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The central theme of the 2011 World Development Report (WDR) is that violent conflict remains a constant threat to human rights, peace and sustainable development. While the nature of violent conflict maybe changing1 its negative impact on poor people in terms of rights violations, public health, forced displacement and diminution of life chances is the same. Critical to establishing peace and the necessary confidence between state and citizen is providing a sense of security, freedom from fear, and the protection of basic rights and entitlements. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship, overlapping and sometimes contradictory, between a range of approaches to security and justice in conflict affected contexts, and to place these efforts within a broader rule of law framework. This, it will be argued, greatly assists in addressing the kind of frictions and blind-spots that commonly exist in making the transition from violence to peace. The paper will then examine some of the instruments and approaches adopted by governments and international partners in addressing the kinds of stresses which result in violent conflict. Finally, it will examine the gaps in the international arena which continue to persist in this area of support. A series of security and justice-themed papers produced for the WDR 2011 outline in more detail the issues, approaches and lessons of the key components including: security, public security in peacekeeping settings, criminal justice, justice and administrative law, and transitional justice.

Resumen: Este trabajo analiza la acción colectiva sindical postnacional en el MERCOSUR en un período histórico signado por profundas mutaciones políticas, económicas, y productivas sociales (1991-2012) a partir de los relatos y representaciones de sus protagonistas. El trabajo cualitativo intentará explicar la configuración del sindicalismo internacional en la globalización, y describir las estrategias del movimiento obrero mercosureño. La metodología cualitativa ilustra un trabajo de campo a partir de entrevistas en profundidad a 34 sindicalistas del Mercosur, y entrevistas adicionales a tres representantes de la Confederación Sindical de las Américas, dos empresarios del Mercosur, un especialista académico en la dimensión sociolaboral de la integración regional y un representante de la OIT en la región. La metodología de análisis e interpretación de dichas entrevistas ha sido la teoría fundamentada, entendida como la técnica más idónea de aprehender los procesos sociales a través de las voces de los líderes obreros, comprender su realidad, sus representaciones y sistema de valores, sus ideas y su acción colectiva. La literatura de los movimientos sociales en la globalización capitalista ha puesto el énfasis en la emergencia de nuevos colectivos cuyos reclamos se concentran en el reconocimiento (Fraser y Honneth, 2006) de sus identidades que el modelo fordista de producción pareció invisibilizar y soslayar ante la primacía de las prácticas económicas y demandas distributivas. Esta tesis conjuga una perspectiva dualista y demuestra que las estrategias de reconocimiento y las reivindicaciones de redistribución de tipo clasista se resignificaron en el escenario postnacional a través de la Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur –CCSCS- (subregional) y, con un desarrollo menor: los Sindicatos Globales (FSI, GUFs) en la acción sectorial [1991-2012]. Para arribar al núcleo configurativo de sus representaciones y su sistema de valores, la investigación transitó por los sentidos y significados del trabajo, las mutaciones productivas y de las condiciones del trabajo, las teorías del fin del trabajo, la precarización y la representación de los trabajadores más frágiles: mujeres, jóvenes y migrantes. En un segundo orden se interpeló sobre la gobernanza mundial, los organismos internacionales, el régimen normativo internacional, la civilización capitalista, para luego abordar el estudio específico del Mercosur y la acción obrera en dicho proceso. El núcleo determinó que para los representantes obreros la acción colectiva sindical debe ser postnacional y su objetivo es limitar la globalización capitalista neoliberal. La CCSCS conformó desde sus inicios un movimiento capaz de elevarse al rango supranacional para representar la voz de los trabajadores del MERCOSUR. La pluralidad configuró su mayor virtud durante sus primeros 20 años, reconociendo una experiencia de aprendizaje de tolerancia y respeto, que ellos definen como la unidad en la diversidad. Esta entidad constituye un patrimonio único como paradigma del sindicalismo postnacional. Los sindicatos del Cono Sur adoptaron diversas modalidades de acción colectiva: a) reactiva (con repertorios de insubordinación, de lucha y resistencia al modelo neoliberal), b) proactiva (con repertorios de incidencia normativa en el MERCOSUR) y c) participativa (con repertorios de producción propositiva de incidencia en la dimensión social del MERCOSUR). Su acción colectiva reactiva, normativa y propositiva fue eficaz a mediano plazo para participar e incidir en el MERCOSUR, crear una dimensión social del bloque y dotar de derechos normativos a los ciudadanos de la región. Su acción tuvo un sentido político de gran poder instituyente, con capacidad movilización y alta exposición pública. Sin embargo, en la segunda década su lógica de construcción quedó subordinada a los procesos nacionales y a los partidos gobernantes, dejó de ser performativa y de creación política, dirimiéndose en la esfera social junto a otros movimientos sociales emergentes, y provocó un ciclo de desmovilización. Simultáneamente, emergió con fuerza otra modalidad de sindicalismo postnacional con la fusión y refundación de los Sindicatos Globales. Su acción sectorial