Suchergebnisse

AbstractWe use panel data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to document the changing volume and rate of intercounty migration among the poor. We evaluate whether the exchange of migrants between metro and nonmetro counties has exacerbated spatial disparities in poverty and whether some nonmetro counties have become "collecting grounds" for America's poor. The PSID highlights exceptionally high rates of intercounty migration among the nonmetro population, but especially among the poor. The results show that rural poor migrants circulate among nonmetro counties, often from one poor county to an even poorer one. This circulation of poor rural migrants has exacerbated the concentration of poverty in the most economically disadvantaged nonmetro counties. Concentrated poverty also is exacerbated by the migration of the "best and brightest" from nonmetro‐to‐metro counties, which also is associated with upward residential attainment (to counties with lower poverty rates). Significantly, metro‐to‐nonmetro migration is both selective of the poor and strongly associated with downward residential mobility to poorer nonmetro counties. Our findings are consistent with the hypothesis that poor nonmetro counties have become collecting grounds for America's poor.

This article provides estimates of white residential mobility within and between specific suburban places differentiated by ethnoracial diversity. The authors draw on intrametropolitan mobility data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, linked to social and economic data measured at the metropolitan, place, and block levels. First, analyses show that the exodus of whites is significantly lower in predominantly white suburbs than in places with racially diverse populations. Most suburban whites have mostly white neighbors, a pattern reinforced by white residential mobility. Second, suburban whites who move tend to choose predominantly white communities with mostly white neighbors. Third, patterns of white intrametropolitan suburban mobility and minority avoidance are highly segmented. Affluent whites are seemingly better positioned to leave diversifying places for mostly white communities with white neighbors. White residential mobility, from more diverse to less diverse suburban places, builds on most previous studies emphasizing neighborhood-to-neighborhood mobility in metropolitan areas.

Rural America has seemingly been "left behind" in an era of massive immigration and growing diversity. The arrival of new immigrants has exposed many rural whites, perhaps for the first time, to racial and ethnic minority populations. Do rural whites increasingly live in racially diverse nonmetropolitan places? Or is white exposure to racially diverse populations expressed in uneven patterns of residential integration from place to place? We link microdata from the Panel Survey of Income Dynamics (1989–to–2009 waves) to place data identified in the 1990–2010 decennial censuses. We estimate multilevel, fixed–effects models of rural white exposure to minority populations that involve linking individual predictors to changing demographic and economic local environments. Using entropy scores, our analyses highlight the extraordinary rise since 1990 in exposure of all rural populations, including whites, to racially diverse communities. Variation in white exposure to rural minorities is driven primarily by changing local demographic and economic conditions. Net of individual background characteristics, whites are significantly less likely to live in racially diverse places than other ethnoracial groups. White population growth is occurring disproportionately in the least racially diverse rural communities. For blacks and other minorities, growth is taking place disproportionately in the most racially diverse places.

AbstractThe past two decades have ushered in a period of widespread spatial diffusion of Hispanics well beyond traditional metropolitan gateways. This article examines emerging patterns of racial and ethnic residential segregation in new Hispanic destinations over the 1990–2010 period, linking county, place, and block data from the 1990, 2000, and 2010 decennial censuses. Our multiscalar analyses of segregation are framed by classical models of immigrant assimilation and alternative models of place stratification. We ask whether Hispanics are integrating spatially with the native population and whether recent demographic and economic processes have eroded or perpetuated racial boundaries in nonmetropolitan areas. We show that Hispanic residential segregation from whites is often exceptionally high and declining slowly in rural counties and communities. New Hispanic destinations, on average, have higher Hispanic segregation levels than established gateway communities. The results also highlight microscale segregation patterns within rural places and in the open countryside (i.e., outside places), a result that is consistent with emerging patterns of "white flight." Observed estimates of Hispanic‐white segregation across fast‐growing nonmetropolitan counties often hide substantial heterogeneity in residential segregation. Divergent patterns of rural segregation reflect local‐area differences in population dynamics, economic inequality, and the county employment base (using Economic Research Service functional specialization codes). Illustrative maps of Hispanic boom counties highlight spatially uneven patterns of racial diversity. They also provide an empirical basis for our multivariate analyses, which show that divergent patterns of local‐area segregation often reflect spatial variation in employment across different industrial sectors.

This article documents a new macro-segregation, where the locus of racial differentiation resides increasingly in socio-spatial processes at the community or place level. The goal is to broaden the spatial lens for studying segregation, using decennial Census data on 222 metropolitan areas. Unlike previous neighborhood studies of racial change, we decompose metropolitan segregation into its within- and between-place components from 1990 to 2010. This is accomplished with the Theil index ( H). Our decomposition of H reveals large post-1990 declines in metropolitan segregation. But, significantly, macro-segregation—the between-place component—has increased since 1990, offsetting declines in the within-place component. The macro component of segregation is also most pronounced and increasing most rapidly among blacks, accounting for roughly one-half of all metro segregation in the most segregated metropolitan areas of the United States. Macro-segregation is least evident among Asians, which suggests other members of these communities (i.e., middle-class or affluent ethnoburbs) have less resistance to Asians relocating there. These results on emerging patterns of macro-segregation are confirmed in fixed-effects models that control for unobserved heterogeneity across metropolitan areas. Unlike most previous studies focused on the uneven distribution of racial and ethnic groups across metropolitan neighborhoods, we show that racial residential segregation is increasingly shaped by the cities and suburban communities in which neighborhoods are embedded.

This article provides a geographically inclusive empirical framework for studying changing U.S. patterns of Hispanic segregation. Whether Hispanics have joined the American mainstream depends in part on whether they translate upward mobility into residence patterns that mirror the rest of the nation. Based on block and place data from the 1990–2010 decennial censuses, our results provide evidence of increasing spatial assimilation among Hispanics, both nationally and in new immigrant destinations. Segregation from whites declined across the urban size-of-place hierarchy and in new destinations. Hispanics are also less segregated from whites than from blacks, but declines in Hispanic-black segregation have exceeded declines in Hispanic-white segregation. This result is consistent with the notion of U.S. Hispanics as a racialized population—one in which members sometimes lack the freedom to join whites in better communities. Hispanic income was significantly associated with less segregation from whites, but income inequality alone does not explain overall Hispanic segregation, which remains high. The segmented assimilation of Hispanics that we observe supports two seemingly contradictory theories: both the idea that spatial assimilation can come from economic and cultural assimilation and the notion that economic mobility is no guarantee of residential integration.