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1. Introduction -- 2. Religion, secularization and politics : a postmodern conspectus -- 3. Religious fundamentalism and politics -- 4. Religion and politics : what is the impact of September 11? -- 5. Religion and democratization in Africa -- 6. Religion, ethnicity and civil war in Africa : the cases of Uganda and Sudan -- 7. The political and social context of intercivilizational conflict and the possibilities of peace building -- 8. Conflict, conflict resolution and peace building : the role of religion in Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia -- 9. Religion and international relations : what are the issues? -- 10. Religion and foreign policy making in the USA, India and Iran : towards a research agenda -- 11. Politics, identity and religious nationalism in Turkey : from Ataturk to the AKP -- 12. Transnational religious actors and international politics -- 13. Transnational religious actors and international order -- 14. Religion and a human rights culture in America -- 15. Al-Qaeda : ideology and action -- 16. Islamic militancy in East-Africa -- 17. Conclusion.

Contents -- Tables and Figures -- Foreword -- Preface -- Part I. The Presidential Elite and the Presidential Parties -- Chapter 1. A New Breed? A New Politics? -- Chapter 2. Contexts -- Chapter 3. Some Social and Personal Characteristics -- Chapter 4. Incentives to Participation in Presidential Politics -- Chapter 5. Role Expectations and Institutional Stability -- Chapter 6. Political Perspectives -- Chapter 7. Styles of Convention Participation -- Chapter 8. A New Class? A New Breed? -- Chapter 9. Factions in the Presidential Parties

As more people move to cities, and cars become viewed by many—especially younger generations—less as status symbols and more as unnecessary expenses leading to time spent in traffic, bicycling is experiencing a "renaissance" in North America (Pucher, Buehler, and Seinen 2011). Yet, we can ask, how much of a cycling renaissance is there, really, since North American urban cycling remains dwarfed by European numbers? Furthermore, is this renaissance the result of urban planners reducing the barriers to urban cycling? Or, is this renaissance occurring despite the associated disadvantages and physical risks cycling poses? While cycling enables riders to engage in environmentally friendly activities on a daily basis while also providing exercise and social connection and is viewed by citizens and social planners as low-hanging fruit to reduce CO2 emissions (similar in positive environmental effects to minimizing air travel or adopting a vegetarian diet), it is uncertain that the costs and benefits of different modes of transportation (and the same mode of transportation for different users) are equitably apportioned. In this chapter, I examine contemporary trends in bicycling via a Los Angeles case study to assess how environmental this trend is, on the one hand, and how everyday it is, on the other. Cycling, it may turn out, isn't always green in the sense of being good for the environment (e.g., chauffeuring one's bicycle by car to a scenic cycling destination), and at other times, it may be good for the environment (in terms of not adding greenhouse gas emissions) but not so good for the cyclist (in terms of safety, inhaling polluted city air, encountering stigma, etc.). Systematic physical obstacles such as unsafe thoroughfares and a lack of cycling infrastructure also may impact who is riding a bike, and which citizens are inhibited from this mode of mobility freedom. Analyzing these axes through concrete examples deflates the notion of embracing cycling as a panacea for environmental and mobility issues without ...

How does armed conflict affect social cohesion, that is, the social fabric of societies? This question is central if we want to understand better why some countries experience repeated cycles of violence. It is also a crucial question for the design of peacebuilding interventions. In recent years, considerable scientific work has been put into studying the social legacies of armed conflict. This literature review brings these academic studies together in a novel way. In this discussion paper we conduct an extensive review of the empirical academic literature on how armed conflict affects social cohesion. We take a holistic perspective and analyse each of the three constituent elements of social cohesion – trust, cooperation and identity – in detail and along both a vertical (state-society relations) and a horizontal (interpersonal and intergroup relations) dimension. Regarding conflict, the focus lies on intrastate conflict and civil war, but the review also includes the few studies that focus on armed conflict between states or groups (interstate and non-state conflict). Overall, this review brings together insights from 39 published, peer-reviewed, empirical studies, most of which analyse the effects of conflict based on comprehensive survey data or behavioural experiments. Strengths and shortcomings are discussed and future avenues for research are identified. Contrary to the initial optimism of the potentially positive legacies of armed conflict expressed by some scholars, our main finding holds that the literature by now mainly points towards such conflict harming social cohesion. Most clearly, there is quite a large body of literature showing that social trust is negatively affected by experience of violence. Research on political trust and social identities is still nascent but currently also points towards negative effects. The literature on cooperation is more mixed with studies finding both support for an increase or a decrease in cooperative behaviour. However, several (and particularly newer) studies demonstrate that an increase in cooperation can often be explained by prosocial behaviour towards the in-group but not the out-group, calling into question whether this should be interpreted positively for social cohesion overall. Political participation does, however, seem to be one aspect of social cohesion in which effects of the "post-traumatic growth" mechanism can indeed be traced in several contexts.

