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World Affairs Online
Tapping the market: the challenge of institutional reform in the urban water sector
In: The role of government in adjusting economies
Sánchez‐Ancochea, Diego (2021) The Costs of Inequality in Latin America, Bloomsbury Publishing (London), ix + 203 pp. £63 hbk., £20.69 pbk
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 43, Heft 2, S. 203-204
ISSN: 1470-9856
Armed opposition to the Stroessner regime in Paraguay: a review article
In: Small wars & insurgencies, Band 35, Heft 5, S. 919-939
ISSN: 1743-9558
Gran Bretaña y la Guerra de la Triple Alianza: El plan de colonización de los Granjeros de Lincolnshire a Paraguay y la tesis del "cuarto aliado"
In: Estudios paraguayos: revista científica del Centro de Estudios Antropológicos de la Universidad "Ntra. Sra. de la Asunción", Band 42, Heft 1
ISSN: 2520-9914
Tyvela, Kirk (2019) The Dictator Dilemma: The United States and Paraguay in the Cold War, University of Pittsburgh Press (Pittsburgh, PA), x + 261 pp. $50 hbk
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 41, Heft 5, S. 842-843
ISSN: 1470-9856
Revolutionary Movements in Latin America after the Cold War: The Case of the Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 38, Heft 4, S. 487-502
ISSN: 1470-9856
This article addresses the debate concerning the reasons for the emergence of revolutionary movements in Latin America in the post‐Cold War period. It uses the example of the Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo (EPP, Paraguayan People's Army) to question the hypothesis by McClintock that, whereas political factors were the principal cause of such movements during the Cold War, economic factors have dominated since then. After reviewing the structural context in which the EPP emerged, as well as its history, strategy and ideology, the article offers a contemporary understanding of the insurgency, examines its relevance to the debate about the prospects for revolution in post‐Cold War Latin America and proposes a reformulation of McClintock's hypothesis.
Julia J. S. Sarreal, The Guaraní and their Missions: A Socioeconomic History (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014), pp. xiii +335, $65.00, hb
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 843-844
ISSN: 1469-767X
The general election in Paraguay, April 2008
In: Electoral Studies, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 145-149
Paraguay and the United States: Distant Allies ‐ by Mora, Frank O. and Cooney, Jerry W
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 28, Heft 2, S. 289-290
ISSN: 1470-9856
The general election in Paraguay, April 2008
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 145-150
ISSN: 0261-3794
Una oportunidad para Paraguay: los desafíos de Fernando Lugo
In: Nueva Sociedad, Heft 216, S. 4-16
ISSN: 0251-3552
Fernando Lugo's triumph in the Paraguayan presidential elections is historic, not only because it is the first time in the world that an ex-bishop has won a presidential election, but also because it marks the end of the Colorado Party's hegemony, after more than sixty years in power. After his victory, Lugo ratified his decision to renegotiate with Brazil the unjust contract of the Itaipú hydro-electrical plant and his willingness to increase taxes on the prosperous soy bean producers and improve the unequal distribution of the land. However, it will not be easy. Paraguay inherits serious development problems, while there is widespread lack of confidence in democracy and a corrupt and outdated political class. Furthermore, Lugo can count on little support in parliament and the predictable resistance of the Colorado Party which still controls a powerful system of client relationships. (Nueva Soc/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
Paraguay: ¿Un giro a la izquierda bajo el mandato de Lugo?
La toma de posesión de Fernando Lugo como presidente de Paraguay marca un giro decisivo en la historia del país. En presencia de los presidentes de todos los miembros del Mercosur y de Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela, Fernando Lugo juró el 15 de agosto el cargo de presidente de Paraguay para el período 2008-2013. El protagonismo del presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, durante la ceremonia y con posterioridad a ésta aumentó la especulación sobre si Paraguay se uniría ahora a la alianza regional de naciones identificada con el "socialismo del siglo XXI". Semejante juicio resulta prematuro, dada la composición del Gabinete de Lugo y la escasa representación de la izquierda en el nuevo Congreso. Más bien, la apertura a Venezuela y a Bolivia debería entenderse en el contexto más general del distanciamiento de Paraguay de su ya duradera "diplomacia pendular" de cara a sus dos gigantes vecinos, Brasil y Argentina, más motivado por la exigencia de renegociar los principales contratos hidroeléctricos con esos dos países que por cuestiones de afinidad ideológica.
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Bolivia: making government leadership in donor coordination work
In: Public administration and development: the international journal of management research and practice, Band 25, Heft 5, S. 399-407
ISSN: 1099-162X
AbstractThis article addresses the extent to which concepts of 'partnership' and 'ownership' of aid are understood differently by donors and local partners even in a country such as Bolivia where central government underwent a growing commitment to improved governance from the mid‐1990s through poverty reduction, decentralisation and citizen participation. The introduction of two basket‐funding initiatives is testimony to the growing confidence of the donor community in the emerging national ownership of the overall development process. Yet informational and motivational asymmetries, by creating perverse incentives, militate against the spread of basket funding, undermining the shift to national ownership and sustainability. Similarly, even though relations with the donor community were excellent, sector‐level donor coordination is a surprisingly recent phenomenon. Government officials frequently reported the same kind of administrative burdens that are found in many other aid recipient countries. In addition, conditionalities of multilateral agencies embedded in structural adjustment and subsequent HIPC membership imposed a major burden on the government. They often caused delays in disbursements, especially where loans are disbursed in tranches subject to compliance with non‐project specific conditions. Finally, the article draws attention to the contested meaning of 'national ownership' itself in a country with marked ethnic and social divisions, a factor that contributed to a marked decline in political stability and other governance indicators in 2003. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.