihood the next one hundred days will be more determinative, once the legislative agenda moves forward. But we can still use this early stage as a barometer of public support and as a measure of how much Obama has worked to fulfill his campaign promises. In many ways, this period only writes the afterword of the 2008 presidential election. The President has been given an extended period of grace by the American people, in the understanding that he inherited the worst economic crisis since 1930. In the face of tumultuous times and unprecedented unease over the economy, he has maintained his calm and collected demeanor and continued to communicate, explain, and give hope. Thus he was able to avoid a flare- up of populist rage at the excesses of Wall Street, and focus with calm persistence on fixing the economic mess at home and the frayed international ties abroad. His ability to recognize US missteps and open up to the world reaching out to Iran and Cuba has already changed the entire tone of US foreign policy. This new moderation and sensitivity about how others perceive the United States was welcomed around the world and even has not borne fruit yet, it bodes well for future exchanges.The main criticism that has been raised is that the Obama team is embarking on too many different tasks and that this "frenzied flurry" of activity will not allow it to focus on solving the two main problems it faces: the economy and the fight against terrorism. Both are labor intensive and complicated and demand full-time attention and concentration. There is some value in these criticisms, but there are two main reasons why the White House has chosen this approach. First, the President has a vision that ties all his initiatives together, and he so far deserves praise for pursuing it without neglecting any of the major problems he faces. For Obama, fixing the economy alone is not feasible without changing the country's energy base, reforming its health care and education systems. His vision encompasses a technological, knowledge- based economy where the new jobs will be in the green energy sector and in bio-technology and robotics. To meet the job demands of these two revolutions in technology and energy, a third revolution will have to take place in the educational field, with a renewed stress on mathematics and science, as well as a restructuring of curriculums and developing inter-disciplinary skills for problem-solving. At the same time, these revolutions would also transform the international landscape in many ways, some predictable (the demise of oil-based economies would certainly solve a problem or two in the Middle East), others not so. But the United States is clearly at a crossroads in its history and must choose between continuity and demise, or change and a renewed claim to leadership in the XXI century.Second, blessed by a prolonged period of grace granted to them by the American people and the media, and with no opposition in the horizon, the administration has adopted this frenetic pace to make the most of this enlarged window of opportunity. Propelled forward by a vision but at the same time imbued of a healthy pragmatism, Obama has not kept every single promise to every constituency, and has preferred instead to pick his battles. For example, he did not re-open NAFTA in the realization that economic recovery will require free trade. Similarly, he has postponed a fight over making permanent a ban on the sale of assault weapons. He also gave up on pushing for a reduction of farm subsidies when it was clear that Congress Democrats would not yield on that issue. Instead, he has focused on a set of non-negotiable priorities, trying to do as much as he can and knowing that only a few will bear fruit in the long run. Obama is now at the peak of his power but has not lost sense of the ephemeral nature of politics, and he knows that the seeds of the downfall are often sowed at the highest point of power. A student of history, he is well aware that presidents inevitably become reactive, as unforeseen events beyond their control begin to shape their tenures and their place in history. If a year or two from now the economy has not recovered and promises made in the first hundred days remain unfulfilled, disillusionment will set in and his power will wane accordingly. His outsized expansion of the federal government would then be harshly criticized and cost him the support of moderates. His strong repudiation of all of Bush's national security policies, including the publishing of the torture memos, could also become a huge liability in the case of another major terrorist attack. Ultimately, the strongest moment for a president is also the riskiest, since there is a temptation to overreach. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
International audience ; The collective work presents the study and publicationof excavated materials of an archaeologically known twoapsechurch from the first half of the 9th to the first half ofthe 10th century at the top of the Tuzluk Hill in the Yedi Evlerarea, Crimean Peninsula, near the village of Semidvorie(Alushta, Crimea, Ukraine). This sanctuary was linked tothe large agricultural and pottery producing settlement thatexisted in this economically developed and populous regionin the second half of the 8th/9th - first half of the 10th century.The settlement was situated 150-250 meters to the east andsoutheast from the church. Just 350 meters southeast fromthe church was a medieval cemetery of the "Suuksu" typeof the 7th – 8th / 9th (?) centuries existed which was left by thepopulation usually identified as Crimean Goths tribes.In 2007, an area of around 96 m2 was investigated andchurch ruins and surrounding cultural layer were studied.The stratigraphical analysis managed to identify here 44archaeological layers or contexts, one medieval grave withdouble burials, and a Bronze Age cultual place. The studyof ruins shows that the sanctuary was rebuilt multiple times.The church consisted of two communicating compartmentsof different sizes. As for characteristic features, the southernmain apse is bigger in size than the northern one, andthere was an entrance in the main part of the church throughthe northern compartment as well as two other doorwaysfrom the west and from the south. The western portal of thenorthern compartment was completely open and no traces ofwall masonry here were attested. In contrast to the southerncompartment, the foundation of the northern part was cutin natural. The three-layer masonry wall was made of localpoor faceted rectangular stones of various sizes. For buildingmortar, mud solutions with clay loam as a binder elementwere mostly used. The inside of the southern churchwalls was plastered with lime mortar, which in some placesis preserved in situ, and painted with red linear and geometricpatterns including letters or even inscriptions that aretoday illegible. The roof likely had two slopes covered bylocally made tiles of different types.The overall dimensions of the church were: width – 5.60-5.70 m, length - 8.50 m. The thickness of the wall was about0.7 m. Structure remains are preserved to a height of 0.80 m.Both apses have shoulders connecting apsidal semicirclesand walls. The external diameter of the southern apse is 2.13m. The internal dimension of the southern main compartmentis 2.34×4.15 м. The external diameter of the northernapse is 1.20 m, while the internal is 0.63 m. The width in thewestern part of the northern compartment is 1.34 m, and inthe eastern part it is reduced to 1.26 m. The church was orientedto the northeast. The azimuth of its central axis is 47°,which roughly corresponds to the azimuth point of sunriseduring the summer solstice for Crimean latitude.SUMMARYIn the first chapter, written by V. Kirilko, the buildinghistory of the church and its architectural peculiarities arepresented. The double apse sanctuary belongs to the relativelyrare type of churches of the Middle Byzantine periodthat could be described as a two-apse church with unequalapses of different sizes. G. Dimitrokallis (1976), the authorof the most representative corpus of double apse byzantinesanctuaries, classified them as "pseudobiconques." Thereare some examples of double apse churches in the Crimea(Sotera near Alushta, Sudak, Funa near Luchistoe settlement,Chembalo fortress in Balaklava). Yet, these sanctuariesmainly date back to the 14th century, with the one exceptionbeing the Sotera church that belonged to the periodof the 8th-10th century, and none of them provides an exactparallel to the church of Yedi Evler.During the short period of its history, the church wascompletely rebuilt at least once. The first building periodinvolved the creation of the main southern church with theapse and the three entrances from the west, south and north.It is highly likely that the church was intentionally conceivedby priests, ktitores or the Christian community as a doubleapse and two-part building. Immediately after the perfectionof the southern church, the additional northern compartmentwith open western portal and separate apse was added. Thispart of the