How does armed conflict affect social cohesion, that is, the social fabric of societies? This question is central if we want to understand better why some countries experience repeated cycles of violence. It is also a crucial question for the design of peacebuilding interventions. In recent years, considerable scientific work has been put into studying the social legacies of armed conflict. This literature review brings these academic studies together in a novel way. In this discussion paper we conduct an extensive review of the empirical academic literature on how armed conflict affects social cohesion. We take a holistic perspective and analyse each of the three constituent elements of social cohesion – trust, cooperation and identity – in detail and along both a vertical (state-society relations) and a horizontal (interpersonal and intergroup relations) dimension. Regarding conflict, the focus lies on intrastate conflict and civil war, but the review also includes the few studies that focus on armed conflict between states or groups (interstate and non-state conflict). Overall, this review brings together insights from 39 published, peer-reviewed, empirical studies, most of which analyse the effects of conflict based on comprehensive survey data or behavioural experiments. Strengths and shortcomings are discussed and future avenues for research are identified. Contrary to the initial optimism of the potentially positive legacies of armed conflict expressed by some scholars, our main finding holds that the literature by now mainly points towards such conflict harming social cohesion. Most clearly, there is quite a large body of literature showing that social trust is negatively affected by experience of violence. Research on political trust and social identities is still nascent but currently also points towards negative effects. The literature on cooperation is more mixed with studies finding both support for an increase or a decrease in cooperative behaviour. However, several (and particularly newer) studies demonstrate that an increase in cooperation can often be explained by prosocial behaviour towards the in-group but not the out-group, calling into question whether this should be interpreted positively for social cohesion overall. Political participation does, however, seem to be one aspect of social cohesion in which effects of the "post-traumatic growth" mechanism can indeed be traced in several contexts.

THE PROBLEMS OF TRUST AND CONFIDENCE BUILDING BETWEEN ANTAGNIOSTIC PARTNERS HAS ACQUIRED CONSIDERABLE PROMINENCE IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE RECENTLY. THE POLITICAL CAPITAL INVESTED IN THE PROMOTION CONFIDENCE BUILDING MEASURES IS VIEWED AS A REACTION TO THE DECREASED CACULABILITY AND PREDITABILITY AND THE RISE IN MUTUAL THREAT PERCEPTIONS. THE ROLE THAT IDEOLOGY PLAYS IN COMPLICATING THE PROCESS IS DISCUSSED.

Current examples are extremely important for AS Government and Politics students. This new edition of Edexcel for AS Government and Politics covers all of the most recent political developments and events so that students can make sense of them in the context of their studies. With an improved design to aid navigation, this book offers the most accessible, informed and specification-focused discussion of the key facts and ideas to help you succeed in AS Politics. Key features include:.; Full coverage of the Edexcel specification.; All the latest relevant political developments not covered in a.

PurposeThis paper aims to review the available academic literature on CSR from employees' perspective, with an objective to better understand the individual-level analysis of CSR and clarify the current state of thinking in the area. Specifically, the authors present the evolution of the concept of CSR, from the historical overview to the emergence of recent theory and conceptualizations; the underlying theoretical foundations of CSR; the studied variables for CSR; and the research gaps and future work avenues in the field of CSR.Design/methodology/approachIn all, 158 articles from 72 journals were included in the review, and a comprehensive analysis of the reviewed articles was performed.FindingsThis paper makes a significant contribution to the literature by presenting a comprehensive review of the articles published in academic journals, focusing on employees' perspective of CSR. The findings advance the understanding of the research trend in employee-focused micro-level CSR research. They will assist organizations better understand "why," "how" and "when" employees react to CSR initiatives of an organization. This paper also identifies the existing gaps in employee-centric CSR research, which will provide important directions for future research in the area.Research limitations/implicationsThe review focused exclusively on journal publications. Dissertations, conference papers, working papers and practitioner papers were excluded, as they are not peer-reviewed.Originality/valueThis paper is one of the comprehensive review papers that focus exclusively on employees' perspective of CSR, by analyzing 158 articles from the period 1961-2017.

