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This book studies the careers and political thinking of English martial men, left deeply frustrated as Elizabeth I's quietist foreign policy destroyed the ambitions that the wars of the mid-sixteenth century had excited in them. Until the mid 1580s, unemployment, official disparagement and downward mobility became grim facts of life for many military captains. Rory Rapple examines the experiences and attitudes of this generation of officers and points to a previously overlooked literature of complaint that offered a stinging critique of the monarch and the administration of Sir William Cecil. He also argues that the captains' actions in Ireland, their treatment of its inhabitants and their conceptualisation of both relied on assumptions, attitudes and political thinking which resulted more from their frustration with the status quo in England than any tendency to 'other' the Irish. This book will be required reading for scholars of early modern British and Irish history

In this article, I examine the relationship between engagement and political institutions by using the example of the creation and development of the ombudsman institution. The article starts with the short introduction to key theoretical views about institutions, political institutions and institutionalization. Then, I concentrate on how political institutions change, i.e. whether they can be changed through social engagement and whether and when we can actually say that they are originally created by an engagement. By using the case of ombudsman, I explore if political institutions can engage themselves and under what conditions, that is, whether are institutions characterized by in-built permanent reflexivity possible. ; U ovom radu se na primeru nastanka i razvoja institucije ombudsmana propituje veza izme-đu angažmana i političkih institucija. Tekst započinjem kratkim osvrtom na glavna teorijska viđenja institucija, političkih institucija i institucionalizacije. Potom se koncentrišem na to kako se političke institucije menjaju, da bi fokus potom bio usmeren na to da li se one mogu menjati društvenim angažmanom, te da li se i kada može smatrati da političke institucije na-staju angažmanom. S tim u vezi, korišćenjem primera ombudsmana proveravam da li i pod kojim uslovima političke institucije i same mogu biti angažovane, odnosno da li su moguće institucije kojima je svojstvena kontinuirana refleksivnost spram sopstvenih normi delanja.

In a cross-country comparison of 33 European countries, we tested whether a high degree of female representation attenuates the assumed negative impact of gender on political involvement. Our multilevel analyses show positive interactive effects of female representation: the degree to which the representation of women in a given country's national parliament was descriptively adequate was positively related to women's ratings of the importance of politics and self-reported political interest. With respect to political participation, the findings are mixed. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractIn the early 1980s "industrial policy" seemed to be emerging as the American left's answer to supply-side economics. Yet soon after, supply-side economics was triumphant and industrial policy back in the political wilderness. This article investigates why the American left rejected industrial policy in the 1980s but appears to be reembracing it under the Biden administration. Via reviewing the history of the industrial policy debate, I argue that the American left rejected industrial policy proposals for several reasons including disunity within the Democratic party coalition, the growing strength of the venture capital industry, and the perceived incompatibility of industrial policy with American political institutions. Despite the defeat of industrial policy movement in the 1980s, however, I argue that a process of adaptation and reworking during the Clinton administration allowed industrial policy ideas to survive in "hibernation," ultimately reemerging in the changed policy environment which followed the 2008 financial crisis.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, a large part of Lithuanian society was deprived of a direct contact and traditional means of communication and information sharing. The uninhibited publication and dissemination of any information provided by digital space had become a tool for some politicians not only to protect their constituents but also to seek transient popularity or other goals in manipulative ways. In a post-truth culture, such an approach based on 'personal opinion' or emotion has virtually become a substitute for scientifically proven facts and objective truth. The research on the phenomenon of disinformation draws upon analysis of individual narratives and the deconstruction of their structure and content. It involves the identification of the main false narratives developed by Lithuanian political leaders from January of 2020 onwards and the singling out those narratives that determined the politicians' subsequent success or even the rise to popularity of some older or new social movements and political parties.

AbstractUnlike studies that view democratization merely as free and fair competitive multiparty elections, this case study provides a subnational, socioterritorial analysis of the demise of single‐party rule in Chiapas, one of the last strongholds of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, revealing the contradictory and erratic processes of local politics in Mexico. Democratization requires not only regular alternation in office but also the development of representative institutions and of solid political parties that are able to constrain the executive branch. In Chiapas, electoral democratization occurred very late, with significant geographic variation, as the result of a convulsive process of political decomposition that included the indigenous Zapatista rebellion. Yet, corporatist structures and illiberal practices resisted, reproduced, and accommodated to electoral pluralism. The gradual erosion of the local "Revolutionary Family" spurred the fragmentation, and then the collapse, of the incipient party system, instead of fostering democratic governance with genuine checks and balances.

Research on social movements shows a bias towards movements that oppose the status quo. Consequently, state–movement relations are primarily characterised as antagonistic. Where cooperative relationships are considered, the focus is on co-option and institutionalisation of movements. By contrast, this article focuses on social movements that support the status quo and how in their collaborations with governmental actors, they act as para-statal agencies. Drawing on findings from a multi-site ethnography examining the implementation of the UK Prevent counter-terrorism programme, I show how neoconservative think tanks and counter-extremism civil society organisations help to enact and extend Prevent as a distinct form of political repression. As such, this article gives close attention to the otherwise neglected role that non-state actors play in non-violent political repression. My argument builds on and extends emerging work analysing social movement activity beyond the prism of the 'challengers versus authorities' paradigm.