contribuye a restaurar las demandas de distribución que habían quedado soslayadas, pero esta tesis manifiesta que los protagonistas afirman que sus marcos de acción colectiva deberán ser conjuntos para ser exitosa. El sindicalismo postnacional en el MERCOSUR se define a sí mismos como agente de desarrollo, protagonista del modelo socioproductivo, pero también como vehículo partícipe de la democracia y de una matriz sustentable de desarrollo ; Abstract: This thesis analyzes the post-national trade union collective action within MERCOSUR in a historical period marked by profound political, economic, and social-productive changes (1991-2012) arising from the accounts and representations of its protagonists. This qualitative paper will attempt to explain the configuration of international unionism in globalization times, and describe strategies of the MERCOSUR labor movement. The qualitative methodology illustrates a fieldwork that arose from 34 in-depth interviews with MERCOSUR trade union leaders, and additional interviews with three representatives of the Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, two MERCOSUR executives, an academic specialist on the social and labor dimensions of regional integration and a representative of the ILO in the region. The methodology of analysis and interpretation of those interviews has been the grounded theory, which is understood as the most suitable technique to apprehend the social processes through the voices of trade union leaders, understand their realities, their representations and system of values, ideas and collective action. The bibliography of social movements in capitalist globalization has focused on the emergence of new groups whose demands are concentrated on the recognition (Fraser and Honneth, 2006) of their identities, which the Fordist production model seemed to neglect and make it invisible before the supremacy of economic practices and distributive demands. This thesis combines a dualistic perspective and demonstrates that strategies for recognition and class-based redistribution policies have been redefined in the post-national scenario through the South Cone Trade Unions Coordination -CCSCS- (sub-regional) and with less progress: Global Unions (FSI, GUFs) in sectorial action [1991-2012]. In order to get to the organizational core of its representations and system of values, this research paper run through the purposes and meanings of labor, productive changes and working conditions, theories of the end of labor, precarious work and representation of the most vulnerable workers: women, youth and migrants. On a second matter, this paper questions about global governance, international organizations, international regulatory framework, capitalist civilization, and then addresses the specific field of study of Mercosur and the labor action in its process. The core determined that for labor representatives the trade union collective action should be post-national and its purpose is to limit the neoliberal capitalist globalization. The CCSCS established since its beginning a movement able of rising to the supranational level in order to represent the voice of workers in MERCOSUR. Plurality was its greatest virtue during its first 20 years, while recognizing a learning experience of tolerance and respect, which they define as unity in diversity. This entity constitutes a unique heritage serving as a paradigm of post-national trade unionism. Trade unions of the South Cone adopted various forms of collective action: a) reactive (consisting of a set of insubordination, struggle and resistance to the neoliberal model), b) proactive (consisting of a set of regulatory impact on MERCOSUR) and c) participatory (consisting of a set of purposeful production impact on the social dimension of MERCOSUR). Its reactive, proactive and participatory collective action was effective, in the medium term, in order to participate and influence on MERCOSUR, create a social dimension of the block and provide a regulatory framework for the citizens in the region. Its action had a great sense of institutive political power, with a mobilization capacity and high public exposure. However, in the second decade, its logic of creation remained subjected to the national processes and ruling parties, it started losing its performative and policy creation qualities, settling in the social sphere with other emerging social movements causing a cycle of demobilization. Simultaneously, it strongly emerged another form of post-national trade unionism with the merger and restoring of Global Unions. Its sectorial action contributes to restore distributive demands that had been neglected, but this thesis states that the leading players claim that their collective action frameworks should be jointed in order to be successful. Post-national trade unionism in MERCOSUR defines itself as a developing agent, a protagonist of the social productive model, but also as a vehicle to engage in democracy and in a sustainable development matrix