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1971.

The Women's Liberation Movement (MLF) was not only a political and social movement, but one of the last, if not the very last, literary avant-garde that France has experienced. From an international perspective, the activity of the literary women within the movement represents one of the fundamental principles of the fight for women's rights in France. The demonstrators, who publicly placed a bouquet of flowers for the unknown wife of the Unknown Soldier under the Arc de Triomphe on August 26th 1970, are for some, and are soon to become for others, women writers. Ten years later, the MLF, a recently registered trademark with the National Institute for Intellectual Property Rights, belongs to the editor, Antoinette Fouque, promotor of female writing. Within the space determined by these two fixed points, there exists a collection of texts that adhere to two major trends – although antagonistic – of the movement, Feminism on one hand and Neofeminity, or the praise for "difference", on the other hand. Mirroring each other, a dual editorial form develops, sharing publishers and scholarly journals, into two distinct literary and militant factions. For ten years, literature served the purpose of the Women's Liberation Movement as much as the latter promoted literature, each influencing and informing the other by practice and thought. It is precisely this coexistence between literature and the Women's Liberation Movement that the present dissertation proposes to examine, in order to trace the political movement that was and made itself literary, and, by the same token, a literature that was and made itself political. At the same time, the dissertation continues the question asked of literature by an entire women's movement, challenging its assigned definitions and pushing back its boundaries. ; Le Mouvement de libération des femmes en France ne fut pas seulement un mouvement politique et social, ce fut également l'une des dernières, si ce n'est la dernière, avant-garde littéraire que la France a connue. Du point de vue ...

The Women's Liberation Movement (MLF) was not only a political and social movement, but one of the last, if not the very last, literary avant-garde that France has experienced. From an international perspective, the activity of the literary women within the movement represents one of the fundamental principles of the fight for women's rights in France. The demonstrators, who publicly placed a bouquet of flowers for the unknown wife of the Unknown Soldier under the Arc de Triomphe on August 26th 1970, are for some, and are soon to become for others, women writers. Ten years later, the MLF, a recently registered trademark with the National Institute for Intellectual Property Rights, belongs to the editor, Antoinette Fouque, promotor of female writing. Within the space determined by these two fixed points, there exists a collection of texts that adhere to two major trends – although antagonistic – of the movement, Feminism on one hand and Neofeminity, or the praise for "difference", on the other hand. Mirroring each other, a dual editorial form develops, sharing publishers and scholarly journals, into two distinct literary and militant factions. For ten years, literature served the purpose of the Women's Liberation Movement as much as the latter promoted literature, each influencing and informing the other by practice and thought. It is precisely this coexistence between literature and the Women's Liberation Movement that the present dissertation proposes to examine, in order to trace the political movement that was and made itself literary, and, by the same token, a literature that was and made itself political. At the same time, the dissertation continues the question asked of literature by an entire women's movement, challenging its assigned definitions and pushing back its boundaries. ; Le Mouvement de libération des femmes en France ne fut pas seulement un mouvement politique et social, ce fut également l'une des dernières, si ce n'est la dernière, avant-garde littéraire que la France a connue. Du point de vue ...

The purpose of this study is to explore the interplay of language policy & ethnic politics in the context of the Native/Mainlander competition in Taiwan. First of all, languages will be examined as an instrument of group solidarity, be it a national or ethnic one. Second, we will examine how the seemingly simply selection of a phonetic system of street signs initially embarked upon in Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, has evolved into a national controversy involving heated debate within not only the National Language Promotion Committee but also the National Legislature, & eventually led to the disgraceful dismissal of the Minister of Education. Third, the focus will be on the recent call by sonic, national legislators for the adoption of Hoklo as a second national language in addition to Mandarin. 13 References. Adapted from the source document.