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Abstract
This commentary comprises two parts. In the first part, different ways 'ideological manoeuvres' performed in and around
Pink Dot discourses in Singapore and Hong Kong, as evinced in this special issue, are highlighted. 'Ideological manoeuvres' refer to the
ideological actions and skilful management undertaken by social actors, explicitly or implicitly, to bring about or secure a tactical end in
support of, or in opposition to, the Pink Dot LGBT social movement. In the second part, how the ideological manoeuvres are on-goingly shaped
by, and shape, the geopolitics of gender/sexuality in Singapore and Hong Kong are discussed. In this regard, two areas are highlighted: the
politics of Pink Dot's expressed apoliticism; and the transnational purchase of Pink Dot's mode of political organising. Both of these areas
'speak to' a critical project on the decolonisation of gender/sexual knowledge-making and practice in these two Asian contexts.

In commenting on the articles in this special issue, I focus on a sociolinguistics of gender and sexual stereotyping through a transnational perspective. Defining stereotypes as distillations of types of persons and practices expressive of ideological meanings and integral to power relations, a sociolinguistics study of stereotyping is proposed as encompassing a number of dimensions: the constitutiveness of language, discourse and genre; flatness and roundedness of stereotypes; negative and positive social meanings; enduring and shifting stereotypes; identity entanglements; power(s) of stereotyping; and local and translocal aspects. The multifaceted dimensions emerge out of a transnational perspective of studies from a variety East Asian contexts. Such a perspective surfaces shared resonances of heteropatriarchy across these contexts as well as distinctive articulations of hegemony and change in particular situations.

In this article, I introduce the concept of "strategic egalitarianism" in relation to women's co-optation into nationalist projects in Singapore. By strategic egalitarianism, I mean the granting of equality to women that is contingent upon meeting particular pragmatic nationalist objectives. For example, the granting of equal educational & employment opportunities by the government in the 1960s was necessitated by Singapore's economic survival as a newly emerging nation. By the 1980s, another pragmatic national concern dealing with rapid decline in population growth emerged, requiring that women prioritize the role of motherhood. A complicating factor in the procreationist discourse is the government's eugenic policy that layouts the "right" kind of women, in particular, to bear the "right" kind of babies for the continued vitality of the nation. In the course of this article, I examine the problem with strategic egalitarianism, which shifts its ground depending on the nationalist goals of the day, & the implications this has for Singapore women. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, I introduce the concept of 'strategic egalitarianism' in relation to women's co‐optation into nationalist projects in Singapore. By strategic egalitarianism, I mean the granting of equality to women that is contingent upon meeting particular pragmatic nationalist objectives. For example, the granting of equal educational and employment opportunities by the government in the 1960s was necessitated by Singapore's economic survival as a newly emerging nation. By the 1980s, another pragmatic national concern dealing with rapid decline in population growth emerged, requiring that women prioritise the role of motherhood. A complicating factor in the procreationist discourse is the government's eugenic policy that favours the 'right' kind of women, in particular, to bear the 'right' kind of babies for the continued vitality of the nation. In the course of this article, I examine the problem with strategic egalitarianism, which shifts its ground depending on the nationalist goals of the day, and the implications this has for Singapore women.