Living Beyond Boundaries: West African Servicemen in French Colonial Conflicts, 1908-1962, is a history of French West African colonial soldiers who served in French Empire. Known by the misnomer tirailleurs sénégalais , these servicemen contributed to the expansion, maintenance, and defense of France's presence on several continents. The complex identity and shifting purpose of this institution were directly linked to French colonialism, but determined by numerous actors and settings. The men in the ranks of the tirailleurs sénégalais came from France's colonial federations in sub-Saharan Africa--French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa. During the twentieth century, tirailleurs sénégalais ' deployed to North Africa, the Levant, Indochina, and Madagascar, where their exploits brought them into contact with other imperial populations. Tirailleurs sénégalais played crucial roles in assembling and disassembling French empire. The tirailleurs sénégalais provide a unique West African perspective of France's colonial empire that challenges national and French colonial readings of this colonial military institution. Tirailleurs sénégalais were colonial soldiers and intermediaries who experienced French colonialism unlike other colonized peoples. As employees of the colonial state, West African soldiers were often among the first populations to experience novel colonial policy. As soldiers, they implemented those policies in foreign colonial populations. However, these men were not simply the conveyors of colonialism. Their imperial assignments in colonial wars evidenced the importance of lateral exchanges of knowledge and experience between colonial populations linked together by France's presence. The tirailleurs sénégalais demonstrate that the core-periphery model of historicizing colonialism, where information and historical causality flow unidirectionally from the French metropole into its colonies, is limited in portraying how people experienced colonialism. The roles of women and wives in the tirailleurs sénégalais ' history attest to the significance of cross-colonial exchange in the French colonial world. West African women followed their soldier/husbands to North Africa and Madagascar. Repatriating soldiers brought foreign wives home to French West Africa from Syria, Lebanon, and Indochina. Regardless of their origin or the setting of their interactions with soldiers, women affected the decisions that West African men made regarding their military service. By accounting for the importance of wives and marriage, this project also illustrates how women and soldiers challenged a secular colonial state to redefine marriage. Soldiers and wives convinced the colonial state to allot family allowances to polygynous Muslim West African soldiers. By emphasizing the importance of foreign women and cross-colonial exchange in the history of the tirailleurs sénégalais , this project problematizes histories of federal colonial institutions that are circumscribed by the boundaries of modern nation-states. Due to its composition and the range of its deployments, the tirailleurs sénégalais was an international enterprise. When shoehorned into the national history of a contemporary West African country, the tirailleurs sénégalais become a tool for interrogating French colonialism in that West African. These histories overemphasize the hand of France in the histories of West Africans and neglect the global influences on men who made French empire. When viewed through the lens of empire, the tirailleurs sénégalais also challenge the periodization of the colonial period. West Africans fought in the French-Algerian conflict after their home colonies were sovereign nations. The veterans of the tirailleurs sénégalais continue to rely on this historical relationship through the collection of their pensions. This project is informed by archival, published, and oral sources. They sources provide a nuanced understanding of the various worlds that tirailleurs sénégalais traipsed through in the twentieth century. The first half of this dissertation relies on French archival materials and published memoirs. These written sources were penned predominantly by French men, but the voices and agency of West African troops emerge in critical moments. These sources also portray French biases towards the tirailleurs sénégalais , as well as the ways in West African intermediaries contributed to French knowledge regarding their recruits. Roughly one hundred interviews conducted with veterans and their families inform the second half of this dissertation. Memory and oral history added complexity to the history presented by archival military documents. A source fraught with its own biases and omissions, veterans' memory of the past enriched this dissertation with anecdotal evidence. Their memories also illustrated how the fifty years since independence have influenced how they give importance particular events in their personal histories as soldiers and veterans. Living Beyond Boundaries chronologically, and geographically follows tirailleurs sénégalais ' imperial engagements in Morocco, Syria-Lebanon, Indochina, Madagascar, and Algeria. The West Africans in this dissertation were soldiers in the employment of France and large-scale conflicts act as the chronological framing device of this dissertation. Each chapter takes place in different imperial locations, but each analyzes recurring themes that illustrate how West Africans experienced the French colonial military and how they maintained empire. Chapter One introduces tirailleurs sénégalais and situates them within several genres of historical literature and accounts for the institution's nineteenth-century history. Chapter Two analyzes their deployment in the Moroccan "pacification" campaign, between 1908 and 1914. Tirailleurs sénégalais ' deployment in North Africa was an experiment that served as the springboard for subsequent deployments in French empire. The Moroccan campaign tested the adaptability of West African servicemen to military life in temperate climates, as well as challenged the French assumptions about their sub-Saharan African troops. The outbreak of the Great War brought the tirailleurs sénégalais to France. Chapter Three deals with pivotal legislation that reshaped the tirailleurs sénégalais . The Blaise Diagne Laws of 1915 and 1916 passed as result of the crises of the Great War. These laws secured citizenship for a minority of West Africans, who became obligated to service in the French military. The renegotiation of citizenship for military service led to the bifurcation of West African soldiers in the French