Under the guise of globalization, Mexico opened its borders, reformed its political system, and transformed its economy. This title presents a history of Mexico since 1989, focusing on globalization, democratization, and social justice. It is useful for undergraduates and the general reader
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"Now in its third edition, Latin America Since Independence explores the region's rich and diverse history through carefully selected stories, primary source documents, maps and tables that offer a diverse approach to dominant historical narratives. While histories of the "other" Americas often link disparate histories through revolutionary or tragic narratives, this text begins with the assumption that our efforts to imagine a common past for nearly thirty countries are deeply problematic. Without losing sight of chronology or regional trends, the book offers a distinctive conceptualization of the region as a diverse social landscape with a multiplicity of peoples and voices. Each chapter introduces students to a specific historical issue, which in turn raises questions about the history of the Americas as a whole. Key themes include: Race and Citizenship -- Inequality and Economic Development -- Politics and Rights -- Foreign Interventions -- Social and Cultural Movements -- Globalization -- Violence and Civil Society -- The Environment. Chapters also include timelines highlighting important dates and suggestions for further reading. This third edition has been updated throughout and includes a new Chapter 9 that discusses foreign intervention in Central America, and new text on the drug wars, resource extraction, and indigenous self-determination. Richly informative and highly readable, Latin America since Independence provides compelling accounts of this region's past and present that will be of interest to students of Latin American history and society"--
The hallucinogenic and medicinal effects of peyote have a storied history that begins well before Europeans arrived in the Americas. While some have attempted to explain the cultural and religious significance of this cactus and drug, Alexander S. Dawson offers a completely new way of understanding the place of peyote in history. In this provocative new book, Dawson argues that peyote has marked the boundary between the Indian and the West since the Spanish Inquisition outlawed it in 1620. For nearly four centuries ecclesiastical, legal, scientific, and scholarly authorities have tried (unsuccessfully) to police that boundary to ensure that, while indigenous subjects might consume peyote, others could not. Moving back and forth across the U.S.–Mexico border, The Peyote Effect explores how battles over who might enjoy a right to consume peyote have unfolded in both countries, and how these conflicts have produced the racially exclusionary systems that characterizes modern drug regimes. Through this approach we see a surprising history of the racial thinking that binds these two countries more closely than we might otherwise imagine
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Indigenismo can be found in almost every country in the Americas. Most indigenistas attempted to write the Indian into their national pasts and adopted similar modernizing projects. Still, what appears to be a common history can be deceiving. Examination of one indigenista project in three distinct American contexts—the indigenous boarding schools in Mexico, Canada, and the United States—indicates considerable differences in practice. For one thing, while the boarding schools north of the border aimed to separate students from the deleterious influence of their communities and bring them into the cultural mainstream, in Mexico indigenous communities were essential to development strategies, and the internados, as an important element of these strategies, sought to cultivate rather than break down ethnic affiliations. These and other differences in the politics that emerged from these projects suggest that the study of indigenismo may require attention to the ways in which particular power arrangements give meaning to indigenous identities. El indigenismo se encuentra en casi cada uno de los países de las Américas. La mayor parte de los indigenistas intentaban inscribir al indio en sus pasados nacionales y adoptaron similares proyectos modernizantes. Aún así lo que aparenta ser historia común puede engañar. El examen de uno de los proyectos indigenistas en tres distintos contextos americanos—los colegios internados indígenas en México, Estados Unidos, y Canadá—indica diferencias considerables en la práctica. Para mencionar una, aun cuando los colegios al norte de la frontera buscaban separar a los alumnos de los efectos perjudiciales de sus comunidades y traerlos a la corriente principal de la cultura, en México las comunidades indígenas formaban parte esencial en los planes de desarrollo, y los internados, como elemento importante de estos planes, buscaban cultivar y no desmantelar las afiliaciones étnicas. Estas y otras diferencias en la política que emerge de estos proyectos sugiere que el estudio del indigenismo puede requerir que se le de atención a la manera por la cual los arreglos políticos particulares le dan significado a la identidad indígena.
This article examines the creation of an Indian ideal within Indigenismo
in the years 1920–40. While scholars argue that Indigenismo
described a degenerate Indian 'other', this article shows that it often represented the Indian as a model for revolutionary politics and culture. This is evident first in Indigenista
celebrations of Indian cultures during the 1920s, and in their valorisation of Indians as rational political actors with modern sensibilities during the 1930s. In validating this 'modern' Indian, Indigenistas created a limited framework for legitimate 'Indian politics' which took place within the national culture. However, they also labelled Indians who challenged revolutionary programs as 'primitive' and 'pre-political'.