AbstractThis article examines the politics of the Federal Reserve System of regional banks. While regional banks have long lacked meaningful influence over monetary policy, their leadership stands to provide a base of elite support for the Federal Reserve. To serve this role effectively, however, regional bank leadership must reflect the ideological diversity of political elites. This article provides the first quantitative empirical analysis of the ideological composition of the regional banking system, introducing a novel data set of all regional bank directors serving from 1980 to 2015 and linking each individual to a measure of political ideology derived from campaign finance contributions. With these data, I examine the degree to which regional banks are ideologically aligned with the districts and industries they are assigned to represent. The results highlight a new function for the decentralized central banking system and opportunity to address declining levels of public confidence in the Fed.

What is hospitality? Who is it addressed to? Hospitality aims at welcoming those who arrive; it demands giving space and time and sharing our own resources with others. In view of the current global migration crisis and in the midst of the social debates and a critique of the failure of affluent countries and Western democracies to respond in solidarity to those in need, this article attempts to re-consider the space for hospitality drawing from the ethical and the political as the two fundamental pillars of social architecture. In an effort to discuss collective grassroots reactions to this general lack of hospitality, I address the Catalan social platform Volem Acollir (2017) in their request to the state to open up the borders for the reception of a larger number of migrants. Far from being an individual choice, or an optional political decision, hospitality confronts us with the moral dilemma of the human response to our cultural others.

AbstractThe internet industry has emerged as an important economic and political actor, both within the United States and internationally. Internet companies depend on exceptions from copyright law in order to operate. As a result, internet companies have considerable incentive to try and influence international copyright law. However, the current literature has neglected the role of the internet industry, instead focusing on the influence of copyright owning media companies. This has largely homogenized the concerns of business interests, neglecting the interests of business actors which do not favor stricter copyright protection. By examining business conflict over recent copyright initiatives by the United States, this article criticizes the literature. It illustrates that the internet industry has been able to alter the negotiating preferences of the United States against the wishes of copyright owners. This argues against the homogenization of business interests regarding copyright while illustrating the importance of material over discursive factors in determining political outcomes.

Abstract
In the digital era, when security agencies world-wide have been challenging basic democratic principles with
massive data gathering, Finland has had a different approach: it has conducted no large-scale surveillance of citizens' online
activities. Now, however, the country is planning such a vast expansion of state surveillance that the constitution itself must be
altered. The present article examines one key point in this legislative process to see how the new surveillance measures are
argued for and criticized, and how the differing points of view are negotiated to ultimately enable political action. Drawing
particularly on Fairclough and Fairclough's (2012) approach to argumentation in
political discourse, the article finds that surveillance is promoted as essential for national security, and criticized especially
for its economic risks, consequences for civil rights and questionable effectiveness. Despite this range of critical perspectives,
only economic considerations become a topic of extended deliberation.

Abstract
'In hoc signo vinces!' is the phrase that the Roman emperor Constantine saw written in the sky next to a cross in 312 AD: a mystical apparition, shortly before the battle of Milvio Bridge, just outside the city of Rome. The phrase means 'in this sign you will win', and it was a good omen, as Constantine defeated Massenzio and put an end to his reign. This phrase has been chosen as the title of this study, which concerns the 'signs' that political parties adopted in Italy from 1946 to the present, as these parties have created these signs in order to strike a chord with the citizens and win elections. Apart from the historical account of how these symbols have changed, the aim of this study was to find out to what extent these changes may be read as mirrors of broader shifts, especially in terms of negotiation between the old political language and new, de-ideologized visual languages.

Most histories have analyzed China's 1983 Campaign to Eliminate Spiritual Pollution through the lens of elite politics. This article proposes a new interpretation of "spiritual pollution," drawing upon anthropological theories of taboo and pollution to reinterpret the campaign's role in reform-era culture and identity construction. The early reform era was a time of collapsing social borders that erased the obsessively delineated identities of the previous decades. Within this context, I reinterpret the struggle against spiritual pollution as an attempt to employ taboos to reinstate schematic boundaries in a world suddenly in flux. This process of post-Maoist boundary building particularly focused upon the distinction between "East" and "West," as well as the distinction between the economic and political realms. The results of the campaign can still be seen today: the construction of a pure official identity based in overcoming Mao-era economic taboos alongside the perpetuation of political and cultural taboos. (China J/GIGA)

The political economy of ageing developed – during the 1970s and 1980s – in a context of crisis affecting western economies. A number of theoretical perspectives emerged during this period, these drawing on neo-marxist and related approaches. However, progress slowed during the 1990s with limited responses made to the new situation facing older people following the financial crash of 2007/2008. Nonetheless, current conditions have confirmed the need for a distinctive political economy of ageing, taking account of new types of inequality affecting the lives of older people. The paper will explore the basis for this change, one which incorporates a post-welfare state agenda and which is situated within a rigorous analysis of the consequences of neo-liberalism for the lives of older people. The discussion will highlight the tension between longevity and conditions of austerity, these transforming ageing into one of the unwanted risks, and hazards of contemporary life.

AbstractPapua New Guinea's (PNG's) road system is in a parlous state after decades of neglect. More than half of the roads in the country require urgent rehabilitation. The PNG Government sought from 2003 to address the problem through the establishment of a Road Fund designed to earmark revenue for road management. Development partners supported these efforts, which were similar to reforms implemented in other parts of the world. This article examines the establishment of an independent road fund and road management agency in PNG. It finds that these reforms have not markedly improved road conditions, and that they have been undermined by a lack of support from political leaders and parts of the civil service. The article's conclusion, that the establishment of a road fund is no panacea against political obstacles to road maintenance funding, is relevant to a broader literature concerning the establishment of independent institutions to address governance challenges.