Armed Forces--West African citizens served in the French metropolitan army and West African subjects in the tirailleurs sénégalais . Their experiences as soldiers diverged after the ratification of this legislation.After the armistice in 1918, tirailleurs sénégalais were diverted from France to serve in recently acquired French mandate territories--Syria and Lebanon. Chapter Four takes place in the interwar period, when the tirailleurs sénégalais ' role in empire was redefined as they fought in small-scale conflicts in the Levant and Morocco. The financial crisis of the 1920s and 1930s negatively impacted the colonial military's effort to improve and professionalize the tirailleurs sénégalais . The "hollow years" witnessed important processes in the tirailleurs sénégalais . The French military's attempt to professionalize the tirailleurs sénégalais was also thwarted by their paradoxical move to reestablish racial hierarchy in empire. The outbreak of World War II brought schizophrenia, paranoia and fratricide to the tirailleurs sénégalais . Chapter Five studies the division of empire into factions aligned with Free France and Vichy France. The tirailleurs sénégalais existed on both sides of this divide and found themselves facing one another on the battlefields of Syria when Allied forces attacked Vichy forces there. French Indochina fell under the authority of neighboring Japan and West African soldiers relied on romantic relationships with Indochinese women to survive the war. The reversals of World War II encouraged postwar challenges to France's authority in several of its colonies. Tirailleurs sénégalais ' participated in these events as colonizers and colonized peoples.The conclusion of hostilities in France were eclipsed by the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence. Chapter Six addresses the nine-year guerilla war in Indochina, where tirailleurs sénégalais found themselves overwhelmed by the intimacy and violence of close fighting quarters. This chapter is informed by veterans and their widows' memories, which illuminated the personal and psychological characteristics of this conflict. This was the first large-scale anti-colonial war where evidence suggests that tirailleurs sénégalais questioned their role in French colonialism. Deserters abandoned the French army for political reasons and for love. The romantic relationships between soldiers and Indochinese women led to the international migrations of inter-racial families to West Africa. West African communities dealt with the aftermath of the French-Indochinese Ware as their sons' families integrated into their households. After the conclusion of the Indochinese conflict in 1954, some tirailleurs sénégalais were redeployed immediately to the battlefields of Algeria. Chapter Seven uses the French-Algerian war as a backdrop for troops' demobilization and West Africa's decolonization. The French Constitutional Referendum in 1958 launched West African independence. West African soldiers became caught up in the extrication of France from West Africa, since both entities desired trained troops. As a result, tirailleurs sénégalais remained in France's employment after their natal countries were sovereign nations. West African soldiers' dual allegiance to France and their country of origin challenged the meaning and finality of political independence. The Conclusion takes this argument further by analyzing the contemporary relationships between tirailleurs sénégalais veterans, West African states and France.

For many developing countries, natural resource exports such as oil, diamonds and copper continue to be important drivers for economic growth and provide a unique opportunity for generating revenues for much-needed infrastructure and human development. Dependence on extractive resources, however, may also increase the likelihood of underdevelopment, fragility and conflict. The challenges for managing these resources efficiently are likely to expand, as a growing number of developing countries and fragile states emerge as oil and mineral producers. Thus, there is a need to gain a better understanding of the factors that may help prevent violent conflict in resource rich countries. This paper proposes that one way of gaining such understanding and insight is to "conflict-sensitize" the Extractive Industries Value Chain (EIVC), and use it as a framework for conflict prevention in resource-rich countries. In this context, the report's main objective is to examine the potential opportunities for conflict prevention along the extractive industries value chain. Such a body of knowledge can help the World Bank, the UN and EU, as well as client countries and other partners, in their planning and coordination of complementary activities when implementing their programmes and projects, particularly when working in the same resource-rich countries. This paper aims to demonstrate the feasibility and challenges faced by adopting a conflict-sensitive approach within the World Bank's EI Value Chain. The methodology used was a combined desk review and in-depth interviews with regional and country specialists, especially in governance/conflict prevention and extractive industries (Annex 1). The emphasis is on qualitative analysis. The four countries that were desk reviewed for the project, including Chile, Peru, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Zambia, are all copper producers and were selected due to their heavy dependence on revenues from mining. This book is arranged as follows: (i) part one explains extractives, conflict prevention and the value chain; (ii) part two is about the EI value chain as framework for conflict prevention; (iii) part three talks about emerging themes and recommendation; and (iv) part four describes the four country examples and the emerging lessons.

