Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- Chapter 1. Conservative Philosophy and Inequality -- Chapter 2. Neo-liberal Conservatism - Unlimited Inequality -- Chapter 3. One Nation Conservatism - Bounded Inequality -- Chapter 4. Middle Class Acceptance of Inequality -- Chapter 5. Working Class Acceptance of Inequality -- Chapter 6. British Acceptance of Inequality and Conservative Political Success -- Conclusion.

Examines the Labour Party's approach to constitutional reforms in historical context, and how these have been pursued more to 'modernize' political institutions, rather that radically transform them. Explains the reasons for this constitutional conservatism, and the debates which specific reform proposals have prompted in the Party.

What have been the defining characteristics, trends and changes of Britain's post-war public policy? Developments in British Public Policy provides a comprehensive review of all the key public policy sectors in contemporary British Politics today. Each chapter is written by a leading authority on each policy sector, and includes definitions of key terms, examples and case studies, questions for discussion, and suggestions for further reading. It will be essential reading for all students of contemporary British public policy and will serve as an ideal companion to Policy-Making in Britain: An Introduction.

An examiniation of the attitudes and policies of the Conservative party towards the trade unions from the mid 19th century, linking these to wider political circumstances and exploring the key personalities involved. Peter Dorey examines the attitudes and policies of the Conservative Party towards the trade unions from the nineteenth century onwards. He links these to wider political and economic circumstances, and studies the key personalities involved. There has always been disagreement within the Conservative Party as to how it should deal with the trade unions. These disagreements have, in large part, reflected divisions within British Conservatism itself.

AbstractThe 1911 Parliament Act decreed that Lords reform was 'an urgent question which brooks no delay', yet the subsequent 112 years have witnessed only sporadic and inchoate reforms. The issue has invariably suffered both from interparty disagreement between the Conservatives and Labour and, more importantly, intraparty disagreements owing to the divergent views and irreconcilable disagreements among Labour MPs over 'what is to be done?', and recognition that any reform which enhanced the legitimacy of the second chamber would threaten the pre‐eminence of the House of Commons and a Labour government therein.A similar fate is likely to befall the Labour Party's latest proposal for replacing the current House of Lords with an elected second chamber. Meanwhile, the Conservative peer, Lord Norton, is seeking to place the House of Lords Appointments Commission (HOLAC) on a statutory basis and impose stricter criteria on prime ministerial nominations for peerages. Yet, this would still leave any Prime Minister with considerable powers of patronage in appointing members of the second chamber. This article therefore suggests that a Prime Minister should only be permitted to nominate 20 per cent of the membership, with the rest appointed via HOLAC itself, thereby depoliticising the process as far as practicably possible, and imbuing it with greater public trust.

Since the 1980s, Britain's Conservative Party has become increasingly critical of the European Union, and of the country's membership of it. So contentious and controversial has this issue become that it was a significant factor in the downfall of three consecutive Conservative Prime Ministers, all of whom found it increasingly difficult to manage their Party in Parliament, and thereby maintain any semblance of Party unity. Initially, during the 1980s and 1990s, the intra-Party divisions were between Europhiles (pro-Europeans) and Eurosceptics, but this demarcation was subsequently superseded by a division between soft Eurosceptics and hard Eurosceptics. The development and deepening of these intra-Party divisions are attributable to a plethora of endogenous and exogenous factors, the combined and cumulative effect of which ultimately led to the 'Brexit' vote in the June 2016 referendum.