sHeartland Tobacco War chronicles the political and public relations battles between health advocates and forces supported by the tobacco industry in Oklahoma from the 1980s to the present, drawing on previously-suppressed tobacco insider documents and first-hand interviews with key players. The authors especially highlight the role of Oklahoma's "renegade" Department of Health Commissioner, Dr. Leslie Bietsch, in the theoretical contexts of insider and outsider policy advocacy, administrative ethics, and direct democracy.
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ObjectivesSociologists and other scholars have debated the causes of continuing residential segregation for several decades. Social class has been largely discounted as a substantial determinant of residential segregation by race, but recent studies have brought renewed attention to class variables. The present study reassesses the role of social class, using household income, while also considering metropolitan area characteristics.MethodsThis study expands on prior research by examining residential segregation between black‐alone and white‐alone households with 2000 decennial Census data for all U.S. Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) with at least 200,000 or more black population or 1,000,000 total population (60 MSAs total), using both spatial unevenness (dissimilarity) and two types of experiential (i.e., contextual) indicators (exposure indices), measuring socioeconomic status (SES) with a greater range and number of income levels than in past research, and using multivariate models to account for metropolitan area characteristics.ResultsWe find that both dissimilarity and exposure measures are significantly associated with household income—black households with higher household incomes live in neighborhoods with greater exposure to whites and lower isolation from other blacks than do black households with lower incomes. Additionally, a number of MSA‐level characteristics—several of which have not been considered in previous research—are substantially associated with black/white residential segregation.ConclusionWe interpret these findings in the context of spatial assimilation and place stratification perspectives, and conclude that racial segregation is at least partly based on class.
New Public Management and classical public administration theory posit that internal administrative practices based on market principles, including economy and efficiency, will increase the public good through more effective delivery of public services. However, classical public administration theory views bureaucrats as neutral functionaries in a top‐down hierarchy while New Public Management calls for empowered agency entrepreneurs implementing economy and efficiency measures. Research from 1987 to 2003 on Oklahoma secondhand tobacco smoke regulation indicates that real administrative progress in secondhand tobacco smoke restrictions that enhance public health did not occur until 2002 when an Oklahoma health commissioner's aggressive political campaign, initiated through rationalistic internal agency emergency rules, resulted in smoke‐free public and workplaces. This action—which resulted in more effective regulation of secondhand tobacco smoke—was not principally because of an internal New Public Management or classical public administration approach but mainly through a highly public outsider political and administrative process.
Discusses conscription & reform in the Russian army, drawing on academic research, government documents, & anecdotal & media reports to describe the difficulties facing the country's draft policies. First, the roots & evolution of the Russian draft, particularly, the influence of the Soviet legacy on present circumstances, are considered. Next, the major effects of violence in the enlisted ranks on draft evasion & desertion are examined. Russia's economic problems & the decrepit condition of the army further problematize the matter of conscription by facilitating corruption & extortion. The conclusion puts forth a summary of both governmental & civilian efforts to reform the army. 1 Table, 1 photograph.
The tobacco industry is a major political force in Oklahoma through lobbying, direct campaign contributions, indirect contributions to the two major political parties and legislative political caucuses, and gifts and entertainment events. The tobacco industry has a centralized political organization in Oklahoma that promotes and defends its political and market interests at the local and state levels of government. Although the tobacco industry has operated in the open in some political campaigns, it has often operated quietly behind the scenes, frequently working with various allied organizations on state and local political campaigns.
Prostitution clients' attitudes toward gender equality are important indicators of how masculinity relates to the demand for commercial sexual services. Research on male client misogyny has been inconclusive, and few studies compare men in different markets. Using an online survey of 519 clients of sexual services, we examine whether male client attitudes toward gender role equality are related to the main methods customers used to access prostitution services (i.e., through print or online media vs. in-person contact). We found no differences among men in these markets in attitudes toward gender role equality in the workplace and home. This is in a context where all clients had more egalitarian attitudes toward women's roles than the U.S. male population in the General Social Survey (GSS). However, clients in in-person markets were less supportive of affirmative action than in online markets in a context where all clients were less supportive compared to the national average. These findings point to need to rethink how masculinity and gender role attitudes affect patterns of male demand for paid sex.