Community-Driven Development (or CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. The proponents of CDD believe that giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources will lead to more efficient and effective use of financial resources. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider 'spillover' impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy. This paper briefly reviews the World Bank's experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. This paper provides a framework for assessing the impacts of CDD projects in post-conflict and conflict-affected areas. It tries to unpack the potential causal channels through which projects may have their desired, or other, impacts. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don't, and potential future directions for research and programming.

There is a growing body of practice and literature on the role of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in preventing and responding to violence. There is also a lot of excitement and corresponding literature about the role of the internet in non-violent change and democratization. The use of mobile phones, social networks such as Facebook and Twitter, and user-generated content (UGC) like blogs and YouTube videos in the protests in Tunisia and Egypt, as well as throughout the wider middle-east and North Africa (MENA) region have shown how ICTs can complement and augment the exercise of rights to freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of peaceful assembly. This literature focuses on the use of ICTs before and during conflict, for example in conflict prevention and early warning. What about the use of ICTs in post-conflict situations; after the negotiation of peace agreements? How can ICTs be used in post-conflict interventions; more specifically in post-conflict peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction and recovery? What role of can be played here by social media and user-generated content?

Community Driven Development (CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. Giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources is believed by its proponents to lead to more efficient and effective fund use. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider 'spillover' impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy. This paper briefly reviews the World Bank's experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. The region has been at the forefront of developing large-scale CDD programming including high profile 'flagships' such as the Kecamatan Development Program (KDP) in Indonesia and the Kapitbisig Laban Sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (KALAHI-CIDSS) project in the Philippines. As of the end of 2007, CDD constituted fifteen percent of the lending portfolio in East Asia compared with ten percent globally. Many of East Asia's CDD projects have operated consciously or not in areas affected by protracted violent conflict. CDD has also been used as an explicit mechanism for post-conflict recovery in Mindanao in the Philippines and in Timor Leste, and for conflict victim reintegration in Aceh, Indonesia. It then looks at the evidence on whether and how projects have achieved these outcomes, focusing on a range of recent and current projects in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. The analysis summarizes results, draws on comparative evidence from other projects in the region and elsewhere, and seeks to identify factors that explain variation in outcomes and project performance. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don't, and potential future directions for research and programming.

Correspondence of Mr. Myron M. Parker, American attorney and legal consultant; Mr. Roberto V. Pesqueira, Confidential Agent of the Mexican government; Senator Albert B. Fall; Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón, ambassador of Mexico in Washington, D.C.; Mr. J.H. Perestrejo; Mr. Ira Bennet, editor of the WASHINGTON POST, and Gen. Alvaro Obregón in which Mr. Parker informs Gen. Obregón that the Senator Albert B. Fall is awaiting victory in the elections to begin diplomatic relations between Mexico and the United States; he reports on the meeting Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón had with Mr. Norman Davis and sends him a newspaper clipping in which the rebellion of Gen. Francisco Villa in Tamaulipas is mentioned: "Envoy urges quick U.S. aid to Mexico. Another Revolt brews as Calderón asks recognition of Secretary Davis"; Mr. Parker also attaches a pamphlet that has a report from the President of the United States about the treaty signed in Bogota, Colombia, mentioning the policy nationalizing oil in that country; comments on the position of the Democratic Party respect to Mexico, stating that they will not recognize any president other than Gen. Obregón. Mr. Parker reports that Mr. Sherburne Hopkins claims to be the diplomatic representative of Mexico's interim government and regards him as a bad person; sends newspaper clippings: "Mexico will lift oil restrictions" THE EVENING STAR, U.S.A, July 9, 1920. Deals with the matter regarding petroleum concerning the application of Article 27 of the Constitution and the opinion of American Industrialists on the situation. "New Revolt in Mexico foreseen by Bonillas" THE EVENING STAR, U.S.A, July 9, 1920. Commentary by Engr. Ignacio Bonillas about the Agua Prieta Revolution against the government of Venustiano