church was connected to the main church via aspecial doorway in the wall dividing the compartment thatpreviously served as the northern entrance to the southernchurch. In fact, the second building period is distinguishedonly theoretically as a final step in the construction of thechurch. The chronology of the first two periods of the building'shistory, based mainly on the study of pottery and ceramicmaterials from the complex, dates back to the firsthalf of the 9th century, or more precisely the second-third tothe middle of the century.After a short period the church was completely destroyed,most likely due to inadequate construction worksor an earthquake. The third building period is determined as860-880s, when the sanctuary was rebuilt and reconstructed.After reconstruction, the northern compartment was buriedby earth and ruined stones and preserved according tocanon law practices for unused sacral Christian objects. Inthe third building period, the northern part was not active asa liturgical zone. The sanctuary became an ordinary ruralByzantine one-apse, one-nave church. A narthex was constructedin the eastern part of the sanctuary. The doorwaybetween the southern and northern parts was closed off bywall masonry. During the third building period, only twoentrances — the southern and western — were still active.The main entrance was the southern one, which was addedby a wooden apprentice. After the second deterioration ofthe church in the first half of the 10th century, no more renovations were carried out. The ruins were reused by the localpopulation for ordinary purposes no earlier than in the secondhalf of the 14th -15th century, as pottery fragments fromthe ruins show. Most probably, the narthex and apse wereused at this time as a temporary living structure in what isregarded in the chapter as the fourth building period. Theauthor proposes graphical reconstruction of the sanctuaryaccording to fourth building periods and shows architecturalparallels to this building among contemporary churches ofthe Northern Caucasus and Minor Asia.Chapter two, author I. Teslenko, deals with the stratigraphyof the site and description of archaeological layers.The analysis of excavated materials provided in the chapterallowed for the presentation of all steps of anthropogenicactivity on the Tuzluk Hill from the Bronze Age to moderntimes. The description of materials is organized by archaeologicallayers, with general characteristics of different findsincluded. Every layer inside and outside the church is attributedto a corresponding building period. A hypothesison the formation of each layer and its causes are also given.The most important layers are linked to two dilapidationsof the church, and some of them are attributed to regular liturgicallife and different rituals practiced in and around thesanctuary. Several layers may be left from construction andreconstruction works. A detailed description of the archaeologicalfinds and a cultural and liturgical interpretation ofstructures, layers and bones are given in the next chapters.In the third chapter, I. Teslenko provides an analysis ofceramic and pottery materials from the church. During theexcavation, 2,589 fragments of roof tiles and kalypters (55%of all ceramic materials), 637 fragments of kitchen and tablewares (13.5%) and 1,485 pieces of pithoi and amphora (31.5%) were recorded. Among them 9 intact rectangular rooftiles that were still preserved and 5 kalypters can be fragmentarilyreconstructed. Several tiles have a constructionsign or craftsmen marks as tridents and Greek letters «λ»,«ρ», «π» «В», «V». A theoretical estimation on the numberof tiles, including kalypters for covering the roof, has beendone. The amount is between 374 tiles / 376 kalypters and396 tiles / 397 kalypters in the second and third buildingperiod respectively. Accordingly, in the second period theweight of the roof was about 3893-3897 kg, for the thirdperiod – 4118-4122 kg.Nearly all excavated ceramic materials came from localproduction. The author lists the characteristics and providesa description of clay pottery and ceramic items, which showtwo craftsmen traditions. The first one emerged locally andis characteristic of primitive treatments, the use of a handpottery wheel and unsatisfactory baking. The second craftsmentradition reflects well-organized, high-technology commodityproduction oriented on the external wine trade. It ispresented specially by amphora. Today, there are more than40 known pottery workshops with high-technology kilns inthe southern part of the Crimean peninsula. Such a potterytradition was most likely brought here in the 8th-9th centuryfrom Minor Asia. The author discusses chronologies ofvarious types of local pottery, particularly amphora, and hemakes comparisons to groups of amphora known from differentregions of the Byzantine World. Local amphoras arepresented by so-called "Black Sea type" (second variant),which was produced until the mid-10th century, according tothe author. At the archaeological site, only two fragments ofimported pottery have been recorded: the bottom of a highneck brown clay jug with wide flat handles, no earlier thanthe mid-9th century, and a fragment of Glazed White Ware II,according to J.W. Hayes, from 10th century Constantinople.The kitchen pottery which were in use in Khazar kaganateis also absent. Ceramic finds in the church date back mainlyto the end of 8th-10th century; only several fragments of twored glazed sgraffito bowls and one fragment of a brown unglazedpot come from the 14th-15th century.The fourth chapter presented by I. Teslenko and A.Musin describes and studies the collection of glass lampfragments (342 items) that are partially not indentified.The bulk (91%) of the lamps comes from the third buildingperiod and is concentrated near the southern entrance tothe church, where the liturgy should start. Precisely withinthe same zone, micropieces of flint made by strike-a-lightfor making "liturgical fire" were recorded, and kitchen andbone remains from community meals were also attested.Glass lamps are presented by two main groups: polycandelonor beaker-shaped lamps with hollow stems, and singlelamps with handles on the rim. All lamps have close parallelsamong glass finds from other Middle Byzantine sanctuaries,for instance, Myra-Demre in Turkey, Thessaloniki inGreece, Chersoneses in Crimea, etc. The glass is mainly coloredlight green and blue. A slowly increased percentage ofpotassium oxide recorded by optical emission spectroscopymay point to glass production centers in the southeasternpart of Asia Minor or Levant.Chapter five, written by A. Musin, analyzes and classifiesmetal crosses found in the church. The excavation recordedat least 30 crosses and their fragments. Crosses wereused throughout the entire period of the church's existence.Crosses are regarded as an ex-voto offering. Most of themwere concentrated in the altar zone of the sanctuary andnear the southern entrance to the church. Two crosses wereput in wall masonry that closed the doorway between thenorthern compartment and the main church during the thirdbuilding period, evidently with apotropaic magic purposes.Presumably, crosses were suspended on the church wall oron elements of the church's interior, or inserted in them. Thecorpus of crosses is divided into five typological groups.The main group consists of iron crosses with an extendedlower branch made of two plates connected with a rivet thatderived from individual processional crosses and turned inex-voto. Some crosses with splayed arms were cut from thinsheet-metal, including copper alloy and probably silver,and decorated with punch ornamentation. Two crosses weremade of silver coins: Umayyad dirham (661 – 750 AD) andimitation of Arab-Sassanian half-drachma of the Sassanidking Kosrou II (590-629 AD).The two last groups of crosses can be compared to thecrosses of the type 1.2.2 according to J. Staecker found inEarly Rus' and Scandinavia in the 10th – 11th century, especiallyknown to be in graves in Birka (Sweden), Gnezdovonear Smolensk, Timerevo near Yaroslavl (Russia), Kiev,Iskorosten (Ukraine) and other political and economic centersof the formation of early medieval states in Russia andSweden. Several scholars have insisted that the crosses havean Anglo-Saxon origin and appeared in Sweden around930-940s AD with the mission of bishop Uni from BritishIslands. However, after the Yedi Evler excavation, the Byzantineorigin of these crosses is quite clear. Crosses fromEastern and Northern Europe may have been created usinga Byzantine example or brought directly from this regionin several cases. During the cultural transformation of theChristianization period, crosses that initially belonged to liturgicalpublic culture were turned in barbarian society intoprivate devotion objects and used as an element in burialcustoms.Nearly all crosses found in the Yedi Evler church haveparallels in other regions of the Byzantine Empire and theneighboring region in the Black Sea coastland, Mediterranean,Asia Minor, Northern Caucasus and Balkans. Suchex-voto crosses illustrate a special feature of post iconoclasticculture