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In: Public health genomics, Band 13, Heft 6, S. 353-359
ISSN: 1662-8063
<i>Background/Aims: </i>Type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease share risk factors. The influence of family history of diabetes on the odds of having metabolic syndrome has not been estimated for the U.S. population. Our objective was to quantify this association in a national sample of U.S. adults without diabetes. <i>Methods: </i>The sample included 4,937 individuals from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) (1999–2004). Familial risk of diabetes was classified in 3 strata according to the combination of relatives affected. Metabolic syndrome was defined according to guidelines issued by 4 groups or organizations. The prevalence and odds of this syndrome were compared among familial risk strata after controlling for relevant risk factors. <i>Results:</i> Overall, depending on the definition and after controlling for key variables, people with a moderate familial risk of diabetes, and people with a high familial risk of diabetes were between 1.4 and 1.6, and 1.6 and 1.8 times as likely, respectively, to have metabolic syndrome compared to people with average familial risk. <i>Conclusion:</i> In a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults without diabetes, family history of diabetes shows a significant, independent association with metabolic syndrome and its traits. This association supports the idea that shared genes and environment contribute to the expression of complex traits such as diabetes and the metabolic syndrome.
In: Social science quarterly, Band 78, Heft 2, S. 559-577
ISSN: 0038-4941
Using data collected in the 1991 Los Angeles (CA) Community Survey, the effects of social relations & social-class composition on Salvadorean & Pilipino (ie, Salvadoran & Filipino) immigrants' employment status & earnings are explored. Interviews with 574 Salvadorean & Pilipino workers measured employment status, earnings, social relations, individual skills, & demographic information. Findings indicate that strong social relations significantly affect employment status & earnings in both ethnic groups. Whereas male workers received higher wages when working with relatives, female workers with high earnings were more likely to not have coresident relatives. Moreover, the analysis demonstrates limited support for the contention that social relations have more effect in working-class Salvadorean families than in Pilipino families. 4 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 88-107
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 97-126
ISSN: 1747-7379, 0197-9183
This article analyzes the factors that influence remittance behavior (the decision to remit and the amount sent) in the host country of Filipino and Salvadoran immigrants, two groups with high rates of U.S.-bound migration and of remittances. Data for this study come from a multipurpose survey fielded in Los Angeles in 1991 and are analyzed using logistic regressions and OLS. Individual characteristics and financial ability to remit, motivation to migrate, personal investments in the United States, and family obligations in the home and in the host countries are hypothesized to affect remittance behavior. No differences by country of origin in the proportion who send remittances were found, but there were significant differences in the amount remitted. Some variables affect the two country-of-origin groups differently. The size of remittances sent by Salvadorans tends to be relatively insensitive to their characteristics compared with Filipinos. Filipinos' remittances are more affected by age, family income, having taken English classes in the United States, and living alone than are the remittances of Salvadorans. For both groups, the most consistent factors affecting remittances are family income and the place of residence of close family members.
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 97
ISSN: 1747-7379, 0197-9183
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 97-126
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Public health genomics, Band 13, Heft 7-8, S. 457-466
ISSN: 1662-8063
<i>Background:</i> Family history of cardiovascular disease (CVD) is an independent risk factor for CVD. Therefore, efforts to prevent CVD among asymptomatic persons with a family history are warranted. Little is known about preventive recommendations clinicians offer their patients with a family history of CVD, and adherence to preventive recommendations by patients at risk for CVD has not been well described. <i>Methods:</i> We used the 2007 Oregon Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System to evaluate among 2,566 adults without CVD associations between family history of CVD and (a) clinician recommendations; (b) perceived risk of developing CVD; (c) adoption of preventive and screening behaviors; and (d) risk factors of CVD. <i>Results:</i> Compared with adults with no family history of CVD, those with a family history reported that their clinician was more likely to ask about their family history information (OR = 2.6; 95% CI, 1.9–3.4), discuss the risk of developing CVD (OR = 2.0; 95% CI, 1.6–2.5), and make recommendations to prevent CVD (OR = 2.1; 95% CI, 1.7–2.7). Family history and clinician recommendations were associated with a higher likelihood of reported changes in diet or physical activity to prevent CVD (OR = 2.7; 95% CI, 2.3–3.2). Persons with a family history of CVD were more likely to report having high cholesterol, having high blood pressure, taking aspirin, and having had their cholesterol checked. <i>Conclusion:</i> The presence of a family history of CVD appears to prompt clinicians to recommend preventive changes and may motivate patients without CVD to adopt these recommendations.
In: Public health genomics, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 94-95
ISSN: 1662-8063
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 88-107
ISSN: 1747-7379, 0197-9183
This article examines a unique data set randomly collected from Latinas (including 160 undocumented immigrants) and non-Hispanic white women in Orange County, California, including undocumented and documented Latina immigrants, Latina citizens, and non-Hispanic white women. Our survey suggests that undocumented Latinas are younger than documented Latinas, and immigrant Latinas are generally younger than U.S.-citizen Latinas and Anglo women. Undocumented and documented Latinas work in menial service sector jobs, often in domestic services. Most do not have job-related benefits such as medical insurance. Despite low incomes and likelihood of having children under age 18 living with them, their use of public assistance was low. Undocumented and documented Latina immigrants lived in households that often contained extended family members; they were more likely than other women in the study to lack a regular source of health care, to utilize health clinics, public health centers, and hospital emergency rooms rather than private physicians or HMOs, and to underutilize preventative cancer screening services. Despite their immigration status, undocumented Latina immigrants often viewed themselves as part of a community in the United States, which significantly influenced their intentions to stay in the United States. Contrary to much of the recent public policy debate over immigration, we did not find that social services influenced Latina immigrants' intentions to stay in the United States.