Carranza. "New Revolt plot bared in Mexico" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., July 10, 1920. Commentary about the organization that is being made by Mr. Luis Cabrera and Gen. Juan Barragán in the north of Mexico to rebel against the government of De la Huerta. Gen. Obregón's reply of acknowledgment and denying that Mr. Hopkins has any position within the Mexican government. Mr. Myron Parker sends Gen. Obregón a copy of the letter by former Ambassador in Mexico, Harry P. Fletcher, to Mr. Bainbridge Colby, Secretary of State, giving his opinion on the recognition of the provisional government; he attaches a newspaper clipping stating that the government of Adolfo de la Huerta could be recognized as "de facto" and some other proposals that must be concluded, among them, the pending issue of "Chamizal": "Urges caution Mexican Policy" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., July 12, 1920. Gen. Obregón informs that Mr. Ignacio Bonillas has gone to Washington and has made statements to the press about the murder of President Venustiano Carranza; he states that the candidacy of Engr. Alfredo Robles Domínguez is the representation of the clergy and informs about the recognition of the Mexican government by the United States; attaches newspaper clippings: "Text of Senator Harding's speech accepting the nomination" THE NEW YORK TIMES, New York, New York, July 23, 1920 **. COREY, Herbert "Villa dares not give up his role as bandit chief", U.S.A., July 19, 1920, in which it is detailed the steps for the demobilization of Gen. Francisco Villa's armed forces; sends a copy of the letter addressed to Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón commenting on the diplomatic relations between Mexico and the United States; comments on the mission of Gen. Salvador Alvarado to obtain a loan from some capitalists in New York and commentary about the political state of Mexico. Attached is a newspaper clipping about policy in Mexico and the issue of Col. Esteban B. Cantú, Governor of Baja California, who is attempting to rebel against the government of Mr. Adolfo de la Huerta: "Fear coup by Huerta" U.S.A., August 10, 1920. Mr. Parker sends Gen. Obregón a questionnaire from Mr. Ira Bennet asking him about the political measures that Gen. Obregón will employ when he is elected President; he sends a copy of the letter sent to Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón recommending that the government designate a joint commission to handle the differences between Mexico and the United States so that they might be resolved; attaches a newspaper clipping in which Senator Harding's opinion about Mexico is given: "Harding salvaging 'failed league' to build a tribunal" THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., August 20, 1920. "Honors George Washington Mexican special Ambassador places wreath on Mount Vernon tomb". THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., August 20, 1920. Mr.Myron M. Parker congratulares Gen. Obregón on his election victory. Mr. J.H. Perestrejo transcribes the same message to Gen. Obregón. Mr. Parker recommends Gen. Obregón to designate a joint commission to facilitate U.S. recognition of the Mexican government. (Go to Files G-19, G-09; P-23 and P-011 of the same series). (The newspaper clipping from the NEW YORK TIMES, from July 23rd of 1920 go to archive 1, box 1, folder 2, folder 8). Files P-5 and P-05 / Correspondencia entre el Sr. Myron M. Parker, abogado y consultor de leyes norteamericano; Sr. Roberto V. Pesqueira, agente confidencial del gobierno de México; Senador Albert B. Fall; Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón, Embajador de México en Washington, D.C.; Sr. J.H. Perestrejo; Sr. Ira Bennet, editor del WASHINGTON POST y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, en la que el primero comunica al Gral. Obregón que el Senador Albert B. Fall espera su triunfo en las elecciones para que se inicien las relaciones diplomáticas entre México y los Estados Unidos; informa sobre la entrevista que tuvo el Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón con el Sr. Norman Davis y le envía recorte de prensa en el que se menciona la rebelión del Gral. Francisco Villa en Tamaulipas: "Envoy urges quick U.S. aid to Mexico. Another Revolt brews as Calderón asks recognition of Secretary Davis"; anexa un folleto que tiene un informe del Presidente de los Estados Unidos sobre el tratado firmado en Bogotá, Colombia, mencionando la política de nacionalización del petróleo en ese país; comenta sobre la posición del Partido Democrático con respecto de México, indicando que no reconocerán a otro presidente que no sea el Gral. Obregón; informa que el Sr. Sherburne Hopkins dice ser el representante diplomático del gobierno provisional de México y le considera como una persona negativa; envía recortes de prensa: "Mexico will lift oil restrictions" THE EVENING STAR, E.U.A., Jul. 9, 1920. Trata la problemática del asunto petrolero con respecto a la aplicación del Artículo 27 Constitucional y la opinión de los industriales americanos sobre esta situación. "New Revolt in Mexico foreseen by Bonillas" THE EVENING STAR, E.U.A., Jul. 9, 1920. Comentarios del Ing. Ignacio Bonillas sobre la revolución de Agua Prieta en contra del gobierno de Venustiano Carranza. "New Revolt plot bared in Mexico" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., E.U.A., Jul. 10, 1920. Comentarios sobre la organización que están haciendo los Srs. Luis Cabrera y