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How does our colonial past echo through today's global politics? How have former empire-builders sought vindication or atonement, and formerly colonised states reversal or retribution? This ground-breaking book presents a panoramic view of attitudes to empires past and present, seen not only through the hard politics of international power structures but also through the nuances of memory, historiography and national and minority cultural identities. Bringing together the leading historians, political scientists and international relations scholars from across the globe, Echoes of Empire emphasizes the importance of non-European power centres - Ottoman, Russian, Chinese, Japanese - in shaping world politics, then and now. Echoes of Empire bridges the divide between disciplines to trace the global routes travelled by objects, ideas and people, and forms a radically different notion of the term 'empire' itself. This will be an essential companion to courses on imperial and world history and politics.

AbstractThis contribution to the symposium explores one aspect of the arrival of planetary politics under the broad label of the third democratic transformation, a transformation unfolding now at all levels of governance, from the local to the global through the regional, in spite of the anti‐democratic forces at play around the world. This article starts by exploring the new frontier of normative power Europe in a post‐colonial key, arguing that the European Union can serve as a laboratory for such a democratic transformation, around four interrogations related to claims of decentring, doubting, experimenting and decolonising. It then offers a descriptive‐normative typology of the core attributes of the third democratic transformation observable in numerous signs and practices both in Europe and around the world through a sixfold evolution, namely, trans‐temporal, transnational, trans‐modal, trans‐local, trans‐scalar and, across all these, translational. It concludes on the conditions of possibility for this transformation.

AbstractThis article reflects on the diagnosis proposed in 1998 by Moravcsik and Nicolaidis that the EU had reached an incipient constitutional settlement and makes two connected arguments. First, analytically, that contrary to the prevailing view, the EU's constitutional settlement is holding, although it has come under assault from federalists and sovereignists alike. The bicycle theory nevertheless continues to hold sway perhaps because paradigm shifts always exhibit significant lags. Second, normatively, to defend 'the equilibrium' does not amount to a defense of the status quo. On the contrary, and especially in the context of the eurozone crisis, we must reflect on the social foundations of the European project, of which intermittent democratic discontent is only one expression. The argument unfolds through four European cities, each regarding a different moment in the Constitutional saga of the last two decades, to conclude on the relationship between LI and demoicratic theory, as well as the promise of sustainable integration.

The conclusion to the collection draws out some of the insights from the contributions on the various challenges facing European demoi-cratization. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers an overview and reconsideration of the idea of European demoicracy in the context of the current crisis. It defines 'demoicracy' as 'a Union of peoples, understood both as states and as citizens, who govern together but not as one', and argues that the concept is best understood as a third way, distinct from both national and supranational versions of single demos polities. The concept of 'demoicracy' can serve both as an analytical lens for the European Union-as-is and as a normative benchmark, but one which cannot simply be inferred from its praxis. Instead, the article deploys a 'normative-inductive' approach according to which the EU's normative core -- transnational non-domination and transnational mutual recognition -- is grounded on what the EU still seeks to escape. Such norms need to be protected and perfected if the EU is to live up to its demoicratic nature. The article suggests ten tentative guiding principles for the EU to continue turning these norms into practice. Adapted from the source document.

European integration has been and will continue to be flawed with conflicts, conflicts or interests embedded in broader conflicts of identity. I argue that these conflicts and the bargains they require exhibit similar patterns across a wide array of issues, as struggles around 'mutual' recognition where mutuality plays a crucial role. Indeed, the challenges and perils of recognition are universal. But Europe can be seen as an experimental polity where, more formally than elsewhere, actors debate the contours of a norm which has migrated from regulatory praxis to mode of governance, and beyond, to political principle. If the 'Polish plumber' has come to serve as the emblem for the denial of recognition in the EU, mutual recognition is no less conflictual when it comes to the status of refugees, Bosnians or cartoonists. Normatively, if 'managed mutual recognition' is to serve as a blueprint beyond international political economy, we need to better analyse the relationship between recognition and trust, blind and binding trust, deferential and interventionist recognition. Adapted from the source document.

Constitutions are often born out of tumultuous moments—after a war or in a moment of collective reconciliation. By contrast, the European Constitution rejected by French and Dutch voters last spring sought to translate half a century of peace into a formal political settlement. Although proponents of the constitution, especially within the European left, were dismayed by the No votes, some of them believe that it is possible to turn the rejection into an opportunity both for the left and for the European Union project as a whole.

The current constitutional crisis can be seen as a Tocquevillian moment for the European Union, which, since 1989, has been living in a period of transition between the end of a purely aristocratic logic of integration & the possible blossoming of a democratic structure within a paradigm liberated from nationalist agenda. To get out of this transition, the French must first take a Copernician revolution, which will lead them to no longer want a Union that resembles a larger France, but rather a developing "demoi-cracy." It is a matter, then, of exploring a paraconstitutional path that will look to escape the current period in the best way possible, while at the same time avoiding both the illusion of a possible restoration of the pre-constitutional status quo & the contradictions of a short-term "neoconstitutional" path. Adapted from the source document.

Rejection of the proposed European Constitution by various voters from European Countries is explained. Ideological, political, & sociological factors that moved French & Dutch voters to reject the proposed European Constitution are identified, eg, many French voters perceived little benefit to previous economic globalization & the lack of united conservative & liberal support. It is subsequently asserted that the proposed European Constitution was plagued by several structural deficiencies, eg, a failure to conceptualize unemployment & other social protection policies on a European level. In addition, the political left in France & the Netherlands are criticized for their inability to create social reform programs that promote both social justice & development. Even though majorities of French & Dutch voters support a European Constitution, it is concluded that the proposed constitutional document should be officially scrapped. J. W. Parker