in the beginning of the Middle Byzantine period,as well as large distribution of personal reliquary-crossesof the end of the 9th – 11th century. However, prior to becomingan ex-voto offering in church interior, both types ofcrosses were generally used in private Christian devotion.It is largely accepted that the 9th -11th century was a periodof increasing individualism, social atomism and growingemphasis on personal piety. With that in mind, individualcrosses were evidence of the new post-iconoclasm Orthodoxyas a manifestation of personal activity in church lifeand a sign of the victory of polis community tradition overimperial tyranny.The process of donating personal crosses to churchesshould be regarded as a special way of reconciling personaldevotion with the liturgical needs of the local communityencouraged by Church hierarchy. The present hypothesisis confirmed by information in the Byzantine MonasticTypikons, especially that of Empress Irene Doukaina Komnenefor the Convent of the Mother of God Kecharitomenein Constantinople founded between 1100 and 1118, whichprescribed that each Saturday laymen would offer crosses-stauria in the sanctuary for the commemoration of thedeceased, and that other crosses must be brought similarlyeach Sunday on behalf of the living who are recorded on thediptychs. Crosses from the Yedi Evler church and in othercases should be regarded as an archaeological illustration ofsuch a ritual.Other small finds from the church like nails, chain linksfor the suspension of lamps, fragment of bronze wire, leadplates from a wick holder, buttons of bronze, small greenglass beads, and an iron arrow-head characteristic of EasternEurope military culture in the 10th/11th - 13th century aredescribed and analyzed in chapter six by I. Teslenko. Twoamulet-pendants found in the church that are made of clamshell of Cerithium vulgatum and tooth of deer of Cervuselaphus, which could also be offered in the sanctuary asex-voto, are presented in chapter seven by G. Gavris and I.Teslenko.Chapters eight to twelve compiled by G. Gavris, V.Logvinenko, and S. Leonov deal with bones and faunisticremains including birds, mammals, fishes, marine mollusks,and land snails recorded during the excavations. As a result,information is exhausted on the repertoire of animal sacrifices,a normal practice in rural parish Byzantine churches,and the composition of church festive meals has been determined.Among 139 identified bones of mammals, 64% belongto Ovis aries and Capra aegagrus hircus, 16% to Sus scrofadomesticus, 6% to Lepus europaeus and 2 % to Bos Taurus.Birds are presented with 148 individuals of 19 species,including 78% of Gallus domesticus and Gallus domesticussm. and an insignificant quantity of bones of Otis tarda,Cygnus olor, Perdix perdix etc.It is quite interesting to note that fishes are nearly absentfrom the collection, and consequently, on the table of parishmen who lived along the sea coast, only 13 bones ofAcipenser gueldenstaedtii and Perciformes were recorded.Evidently, bones from the excavation present the remainsof a festive meal and not an everyday diet. However, shellfishesare recorded here in 1900 fragments of Mytilus galloprovincialis(95% of mollusk) and a small number ofPatella ulyssiponensis and Ostrea lamellose. Eriphia spinifronspresented in 4-5 individuals should also be noted. Terrestrialgastropods mollusks are mainly presented by Helixalbescens (72.4%), Monacha fruticola (24.2%) Chondrulatridens (3.2%), and only one shell of Brephulopsis cylindrical.Some remarks on the distribution of animal bonesin the excavated complex will be provided in the followingchapters.In chapter thirteen, I. Teslenko proposed and arguedthe chronology of the site based mainly on pottery analysis.Coins from the 7th – mid-8th century that were used forthe manufacturing of crosses give only large terminus postquem for the church building. Amphora with small horizontalmultiple grooves on the surface well-known in Crimeanot later than the beginning - first half of the 9th century arenot recorded among the excavation materials; so the beginningof the church complex must date back to the secondthird-middle of the 9th century. The find of the fragment of ahigh neck jug with wide flat handles in layers of the secondbuilding period, and their absence later on, puts the date ofthe rebuilding of the church at 860-880 AD. The presence oflocal "Black Sea type" amphora of the second variant andthe absence of forms similar to amphora of types I and IIbaccording to N. Günsenin allow to propose the first half –mid of the 10th century as the final stage of the church's existenceand that of surrounding settlements. Another find isthe fragment of Glazed White Ware II, dated no earlier thanthe beginning of the 10th century. The history of the churchactually spans about 100 (± 20-25) years.Chapter fourteen by A. Musin discusses liturgical ritualspracticed in the sanctuary against the large background ofByzantine church culture and shows parallels from relatedterritories. To explain the meaning and origin of the two unequalapse church building in the Yedi Evler area, the authorprovides a thorough account of the phenomenon of doubleapse churches with unequal apses from Transcaucasia andthe Northern Caucasus through Asia Minor and the GreekIslands up until biapsidal churches were recorded in medievalItaly in the 9th-13th century. As a result, a conclusionhas been made that the Mediterranean World did not havea unique genesis of double apse churches. Late Antiquitychurches with two symmetrical naves and apses cannot beregarded as a direct prototype for the Yedi Evler church andrelated building. The architecture of Transcaucasia and theNorthern Caucasus sometimes gives similar features, forexample Mgvimevi, Georgia, the end of the 13th century,but all of them were built later than the monument underconsideration.The "pseudobiconques" churches with a reducednorthern apse are also known in medieval Italy and Corsicaof the 10th-12th century (see for example: San Venerio,La Spezia-Migliarina, Liguria; San Tommaso al Poggio,Rapallo, Liguria; Santa Maria della Chiappella, Rogliano,Haute-Corse; Santa Maria di Sibiola, Serdiana, Sardegna).However, they hardly could be a source of inspirationfor builders of the Yedi Evler church for cultural andchronological reasons. The Italian architecture of the "chiesebiabsidate" did, however, deeply influence the appearanceof two apse churches in Crimea and Muscovite Russia inthe end of the 14th-15th century. Nevertheless, early Italiantwo apse sanctuaries, especially with different apses and anadditional northern entrance, could initially reflect the sameprocess of the change of liturgical planning as in the YediEvler church.It should be acknowledged that "pseudobiconques"churches are not very characteristic for the Greek Island.Some indirect parallels can bee seen in the planning ofthe church of St Spyridon – Panagia Protothroni Halkia,Halki, Naxos Island; church of St Pantaleon, Kotraphi,Peloponnesus; church of St Athanasius, Phaturu, PatmosIsland; church of St Athanasius, Phaturu, Patmos Island. Inall cases, it is difficult to say whether the additional reducedcompartment was initially intended for this or that particularliturgical ritual. It is quite possible that both naves wereused for the Eucharist. However, in the Middle Byzantineperiod, the appearance of double churches of Sts John andGeorge, Sarakini, Samos, and the Monastery of St JohnChrysostomos at Koutsovendis, Cyprus can be attested.The double apse church was renewed in the 10th century inÜçayak, near Kirşehir, Central Anatolia, Turkey. The mostnotable fact is that the high density of two apse middlebyzantine churches, including the "pseudobiconques"sanctuary, is known to have existed in the ancient Pontprovince and near Trabzon, Turkey, for example in Koralla,Görele Burunu fortress or Gantopedin fortress (Matzouka,Zana Kale), Labra, Maçka Dere, near Köpruna Köy. Thisregion always had direct ties with the northern Black Seacoast and Crimea during Antiquity and Middle Ages.At the same time, the closest parallel to the Yedi Evlerchurch can be seen in the 10th-11th century double apsechurch in the Upper City of Middle Byzantine settlementin Boğazköy (Hattusa, Asia Minor), Turkey, excavated by P.Neve in the early 1980s. At the small northern compartmentthat served as the principle entrance in the southern mainchurch, obviously meant for the Eucharist, a considerablenumber of metal ex-voto crosses was recovered. Thecombination of such features attested both in Yedi Evlerand Boğazköy and the chronological coincidence cannot beaccidental.The author argued that different liturgical functions of twochurch compartments and the subsidiary role of the northernpart may be stressed by their sizes and architectural volumesand expressed in the exterior of churches in an architectonicway and by means of architecture. An additional means ofspecial organization of two parts of liturgical space involvedthe arrangement of a separate doorway to the main churchvia the northern compartment as a supposable place of initialworship rituals.Such a change in liturgical planning finds its possibleexplanation in the reform of Prothesis/Proskomedia,which took place in Middle Byzantium during and rightafter the iconoclasm period. The Euchologion Barberinigr. 