Gral. Juan Barragán en el norte de México para rebelarse en contra del gobierno de De la Huerta. Respuesta del Gral. Obregón de enterado y negando que el Sr. Hopkins tenga algún cargo del gobierno mexicano. El Sr. Myron Parker envía al Gral. Obregón una copia de la carta que dirigió el ex-Embajador en México Harry P. Fletcher al Sr. Bainbridge Colby, Secretario de Estado, dando su opinión respecto al reconocimiento del gobierno provisional; anexa recorte de prensa indicando que el gobierno de Adolfo de la Huerta podría ser reconocido como "de facto" y algunas propuestas que deben concluirse, entre ellas está la cuestión pendiente del "Chamizal": "Urges caution Mexican Policy" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., E.U.A., Jul. 12, 1920. El Gral. Obregón comunica que el Sr. Ignacio Bonillas ha ido a Washington y ha hecho declaraciones a la prensa sobre el asesinato del presidente Venustiano Carranza; indica que la candidatura del Ing. Alfredo Robles Domínguez es la representante de los clericales y le informa acerca del reconocimiento del gobierno mexicano por parte de los Estados Unidos; anexa recorte de prensa: "Text of Senator Harding's speech accepting the nomination" THE NEW YORK TIMES, Nueva Yor, N.Y., Jul. 23, 1920 **. COREY, Herbert "Villa dares not give up his role as bandit chief", E.U.A., Jul. 19, 1920, en el cual se indican las gestiones para el licenciamiento de las fuerzas del Gral. Francisco Villa; envía copia de la carta que dirigiera al Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón comentando sobre las relaciones diplomáticas entre México y los Estados Unidos; comenta sobre la misión del Gral. Salvador Alvarado para obtener un préstamo de algunos capitalistas de Nueva York y comentarios sobre la política de México; anexa recorte de prensa sobre la política de México y el asunto del Corl. Esteban B. Cantú, Gobernador de Baja California, quien intenta rebelarse en contra del gobierno del Sr. Adolfo de la Huerta: "Fear coup by Huerta" E.U.A, Ag. 10, 1920. El Sr. Parker envía al Gral. Obregón cuestionario del Sr. Ira Bennet preguntándole sobre las medidas políticas que adoptará el Gral. Obregón cuando sea electo Presidente; envía copia de la carta que dirigió al Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón recomendándole que el gobierno designe una comisión mixta para que se traten las diferencias existentes entre México y los Estados Unidos a fin de que se resuelvan; anexa recorte de prensa en el que aparece la opinión del Senador Harding acerca de México: "Harding salvaging 'failed league' to build a tribunal" THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., Ag. 20, 1920. "Honors George Washington Mexican special Ambassador places wreath on Mount Vernon tomb", THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., Ag. 20, 1920. El Sr. Myron M. Parker felicita al Gral. Obregón por su triunfo electoral. El Sr. J.H. Perestrejo transcribe al Gral. Obregón el mismo mensaje. El Sr. Parker recomienda al Gral. Obregón que designe una comisión mixta para gestionar el reconocimiento del gobierno mexicano por los Estados Unidos. (Véanse Exps. G-19 y G-09; P-23 y P-011 de esta misma serie). ( El recorte de prensa del NEW YORK TIMES, del 23 de julio de 1920 pasó al planero 1, cajón 1, carpeta 2, folder 8). Exps. P-5 y P-05

An original defense of the unique value of voting in a democracyVoting is only one of the many ways that citizens can participate in public decision making, so why does it occupy such a central place in the democratic imagination? In Election Day, political theorist Emilee Booth Chapman provides an original answer to that question, showing precisely what is so special about how we vote in today's democracies. By presenting a holistic account of popular voting practices and where they fit into complex democratic systems, she defends popular attitudes toward voting against radical critics and offers much-needed guidance for voting reform.Elections embody a distinctive constellation of democratic values and perform essential functions in democratic communities. Election day dramatizes the nature of democracy as a collective and individual undertaking, makes equal citizenship and individual dignity concrete and transparent, and socializes citizens into their roles as equal political agents. Chapman shows that fully realizing these ends depends not only on the widespread opportunity to vote but also on consistently high levels of actual turnout, and that citizens' experiences of voting matters as much as the formal properties of a voting system. And these insights are also essential for crafting and evaluating electoral reform proposals.By rethinking what citizens experience when they go to the polls, Election Day recovers the full value of democratic voting today

This paper examines the relationship between narcotics trafficking and violence in Central America. The first part of the paper addresses particular questions posed for the 2011 World Development Report and examines several competing hypothesis on the drivers of crime in Central America. A key finding is that areas exposed to intense narcotics trafficking in Central America suffer from higher homicide rates. Drug trafficking has corrupted state institutions, which have been overwhelmed by the resources deployed by trafficking organizations. The second part of the paper reviews the reasons drug trafficking and anti trafficking enforcement are associated with violence in general and consider policy options.