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 31, S. 88-107
ISSN: 0197-9183
Public debate about health care reform often focuses on the need for health insurance coverage, but in Latino communities many other barriers also inhibit access to medical care. In addition, basic public health services often go underfunded or ignored. Thus, health care reform efforts, nationally and in each State, must embrace a broader view of the issues if the needs of Latino communities are to be served. This report reviews and summarizes information about the mounting problems Latino communities face in gaining access to medical care. Access to appropriate medical care is reduced by numerous financial, structural, and institutional barriers. Financial barriers include the lack of health insurance coverage and low family incomes common in Latino communities. More than 7 million Latinos (39 percent) go without health insurance coverage. Latinos without health insurance receive about half as much medical care as those who are insured. Structurally, the delivery system organization rarely reflects the cultural or social concerns of the communities where they are located. Therefore, providers and patients fail to communicate their concerns adequately. These communication problems are exacerbated by the extreme shortage of Latino health care professionals and other resources available. Institutional barriers often reflect the failure to consider what it means to provide good service as well as high-quality medical care. Reducing these barriers to medical care requires modifying governmental and institutional policies, expanding the supply of competent providers, restructuring delivery system incentives to ensure primary care and public health services, and enhancing service and satisfaction with care.
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In: Sociology of race and ethnicity: the journal of the Racial and Ethnic Minorities Section of the American Sociological Association, Band 3, Heft 4, S. 458-473
ISSN: 2332-6506
Mexican Americans represent the largest Latina/o subpopulation and have the lowest levels of educational attainment in the United States. Mexican Americans are underrepresented in all professional fields, including academia, and thus warrant attention. The purposes of this study are to describe the experiences of early and mid-career Mexican American faculty, emphasizing key sources of inspiration, support, and mentoring, perceived discrimination, and their coping responses; assess the ways in which these factors influence their careers; and examine differences by gender and maternal education. Mixed methods were used to obtain information from 133 Mexican American faculty who participated in a larger national study of underrepresented minority (URM) faculty at research universities. Five major findings emerged: (1) early life course support sustained and encouraged educational aspirations, (2) mentorship from significant others provided valuable advice in developing social capital throughout higher education and early faculty experiences, (3) female respondents were more likely to report inadequate mentoring and higher levels of distress due to recurrent experiences of racially gendered discrimination, (4) strategies of resistance reveal high levels of emotional labor as respondents deconstruct the hidden curriculum to perform effectively in environments that are imbued with implicit bias, and (5) maternal education contributed to improved mentoring experiences and active resistance strategies. The findings suggest that expanding social capital–driven strategies and increasing understanding of persistent anti-Mexican social policy that leads to misidentification and implicit bias are key in retention and professional success for Mexican American faculty.
In: Public Health Genomics, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 20-29
ISSN: 1662-8063
Since 1997, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has collaborated with numerous partners to develop and chart the course of the multidisciplinary field of public health genomics in the USA and globally. During this period, CDC has developed major initiatives for the appropriate integration of genomics into public health research, policy and programs. In this paper, we review briefly the progress in public health genomics made over the past decade in the USA, including population research, the human genome epidemiology network (HuGENet<sup>TM</sup>), the evaluation of genomic applications in practice and prevention (EGAPP), the family history public health initiative, and efforts in building the public health genomics capacity. We also outline a vision for public health genomics for the next decade.
In: Critical Issues in Health and Medicine
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Figures and Tables -- Foreword / Valdez, R. Burciaga -- Preface -- Chapter 1. Introduction: Taking the Social Construction of Race Seriously in Health Disparities Research / Gómez, Laura E. -- Part I.Charting the Problem -- Chapter 2. The Politics of Framing Health Disparities: Markets and Justice / Kahn, Jonathan -- Chapter 3. Looking at the World through "Race"-Colored Glasses: The Fallacy of Ascertainment Bias in Biomedical Research and Practice / Graves, Joseph L. -- Chapter 4. Ethical Dilemmas in Statistical Practice: The Problem of Race in Biomedicine / Kaufman, Jay S. -- Chapter 5. A Holistic Alternative to Current Survey Research Approaches to Race / Garcia, John A. -- Part II. Navigating Diverse Empirical Settings -- Chapter 6. Organizational Practice and Social Constraints: Problems of Racial Identity Data Collection in Cancer Care and Research / Craddock Lee, Simon J. -- Chapter 7 Lessons from Political Science: Health Status and Improving How We Study Race / Sanchez, Gabriel R. / Ybarra, Vickie D. -- Chapter 8. Advancing Asian American Mental Health Research by Enhancing Racial Identity Measures / Iwamoto, Derek Kenji / Kindaichi, Mai M. / Miller, Matthew -- Part III. Surveying Solutions -- Chapter 9. Representing the Multidimensionality of Race in Survey Research / Saperstein, Aliya -- Chapter 10. How Racial-Group Comparisons Create Misinformation in Depression Research: Using Racial Identity Theory to Conceptualize Health Disparities / Helms, Janet E. / Mereish, Ethan H. -- Chapter 11. Jedi Public Health: Leveraging Contingencies of Social Identity to Grasp and Eliminate Racial Health Inequality / Geronimus, Arline T. -- Chapter 12. Contextualizing Lived Race-Gender and the Racialized-Gendered Social Determinants of Health / López, Nancy -- Notes on Contributors -- Index