336, the oldest Orthodox liturgical book of the end ofthe 8th century, reported the appearance of the first priest'sprayer for the preparation of bread and wine as gifts for theEucharist. There was a time when the clergy and monksestablished control over the expression of community andindividual piety within the bringing of liturgical gifts. Thechapter argues in support of a hypothesis on the Prothesisfunction established in the northern compartment in MiddleByzantine churches with two unequal apses such as YediEvler, Sotera, Boğazköy, several sanctuaries of Pont andTrabzon, etc. as a materialization of church reforms at thattime. It is quite possible that contemporary Italian churcheswith two unequal apses were also influenced by the samearchitectural and liturgical innovation in the beginning of theMiddle Byzantine period, especially since the EuchologionBarberini is a manuscript of southern Italian provenance,which reflects, however, practices of Constantinople.Architectural studies let us assume that initially, for anewly performed ritual, the northern annexes or nave ofchurch could be reserved, but later such liturgical planninginnovation did not catch on in church practice. Both preanaphoraand anaphoric rituals were concentrated in thealtar zone.The architectural implementation of the Prothesisreform could be reflected in another way, for example, in theconstruction of rectangular annexes to Middle Byzantinechurch as monastery Kisleçukuru, Antalia, and in İnişdibifortified settlement, Istlada, near Kekova – Myra/Demre,both in Turkey provide examples. In fact, the MiddleByzantine period is generally characterized by the risingof additional architectural volumes and a compartmentaround the main church building within the multiplicationof liturgical rituals and "Privatisation" of Liturgy.As proof for the given hypothesis, a find of liturgicalequipment in the church can be added. At the central partof the northern compartment just opposite the doorway tothe main church, an almost rhomboidal flat stone with dimensionsof 0.5 х 0.7 m (weight 75 kg) was attested. Itshorizontal position in situ was fixed by two roof tiles andfragments of amphora. A considerable number of potteryand glass fragments was concentrated around the stone, aswell as some animal bones. At the east end of the northernapse, the bottom of pithos and fragmentary sheep skullwere also recovered, which indicate some unknown ritual.It is quite possible that such flat stones laying directly on thechurch floor and serving as the Prtothesis table for offeringliturgical bread and wine were typical for rural Byzantinechurches, as the information of Pratum spirituale by JohnMoschus suggests.No remains of the altar table or distinct elements of thealtar screen were recorded during the excavations. This impliesthat the Holy table in the church could be made ofwood and the altar screen existed as a cloth curtain or katapetasma.However, the altar zone was separated from thenaos by a terrace cut in natural as a kind of bema. Near thebema, there was a pit, most likely for a water reservoir usedfor church needs and ritual purification purposes. Beside thispit within the altar zone, several roof tiles were stocked as aspecial construction associated with finds of metal crossesand glass lamp fragments that may be regarded as an elementof an unpreserved altar barrier.Such liturgical elements as the offering of ex-voto crossesand new arrangement of the Prothesis ritual may suggesta monastic influence in the area. Additionally, this possibilityis confirmed by some features of burial custom of thegrave excavated near the church to the southeast from themain apse, i.e. the fixation of the head of one buried senilisman with the help of small stones or a special head-supportknown in the practice of Mont Athos monasteries and in theTypikon of Studios monastery in Constantinople. This observationallows for a revision of the role of Byzantine monasticismin the development of Crimean Christian cultureof the iconoclasm and posticonoclasm period, especiallysince an erroneous hypothesis on the "mass migration" ofByzantine monks-iconodoules to the Crimean peninsulabased on an uncritical review of the information of the Lifeof Saint Stephen the Younger has been abandoned after newresearch.However, rituals practiced in the Yedi Evler church werelinked not only to monastic practices but also to popularChristianized rituals, as finds of animal bones in and aroundthe church suggest. Without a doubt, these kitchen remainstestify to animal sacrifice and parish community or familyfestive meals organized in the church. The finds of oxremains, an animal usually offered as a sacrifice in ruralGreek communities during sanctuary consecration, nearthe western and southern entrances to the church may referto rituals of dedication of the church after its constructionand reconstruction in the second and third building periods.Other bones and faunal remains are relatively proportionallyspread out in the church complex. It is difficult todeterminate where exactly the common meals took place.Most likely, during the first period of church life it was thenorthern part of the church; the joint offering of gifts forthe Eucharist and ordinary meal in the same place near theflat stone in the northern part of the church shows a kindof syncretism of liturgical and popular rituals. During thelast period, when the northern compartment was buried accordingto canon law postulates the main part of the kitchenremains was concentrated near the southern entrance to thesanctuary.The practice of animal sacrifices and parish meals waslargely in use in Byzantine popular religion, or so-called"parish Orthodoxy." In spite of prescriptions against suchpractices, which can be found in canon law, it was regardedas a norm in society, and even hagiographical texts, for example,the Life of Saint Nicolas of Sion in Asia Minor, tellabout such rituals without any fulmination. Rituals of animalsacrifices are also known in the North Caucasus, Transcaucasia,and the Balkans and are still preserved in ethnographicpractice until the beginning of the 20th century andon several territories up until the present age. For example,in the Farassa area, Cappadocia, modern Feke, Adana Province,Turkey, in the Greek parish the ritual of animal sacrificeswas recorded in the church opposite the main altar on abig stone. This parallel may suggest that the flat stone in thenorthern part of the Yedi Evler church, apart from its Prosthesisfunction, could have also served as archaic sacrifice.The remains of rituals of church consecration are alsoknown from the excavations. They have been attestedthanks to one-time concentrations of charcoals and fireplacesas well as kitchen remains opposite to the entrances of thesanctuary. For the first church consecration, three fireplaceswere recorded to the north, west and south of the church.The second consecration left one fireplace to the south fromthe church according to the position of the main doorwayduring the third building period.Within the last zone, micropieces of flint made by strikea-light were found. It is obvious that there was a specialplace here for making 'liturgical fire' before the beginningof office of vespers. Evidently, the celebration in the churchwas not conducted every day, but on special days includingFeast and Sunday Liturgies. Today the ritual of makingnew fire before offices is still preserved in Latin andGreek parish life, only on the eve of Easter Day when theliturgical light for the ceremony is normally lit from a bonfireburned outside the church. In Russian and UkrainianOrthodoxy, such practice has been abandoned. A specificderivate of such practices is the ritual of 'Holy Fire' in thechurch of Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem on Great Saturday,the day before Orthodox Easter, presented in mass mentalityand church propaganda as a miracle. However, the practiceof making 'new' or 'holy' fire, especially at the beginningof spring, is well known thanks to ethnological research inWestern and Central Europe, and relations between churchrituals and folklore customs are difficult to establish. Multiplefragments of glass lamps in the same zone hardly referto any rituals, nor do presented remains of lamps accidentallybroken during manipulation. Only one church customthat involves the intentional breaking of wedding glass cupsof wine was first attested in the Euchologion Paris Coislin.213 in 1027 AD. However, until the 12th century, the churchblessing of wedding was practiced in the aristocratic milieuand was not very widespread in rural society.In sum, the local parish community had enough cultivatedlevel of religious life and combined innovations ofliturgical mainstream of Byzantine society issued from culturalcenters and archaic practices belonging to the provincialrural population.The conclusions presented by I. Teslenko and A. Musinsummaries