The Horn of Africa (HOA) is one of the most underdeveloped regions on earth. It is also one of the most conflict-ridden, insecure regions in the world. While Africa as a whole has enjoyed a trend in recent years toward reduction and termination of many of its civil wars, the HOA is the exception to the rule. Indeed, the region's prolonged armed conflicts have spread, engulfing several neighboring states in warfare and partial state collapse. While aspects of the HOA case are obviously unique, and sensitivity to context and complexity must be privileged in both analysis of and policy toward the Horn, the region's crises are not so distinct that they preclude useful comparative analysis. This paper considers conflict dynamics across the entire Horn of Africa, but devotes special attention to the case of Somalia which, because of the depth, length, and significance of its crisis, is a source of particular international concern. Because Somalia's crisis has been so protracted and has gone through several very distinct phases, it provides an opportunity to compare conflict dynamics in a single country over time.

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

The Operations Evaluation Department (OED) is an independent unit within the World Bank. The goals of evaluation are to learn from experience, to provide an objective basis for assessing the results of the Bank's work, and to provide accountability in the achievement of its objectives. This report on the Post-Conflict Fund (PCF) is one of twenty six case studies that have been prepared as source material for the second phase of OED's independent evaluation of the Bank's involvement in global programs. The program objective is to position the Bank through constructive engagement in conflict-affected countries where normal instruments and budget provisions cannot apply. The key findings are as follows : (i) a flexible instrument such as the PCF serves the needs that the Bank's numerous instruments do not fulfill in conflict-affected countries; (ii) yet if the policy guidelines under which it operates are too flexible, and the DGF criteria are ambiguous and insufficiently enforced, the instrument can be less than fully effective; (iii)Programs can continue over several years without a results-based framework and strong monitoring and evaluation; (iv) as currently designed, the country-by-country approach of the program does not sufficiently generate broader cross-country lessons and does not exploit the program's full potential to serve the Bank and its partners strategically; and (v) a global partnership program on conflict-affected countries with partners at the governance level might help the Bank, United Nations (UN) agencies, and other stakeholders to better respond to the transition from relief, to rehabilitation and reconstruction and development. Finally, this being an OED evaluation, it focuses primarily on the Bank's strategic role and performance in playing up to its comparative advantage relative to other partners in each program.

This paper reviews both current practices and common challenges of measuring the causes, functioning, and consequences of violent conflict at the micro-level. The authors review existing conflict -- and violence-related survey questionnaires, with a particular focus on the World Bank's Living Standard Measurement Surveys. Further, they discuss methodological challenges associated with empirical work in conflict-affected areas—such as operationalizing a definition of conflict, using the appropriate units of analysis, deciding on the timing of the survey, dealing with data biases and conducting surveys in an ethically sound manner—and propose ways to improve the usefulness of existing surveys to analyze conflict processes at the micro-level. Violent conflict, households, survey methods, questionnaire design.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been described by one senior African diplomat at the United Nations as a 'state in the making; it is not yet a state.' Further, this 'state in the making' also is a state that, with few exceptions, has been in decline since the early 1970s. The colonial era, from 1885 until 1958, was a period of nearly uninterrupted state construction; the hegemony of the Belgian colonial apparatus steadily deepened. In its final two years, the colonial edifice progressively lost control over civil society to a tumultuous and fragmented nationalist movement, which was unable to capture intact the colonial infrastructure. The result was five years of turbulent state deflation, generally known as the 'Congo crisis.' The Mobutu coup of 1965 inaugurated a new cycle, with eight years in which a rising tide of state ascendancy seemed to dominate the political process. After 1974 currents of decline again began to flow strongly, progressively eroding the superstructure of hegemony. The actual purpose of the Zairian government under Mobutu was not to fulfill basic state functions; rather, the government existed as a structure for individual enrichment and patronage. Officials at the highest levels stole large amounts of money, usually from mineral or customs revenues, sometimes through extremely straightforward strategies, such as literally pocketing gem diamonds and having them sold for personal gain in Antwerp or elsewhere.