research results and give future perspectives.For the first time in the history of excavations of Crimeanmedieval churches, thanks to careful digging and fieldfixation, architectural archaeology managed to record manyliturgical features and everyday life elements characteristicof Byzantine rural churches. It allowed for determining acharacteristic of the material culture of the local populationduring the "demographic boom" and establishing of themataadministrative division in Byzantine Empire in the 8th-9thcentury. Church planning kept the very important step inthe development of the initial part of East-Christian Liturgyas ritualisation of Prothesis. Archaeological contextspreserved intact bones of animal sacrifices and communitymeals appropriated to Byzantine popular religion, tracesof making of 'holy' or liturgical fire as micropieces of flintmade by a light-a-strike, and ex-voto offering in the formof metal crosses, and amulets pendants that at the sametime could serve as interior church decoration. Such findsallowed us to establish byzantine origin of several typesof Christian devotional crosses pendants from the 10th-11th century originated from the territories of Early Rus'and Scandinavia. The church in Yedi Evler is an examplemonument of the Middle Byzantine period for the study ofliturgical devotion, rural sacral architecture and everydaylife of provincial settlements, which should be useful forthe understanding of both Crimean medieval culture and thehistory of other parts of the Byzantine World.The study of the Yedi Evler church permits us todraw some conclusions about the historical developmentand cultural situation in the southern part of the Crimeanpeninsula at the end of the 8th – mid 10th century. The materialculture of the local population known from the result ofthe church excavation and investigation of surroundingsettlements and pottery workshops suggests importantinnovation, such as stone housebuilding using roof tiles,high-technology pottery production with very effectivekilns, winemaking oriented to local and long distancetrade, and ecclesiastical architecture of basilica-type parishchurches. All these improvements were previously unknownfor the autochthonic people, which may be indentified tothe Crimean Goths. The settlement archaeology in the areashows that the above-mentioned innovations were broughthere with the wave of mass migration, and newly-establishedresidences of the new population existed quietly side by sidewith previous habitations. This situation may demonstratethe process of mutual integration and even acculturation ofautochthonic people in higher organized society. Most likely,the main group of migrants came from Asia Minor andbrought the mentioned traditions of Byzantine-Rhômaioscivilization, including high technology in pottery andliturgical innovations reflected in ecclesiastical architectureand devotional practices.Undoubtedly, the colonization of the southern part of theCrimean peninsula was organized by the administration ofthe Byzantine Empire in the framework of the establishingof the themata system. The theme ta Klimata in this areawas constituted in 841 AD, and later in the 850s it wasreorganized in the theme of Chersoneses. In the same vein,the new church administration was established here. Theregion under question had probably been included in themetropolitan of Ghotia or Doros, whose eastern borderseparating it from another one new diocese of Sougdaia orSourozh, now Sudak, was exactly across from the Yedi Evlervalley. The Goths diocese is referred to as "a certain regionalong the coast there called Dory," mentioned by Procopiusof Caesarea in his panegyric on the building activity of theemperor Justinian De Aedificiis.The chronology of pottery materials suggests that thechurch in Yedi Evler and the local agglomeration, as wellas a considerable part of settlements in Southern and South-Western Crimea, ceased to exist at the same time in the firsthalf of the 10th century. Such a social collapse may be linkedto the politically unstable situation in the area caused by theconflict between the Byzantine Empire and Khazar kaganateand active military raids of the Rus' from the Middle Dnieperarea to the Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions, Asia Minorand Constantinople. The local population moved to moresecure regions or fled behind city walls for protection.This publication is supplemented by appendixes withcatalogues of finds of various categories including metals,glass, and faunal artifacts (I. Teslenko, N. Turova), pottery,ceramic and stone materials (O. Ignatenko, I. Teslenko),architectural elements (V. Kirilko), find of Bronze Ageperiod (I. Teslenko), description and results of opticalemission spectroscopy of glass finds (A. Egor'kov) andstudy of flint finds (V. Chabai).
To achieve sustainable development objectives in a context of climate change, it is now urgent for societies to adapt in order to maintain their quality of life. Good quality of life depends critically on the good state of ecosystems and the benefits that societies derive from them. To address this challenge, societies can reflect on how adaptation pathways can lead them towards a desirable future and ensure the sustainable use of natural resources. In recent decades, environmental research has explored the contributions of ecosystems for human well-being and, more much recently, their role for the adaptation of societies to global changes. Many studies have focused on the effectiveness and implementation of these "ecosystem-based adaptations". However, while these solutions are increasingly being considered to meet adaptation challenges, their role within the adaptation pathways of social-ecological systems (SES) remains understudied. This research aims to increase our understanding of how ecosystems can be harnessed in SES adaptation pathways to climate and socio-economic changes. For this, I studied how ecosystems have been mobilized in the past trajectory and the current state of a mountain social-ecological system, the Pays de la Meije located in the French Alps. I also studied how ecosystems could be mobilized in future adaptation pathways. I proposed a conceptual framework based on the IPBES and the associated concept of Nature's Contributions to People (NCP) considered to be co-produced by human and nature inputs. This approach enables considering the human-derived and natural capitals involved at the three steps of the production of material or immaterial benefits (Ecosystem management; Physical mobilization and access to nature; and Appropriation and appreciation of benefits). This approach allowed me to analyse adaptation mechanisms based on ecosystems. I implemented a participatory consultative process based on the knowledge, perceptions and visions of a wide range of local and regional actors following 4 steps: (1) Understanding the current functioning of the SES through human-nature interactions that contribute to quality of life; (2) Retracing the past trajectory of the SES since 1900 and characterizing ecosystem-based adaptation mechanisms ; (3) Co-producing a vision of the future for 2040 and identifying ecosystem-based adaptation objectives; and (4) Co-producing adaptation pathways to achieve the vision and identifying the barriers and levers to their implementation. This process offered to local actors' space and time for discussion, which is currently lacking.I found that the simultaneous co-production of multiple NCP contributes to key quality of life dimensions related to tourism, agriculture and local life. Adaptations from the past, or from future vision objectives involve changes in the co-production of NCP. These adaptations have resulted in reconfigurations of anthropogenic capital in response to drivers that are often external to the SES. I observed a gradient of adaptive responses according to the intensity of capital reconfiguration, leading to resistance, adjustment or transformation in the whole SES or part of it. I observed synergies between NCP co-production actions forming windows of opportunity for the future adaptation of local communities to keep the SES on the desired pathway. These windows include collective management of ecosystems, the creation of new opportunities for agriculture, and the diversification of practices to enjoy non-material benefits of nature. Actions whose implementation encounters many human and social barriers. Thus, major transformations of the social system are required to activate the necessary levers, such as the democratization of collective action and decision-making, social innovation or knowledge and means for adaptive practices. This approach could enable a better consideration of the role of ecosystems in SES adaptation strategies. ; Pour répondre aux objectifs de développement durable dans le contexte du changement climatique, il est désormais urgent pour les sociétés de s'adapter afin de maintenir leur bonne qualité de vie. Celle-ci dépend en grande partie du bon état des écosystèmes et des bénéfices que les sociétés en retirent. Pour relever ce défi, les sociétés doivent rechercher des trajectoires d'adaptation vers un avenir souhaitable, garantissant un usage durable des ressources naturelles. Au cours des dernières décennies, la recherche environnementale a exploré les contributions des écosystèmes au bien-être humain et, plus récemment, leur rôle dans l'adaptation des sociétés aux changements globaux. De nombreuses études se sont focalisées sur l'efficacité et la mise en œuvre de ces « adaptations basées sur les écosystèmes ». Si ces solutions sont de plus en plus considérées pour répondre aux besoins d'adaptation, leur rôle au sein des trajectoires d'adaptation des socio-écosystèmes (SES) reste peu étudié. Mes travaux visent à mieux comprendre comment les écosystèmes peuvent être mobilisés dans les trajectoires d'adaptation aux changements climatiques et socio-économiques des SES. J'ai étudié comment les écosystèmes ont été mobilisés dans la trajectoire passée et l'état actuel d'un SES de montagne : le Pays de la Meije situé dans les Alpes françaises. J'ai également étudié comment ils pourraient être mobilisés dans les futures trajectoires d'adaptation. J'ai développé un cadre conceptuel basé sur celui de l'IPBES et sur le concept associé de « contributions de la nature aux populations » (NCP), considérant que les NCP sont co-produites par l'homme et la nature. Cette approche permet de prendre en compte l'ensemble des capitaux anthropiques et naturels impliqués à chaque étape de la production de bénéfices matériels ou immatériels (Gestion des écosystèmes ; Mobilisation physique et accès à la nature ; et Appropriation et appréciation des bénéfices). J'ai mis en place un processus participatif consultatif basé sur les connaissances, les perceptions et les visions d'une grande diversité d'acteurs locaux et régionaux suivant 4 étapes : (1) Comprendre le fonctionnement actuel du SES au travers des interactions homme/nature participant à la qualité de vie ; (2) Retracer sa trajectoire passée depuis 1900 et caractériser les mécanismes d'adaptation basés sur les écosystèmes ; (3) Co-produire une vision d'avenir pour 2040 et identifier les objectifs d'adaptation basé sur les écosystèmes ; et (4) Co-produire des trajectoires d'adaptation pour atteindre cette vision et identifier les freins et leviers à sa mise en œuvre.J'ai montré que la co-production simultanée de multiples NCP contribue aux principales dimensions de qualité de vie en lien avec le tourisme, l'agriculture et la vie locale. Les adaptations passées ou issues des objectifs de la vision future, reposent sur des changements de co-production des NCP. Elles se traduisent par des reconfigurations des capitaux en réponse à des facteurs souvent externes au SES. J'ai observé un gradient de réponses adaptatives selon l'intensité de la reconfiguration des capitaux menant à la résistance, l'ajustement ou la transformation du SES. J'ai mis en évidence des synergies entre les co-productions formant des fenêtres d'action pour l'adaptation future des communautés locales afin de maintenir le SES dans la trajectoire désirée. Ces fenêtres concernent notamment la gestion collective des écosystèmes ou la création d'opportunités pour l'agriculture. Actions dont la mise en place rencontre de nombreuses barrières humaines et sociales. Ainsi, d'importantes transformations du système social sont requises pour activer les leviers nécessaires, tels que la démocratisation de l'action collective, l'innovation sociale ou encore les connaissances et moyens pour des pratiques adaptatives. Cette approche pourrait permettre une meilleure prise en compte du rôle des écosystèmes dans les stratégies d'adaptation des territoires.
To achieve sustainable development objectives in a context of climate change, it is now urgent for societies to adapt in order to maintain their quality of life. Good quality of life depends critically on the good state of ecosystems and the benefits that societies derive from them. To address this challenge, societies can reflect on how adaptation pathways can lead them towards a desirable future and ensure the sustainable use of natural resources. In recent decades, environmental research has explored the contributions of ecosystems for human well-being and, more much recently, their role for the adaptation of societies to global changes. Many studies have focused on the effectiveness and implementation of these "ecosystem-based adaptations". However, while these solutions are increasingly being considered to meet adaptation challenges, their role within the adaptation pathways of social-ecological systems (SES) remains understudied. This research aims to increase our understanding of how ecosystems can be harnessed in SES adaptation pathways to climate and socio-economic changes. For this, I studied how ecosystems have been mobilized in the past trajectory and the current state of a mountain social-ecological system, the Pays de la Meije located in the French Alps. I also studied how ecosystems could be mobilized in future adaptation pathways. I proposed a conceptual framework based on the IPBES and the associated concept of Nature's Contributions to People (NCP) considered to be co-produced by human and nature inputs. This approach enables considering the human-derived and natural capitals involved at the three steps of the production of material or immaterial benefits (Ecosystem management; Physical mobilization and access to nature; and Appropriation and appreciation of benefits). This approach allowed me to analyse adaptation mechanisms based on ecosystems. I implemented a participatory consultative process based on the knowledge, perceptions and visions of a wide range of local and regional actors following 4 steps: (1) Understanding the current functioning of the SES through human-nature interactions that contribute to quality of life; (2) Retracing the past trajectory of the SES since 1900 and characterizing ecosystem-based adaptation mechanisms ; (3) Co-producing a vision of the future for 2040 and identifying ecosystem-based adaptation objectives; and (4) Co-producing adaptation pathways to achieve the vision and identifying the barriers and levers to their implementation. This process offered to local actors' space and time for discussion, which is currently lacking.I found that the simultaneous co-production of multiple NCP contributes to key quality of life dimensions related to tourism, agriculture and local life. Adaptations from the past, or from future vision objectives involve changes in the co-production of NCP. These adaptations have resulted in reconfigurations of anthropogenic capital in response to drivers that are often external to the SES. I observed a gradient of adaptive responses according to the intensity of capital reconfiguration, leading to resistance, adjustment or transformation in the whole SES or part of it. I observed synergies between NCP co-production actions forming windows of opportunity for the future adaptation of local communities to keep the SES on the desired pathway. These windows include collective management of ecosystems, the creation of new opportunities for agriculture, and the diversification of practices to enjoy non-material benefits of nature. Actions whose implementation encounters many human and social barriers. Thus, major transformations of the social system are required to activate the necessary levers, such as the democratization of collective action and decision-making, social innovation or knowledge and means for adaptive practices. This approach could enable a better consideration of the role of ecosystems in SES adaptation strategies. ; Pour répondre aux objectifs de développement durable dans le contexte du changement climatique, il est désormais urgent pour les sociétés de s'adapter afin de maintenir leur bonne qualité de vie. Celle-ci dépend en grande partie du bon état des écosystèmes et des bénéfices que les sociétés en retirent. Pour relever ce défi, les sociétés doivent rechercher des trajectoires d'adaptation vers un avenir souhaitable, garantissant un usage durable des ressources naturelles. Au cours des dernières décennies, la recherche environnementale a exploré les contributions des écosystèmes au bien-être humain et, plus récemment, leur rôle dans l'adaptation des sociétés aux changements globaux. De nombreuses études se sont focalisées sur l'efficacité et la mise en œuvre de ces « adaptations basées sur les écosystèmes ». Si ces solutions sont de plus en plus considérées pour répondre aux besoins d'adaptation, leur rôle au sein des trajectoires d'adaptation des socio-écosystèmes (SES) reste peu étudié. Mes travaux visent à mieux comprendre comment les écosystèmes peuvent être mobilisés dans les trajectoires d'adaptation aux changements climatiques et socio-économiques des SES. J'ai étudié comment les écosystèmes ont été mobilisés dans la trajectoire passée et l'état actuel d'un SES de montagne : le Pays de la Meije situé dans les Alpes françaises. J'ai également étudié comment ils pourraient être mobilisés dans les futures trajectoires d'adaptation. J'ai développé un cadre conceptuel basé sur celui de l'IPBES et sur le concept associé de « contributions de la nature aux populations » (NCP), considérant que les NCP sont co-produites par l'homme et la nature. Cette approche permet de prendre en compte l'ensemble des capitaux anthropiques et naturels impliqués à chaque étape de la production de bénéfices matériels ou immatériels (Gestion des écosystèmes ; Mobilisation physique et accès à la nature ; et Appropriation et appréciation des bénéfices). J'ai mis en place un processus participatif consultatif basé sur les connaissances, les perceptions et les visions d'une grande diversité d'acteurs locaux et régionaux suivant 4 étapes : (1) Comprendre le fonctionnement actuel du SES au travers des interactions homme/nature participant à la qualité de vie ; (2) Retracer sa trajectoire passée depuis 1900 et caractériser les mécanismes d'adaptation basés sur les écosystèmes ; (3) Co-produire une vision d'avenir pour 2040 et identifier les objectifs d'adaptation basé sur les écosystèmes ; et (4) Co-produire des trajectoires d'adaptation pour atteindre cette vision et identifier les freins et leviers à sa mise en œuvre.J'ai montré que la co-production simultanée de multiples NCP contribue aux principales dimensions de qualité de vie en lien avec le tourisme, l'agriculture et la vie locale. Les adaptations passées ou issues des objectifs de la vision future, reposent sur des changements de co-production des NCP. Elles se traduisent par des reconfigurations des capitaux en réponse à des facteurs souvent externes au SES. J'ai observé un gradient de réponses adaptatives selon l'intensité de la reconfiguration des capitaux menant à la résistance, l'ajustement ou la transformation du SES. J'ai mis en évidence des synergies entre les co-productions formant des fenêtres d'action pour l'adaptation future des communautés locales afin de maintenir le SES dans la trajectoire désirée. Ces fenêtres concernent notamment la gestion collective des écosystèmes ou la création d'opportunités pour l'agriculture. Actions dont la mise en place rencontre de nombreuses barrières humaines et sociales. Ainsi, d'importantes transformations du système social sont requises pour activer les leviers nécessaires, tels que la démocratisation de l'action collective, l'innovation sociale ou encore les connaissances et moyens pour des pratiques adaptatives. Cette approche pourrait permettre une meilleure prise en compte du rôle des écosystèmes dans les stratégies d'adaptation des territoires.
The successful installation, commissioning, and operation of the Pierre Auger Observatory would not have been possible without the strong commitment and effort from the technical and admin-istrative staff in Malargtie. We are very grateful to the following agencies and organizations for financial support: Comision Nacional de Energla Atomica, Agencia Nacional de Promocion Cientffica y Tec-nologica (ANPCyT) , Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientfficas y Tecnicas (CONICET) , Gobierno de la Provincia de Mendoza, Municipalidad de Malargtie, NDM Holdings and Valle Las Leilas, in gratitude for their continuing cooperation over land access, Argentina; the Australian Research Council; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientffico e Tecnologico (CNPq) , Fi-nanciadora de Estudos e Projetos (FINEP) , FundagAo de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) , SAo Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) Grants No. 2010/07359-6 and No. 1999/05404-3, Ministerio de Ciencia e Tecnologia (MCT) , Brazil; Grant No.MSMT CR LG15014, LO1305 and LM2015038 and the Czech Science Foundation Grant No. 14-17501S, Czech Republic; Centre de Calcul IN2P3/CNRS, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) , Conseil Regional Ile-de-France, Departement Physique Nucleaire et Corpusculaire (PNC-IN2P3/CNRS) , Departement Sciences de l'Univers (SDU-INSU/CNRS) , Institut Lagrange de Paris (ILP) Grant No. LABEX ANR-10-LABX-63, within the Investissements d'Avenir Programme Grant No. ANR-11-IDEX-0004-02, France; Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) , Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) , Finanzministerium Baden-Wurttemberg, Helmholtz Al-liance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP) , Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren (HGF) , Ministerium fur Wissenschaft und Forschung, Nordrhein Westfalen, Ministerium fur Wis-senschaft, Forschung und Kunst, Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nu-cleare (INFN) ,Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF) , Ministero dell'Istruzione, dell'Universita e della Ricerca (MIUR) , Gran Sasso Center for Astroparticle Physics (CFA) , CETEMPS Cen-ter of Excellence, Ministero degli Affari Esteri (MAE) , Italy; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT) No. 167733, Mexico; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM) , PAPIIT DGAPA-UNAM, Mexico; Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap, Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO) , Stichting voor Fundamenteel Onderzoek der Materie (FOM) , Netherlands; National Centre for Research and Development, Grants No. ERA-NET-ASPERA/01/11 and No. ERA-NET-ASPERA/02/11, National Science Cen-tre, Grants No. 2013/08/M/ST9/00322, No. 2013/08/M/ST9/00728 and No. HARMONIA 5 - 2013/10/M/ST9/00062, Poland; Portuguese national funds and FEDER funds within Programa Operacional Factores de Competitividade through Fundagdo para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (COM-PETE) , Portugal; Romanian Authority for Scientific Research ANCS, CNDI-UEFISCDI partner-ship projects Grants No. 20/2012 and No.194/2012 and PN 16 42 01 02; Slovenian Research Agency, Slovenia; Comunidad de Madrid, Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) funds, Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad, Xunta de Galicia, European Community 7th Frame-work Program, Grant No. FP7-PEOPLE-2012-IEF-328826, Spain; Science and Technology Fa-cilities Council, United Kingdom; Department of Energy, Contracts No. DE-AC02-07CH11359, No. DE-FR02-04ER41300, No. DE-FG02-99ER41107 and No. DE-SC0011689, National Science Foundation, Grant No. 0450696, The Grainger Foundation, U.S.A. ; NAFOSTED, Vietnam; Marie Curie-IRSES/EPLANET, European Particle Physics Latin American Network, European Union 7th Framework Program, Grant No. PIRSES-2009-GA-246806; and UNESCO. ; The Auger Muon Infill Ground Array (AMIGA) is part of the AugerPrime upgrade of the Pierre Auger Observatory. It consists of particle counters buried 2.3m underground next to the water-Cherenkov stations that form the 23.5 km2 large infilled array. The reduced distance between detectors in this denser area allows the lowering of the energy threshold for primary cosmic ray reconstruction down to about 1017 eV. At the depth of 2.3m the electromagnetic component of cosmic ray showers is almost entirely absorbed so that the buried scintillators provide an independent and direct measurement of the air showers muon content. This work describes the design and implementation of the AMIGA embedded system, which provides centralized control, data acquisition and environment monitoring to its detectors. The presented system was firstly tested in the engineering array phase ended in 2017, and lately selected as the final design to be installed in all new detectors of the production phase. The system was proven to be robust and reliable and has worked in a stable manner since its first deployment. ; Comision Nacional de Energla Atomica ; ANPCyT ; Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas (CONICET) ; Gobierno de la Provincia de Mendoza ; Municipalidad de Malargtie ; NDM Holdings ; Australian Research Council ; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico (CNPQ) ; Financiadora de Inovacao e Pesquisa (Finep) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) 2010/07359-6 1999/05404-3 ; Ministerio de Ciencia e Tecnologia (MCT) , Brazil ; Grant Agency of the Czech Republic Czech Republic Government 14-17501S ; Centre de Calcul IN2P3/CNRS ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) Region Ile-de-France Departement Physique Nucleaire et Corpusculaire PNC-IN2P3/CNRS Departement Sciences de l'Univers (SDU-INSU/CNRS) French National Research Agency (ANR) LABEX ANR-10-LABX-63 ANR-11-IDEX-0004-02 ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) Finanzministerium Baden-Wurttemberg, Helmholtz Al-liance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP) Helmholtz Association Ministerium fur Wissenschaft und Forschung, Nordrhein Westfalen Ministerium fur Wis-senschaft, Forschung und Kunst, Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) Istituto Nazionale Astrofisica (INAF) ; Ministry of Education, Universities and Research (MIUR) ; Gran Sasso Center for Astroparticle Physics (CFA) ; CETEMPS Cen-ter of Excellence ; Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (Italy) ; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT) 167733 ; Mexico; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM) ; Programa de Apoyo a Proyectos de Investigacion e Innovacion Tecnologica (PAPIIT) ; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico ; Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) FOM (The Netherlands) Netherlands Government ; National Centre for Research & Development, Poland ERA-NET-ASPERA/01/11 ERA-NET-ASPERA/02/11 ; National Science Centre, Poland 2013/08/M/ST9/00322 2013/08/M/ST9/00728 HARMONIA 5 - 2013/10/M/ST9/00062 ; Portuguese national funds ; FEDER funds within Programa Operacional Factores de Competitividade through Fundagdo para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (COM-PETE) , Portugal ; Romanian Authority for Scientific Research ANCS ; Consiliul National al Cercetarii Stiintifice (CNCS) Unitatea Executiva pentru Finantarea Invatamantului Superior, a Cercetarii, Dezvoltarii si Inovarii (UEFISCDI) 20/2012 194/2012 PN 16 42 01 02 ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; Comunidad de Madrid ; Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) funds, Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad,Xunta de Galicia ,European Community 7th Frame-work Program FP7-PEOPLE-2012-IEF-328826 ; UK Research & Innovation (UKRI) ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) DE-FG02-99ER41107 DE-SC0011689 ; National Science Foundation (NSF) 0450696 ; Grainger Foundation, U.S.A ; National Foundation for Science & Technology Development (NAFOSTED) ; Marie Curie-IRSES/EPLANET ; European Particle Physics Latin American Network European Commission PIRSES-2009-GA-246806 ; UNESCO ; MSMT CR LG15014 LO1305 LM2015038
Taking into account the limitations of official approaches for addressing agri-food research, as well as their associated policies to tackle the problems of hunger and vulnerability of agri-food systems to global change, it becomes necessary to consider new frameworks and alternative policies for research and management of agri-food systems. With this thesis we contribute to the advances of agri-food research by rethinking the way of conceptualizing the agri-food system and by designing and testing analysis tools capable to link the research process with the management dynamics found in the local territory. We focus our attention on those linked to the political paradigm of food sovereignty. To achieve this objective we adopted a deductive and inductive method of research, organized in three phases. During the first phase, and under the wider umbrella of Sociology of Agriculture and Food, we developed a conceptual and theoretical framework which integrates systemic thinking and development studies capable to analyze the political paradigm of food sovereignty. For this purpose, we linked the approach focused in the analysis of socio-ecological systems (SES) with the vulnerability approach focused in the analysis of actors¿ dynamics. As a result, we have obtained an integrate framework that address the ecological and social dimensions of agri-food systems. During the second phase, we tested the framework developed in an empirical case study of a local agri-food system of the canton of Loja, located at the Southern Ecuadorian Andean region. The case is of particular interest due to the recent consideration of comunas and barrios as basic units for citizen participation within decentralized autonomous governments; and, the parallel process of creation of new collective action organizations, such as the recently conformed Agroecological Network of Loja (RAL). Using empirical data obtained from a survey conducted between December 2013 and March 2014 based on questionnaires to households (N = 116) and interviews to key informants (N = 14). We analyzed the role of social and institutional factors on the local agri-food system configuration taking into account the pillars of food sovereignty within the analysis. The results showed the significant, but differentiated, role of institutions (Agroecological Network of Loja), social groups (Saraguro indigenous culture) and income generation strategies on the agri-food system configuration. During the third phase, we assessed the future vulnerability vs resilience of local agri-food system through a participatory scenario development process. Using data obtained from semi-structured interviews (N = 14 and N = 25) and two workshops we analyzed the future trajectories of transformation for the local agri-food system under multiple ecological, socio-economic and political drivers of change. Four scenarios were envisioned by local actors. This assessment showed how drivers of change can affect different components of the local agri-food system when it is conceptualized as SES; and, how different perspectives contribute to build different future trajectories of active transformation. Overall, the results of the research process emphasize the role played by actors (understood as an intersectional group where gender takes meaning from its intersection with ethnicity and class) and novel institutional arrangements action to star the active transformation of agri-food systems in the marginal Andes. These findings have implications in agri-food systems policy design at local level, where the local peasant initiatives of social innovation have to be seen as potential mean to achieve the materialization of the political paradigm of food sovereignty within Andean agri-food system. ; Frente a las limitaciones tanto de los enfoques oficiales para la investigación agroalimentaria como de las políticas asociadas para abordar el problema del hambre y la vulnerabilidad de los sistemas agroalimentarios al cambio global, se hace necesario considerar nuevos marcos de análisis y políticas alternativas para el estudio y la gestión de los sistemas agroalimentarios. Con este trabajo de tesis nos proponemos contribuir al avance de la investigación agroalimentaria repensado la forma de conceptualizar el sistema agroalimentario y diseñando herramientas de análisis que vinculen el proceso de investigación con las dinámicas de gestión encontradas en el territorio local, enfocándonos en aquellas vinculadas con la soberanía alimentaria. Para alcanzar este objetivo hemos realizado un proceso (inductivo y deductivo) bajo el paraguas de la sociología de la agricultura y la alimentación, que hemos llevado a cabo en tres fases de investigación. Durante la primera fase, hemos desarrollado un marco teórico y metodológico que integra el pensamiento sistémico y estudios del desarrollo bajo el paradigma político de la soberanía alimentaria. Con este fin hemos vinculado el enfoque centrado en el análisis de los sistemas socio-ecológicos (SES) con el enfoque de vulnerabilidad centrado en el análisis de la dinámica de los actores. Como resultado hemos obtenido un marco integrado que aborda las dimensiones ecológica y social de los sistemas agroalimentarios, tal y como lo requiere el paradigma político de la soberanía alimentaria. Durante la segunda fase, hemos aplicado empíricamente el marco desarrollado en el sistema agroalimentario del cantón Loja, ubicado en los Andes del sur de Ecuador. Este caso de estudio es de particular interés debido a la reciente consideración de las comunas y barrios como unidades básicas para la participación ciudadana dentro de los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados; y, paralelamente, a la creación de nuevos procesos de acción colectiva, como la Red Agroecológica Loja (RAL). Usando datos empíricos obtenidos de cuestionarios a hogares campesino (N = 116) y entrevistas en profundidad a informantes clave (N = 14), realizada entre diciembre de 2013 y marzo de 2014, analizamos el rol de los factores sociales e institucionales sobre la configuración del sistema agroalimentario integrando dentro del análisis los pilares de la soberanía alimentaria. Este análisis mostró el rol significativo, pero diferenciado, de las instituciones (Red Agroecológica Loja), grupos sociales (cultura indígena Saraguro) y las estrategias de generación de ingresos para dar lugar a la configuración del sistema agroalimentario local. Durante la tercera fase, evaluamos la vulnerabilidad vs resiliencia del sistema agroalimentario local mediante un proceso de análisis de escenarios participativos. Hemos analizado las futuras trayectorias de transformación del sistema agroalimentario local bajo múltiples conductores de cambio (de tipo ecológico, socio-económico y político) mediante el análisis de datos obtenidos a partir de entrevistas semi-estructuradas (N = 14 y N = 25) y dos talleres. Los actores locales visionaron cuatro posibles futuros escenarios. Nuestra evaluación muestra cómo los conductores de cambio afectan los diferentes componentes del sistema agroalimentario local cuando se lo conceptualiza como SES; y, cómo las diferentes perspectivas de los actores construyen diferentes trayectorias para la transformación activa del sistema. En general, los resultados del proceso de investigación enfatizan el rol que desempeñan los actores (entendido como un grupo interseccional donde el género se concibe a partir de su intersección con la etnicidad y la clase) y los nuevos arreglos de acción institucional para iniciar la transformación activa del sistema agroalimentario en los sectores marginales andinos. ; Postprint (published version)
