What does archaeology teach us about early house churches?
In: Tidsskrift for teologi og kirke, Band 78, Heft 3, S. 159-182
ISSN: 1504-2952
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In: Tidsskrift for teologi og kirke, Band 78, Heft 3, S. 159-182
ISSN: 1504-2952
ISSN: 2466-3840
In: Archaeopress archaeology
Istraživanje je provedeno tijekom 2016. godine, a cilj je bio snimanjem iz zrakoplova, u drugoj polovici lipnja, otkriti nove arheološke lokalitete na području istočne Slavonije te vidjeti kako se u tom razdoblju vide već poznati lokaliteti. Snimalo se dronom u svim godišnjim dobima kako bi vidjeli je li moguće prepoznavati lokalitete u različitim uvjetima i kako ti uvjeti utječu na vidljivost poznatih lokaliteta. Prepoznato je 50-ak novih lokaliteta. ; The basis of the research was a comparative image study of 4 cyclic photogrammetric surveys made by Republic of Croatia State Geodetic Administration from 1997 to 2015. Satellite imagery and Internet geographic services, such as Google Earth, Bing maps, Croatian Internet geodetic and agricultural map services, were also extensively used in this research. Spatial analysis of aerial images was combined with Internet historical map and image. A valuable resource is also the digitalized vertical images originated before 1968, available since 2015 (Produced by Military Geographical Institute, Belgrade). Sites were selected according to the results of the above mentioned analysis, to conduct of aircraft photographic surveys in 2013 to 2016. UAVs have been used to record target areas and sites, which significantly increased the number of newly discovered sites. The satellite imagery and aerial photography data were compared with results of the systematic field survey. Consequently, more than 200 (new 50 in 2016) archaeological sites were identified throughout the area.
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Istraživanje je provedeno u razdoblju od lipnja do studenoga 2015. godine, a cilj je bio utvrditi načine i vremenske odrednice po kojima se arheološki lokaliteti prepoznaju na zračnim snimkama iz različitih izvora: satelitske snimke, vertikalne snimke Državne geodetske uprave, kose snimke snimljene iz zrakoplova te snimke dobivene snimanjem dronom. Prepoznati lokaliteti su većinom provjereni terenskim pregledom. ; This is the presentation of aerial survey results focused on the Drava, Danube and Sava Rivers in Eastern Croatia, a part of Croatia characterised by fertile land divided into large agricultural plots ideal for aerial survey of archaeological features. The basis of the research was a comparative image study of 4 cyclic photogrammetric surveys made by Republic of Croatia State Geodetic Administration from 1997 to 2014. Satellite imagery and Internet geographic services, such as Google Earth, Bing maps, Croatian Internet geodetic and agricultural map services, were also extensively used in this research. Spatial analysis of aerial images was combined with Internet historical map and image. A valuable resource is also the digitalized vertical images originated before 1968, available since 2015 (Produced by Military Geographical Institute, Belgrade). Sites were selected according to the results of the above mentioned analysis, to conduct a series of aircraft photographic surveys from 2013 to 2015. UAVs have been used since 2015 to record target areas and sites, which significantly increased the number of newly discovered sites. The satellite imagery and aerial photography data were compared with results of the systematic field survey. Consequently, more than 150 archaeological sites were identified throughout the area. The combination of all described methods provided a completely new insight on land occupation, settlement patterns and subsistence strategy in prehistoric, Roman and medieval period. Already known sites could be viewed more accurately for the first time, in their entirety and within their landscape. The majority of discovered sites can be attributed to Neolithic Sopot culture from the 5th millennium BC and to the late Medieval period. An interesting observed phenomenon is the reoccupation of Neolithic circle enclosures in the late medieval period. Besides new discoveries, it has to be emphasised that survey has shown a surprisingly dynamic change of the landscape from the 18th century until today that is important both for cultural heritage management and for landscape development strategies.
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Sotin je mjesto na visokoj lesnoj zaravni uz Dunav i prva rimska vojna utvrda nizvodno od Teutoburgiuma (Dalj) na dunavskome limesu. Tragovi rimskoga Sotina poznati su još od 19. st. kada su prvi nalazi počeli pristizati u muzeje, prije svega u Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu, tada Narodni muzej. Desetljećima su prikupljani brojni nalazi pri zemljanim radovima i terenskim pregledima. Zaštitna istraživanja, najčešće pri infrastrukturnim radovima, obavljali su djelatnici Gradskoga muzej Vukovar, a u razdoblju od 2008. do 2018. Institut za arheologiju provodio je ciljana istraživanja na području Sotina s ciljem lociranja groblja iz brončanoga i željeznoga doba. Tijekom višegodišnjih istraživanja na sedam različitih položaja otkriveni su, između ostaloga, i tragovi antičkoga Sotina te su preliminarne topografske spoznaje o Sotinu u rimsko doba predstavljene u ovome radu. ; Sotin is a site on a high loess plateau along the Danube and the first Roman military fort downstream from Teutoburgium (Dalj) on the Danube limes. Traces of Roman Sotin have been known since the 19th century, when the first finds began to arrive in museums, primarily in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, then the National Museum. Numerous finds from excavations and field surveys were collected over the decades. Rescue excavations, usually during infrastructure works, were performed by the employees of Vukovar Municipal Museum. From 2008 to 2018, the Institute of Archaeology undertook targeted excavations in the area of Sotin to locate a Bronze and Iron Age cemetery. Over a period of several years, excavations on seven different locations uncovered the traces of ancient Sotin and other finds. This paper presents the preliminary topographic findings on Sotin in Roman times.
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Tijekom razdoblja rimske prevlasti na Sredozemlju pomorski su putovi bili važni kanali za razmjenu robe između udaljenih dijelova Carstva. Ti su se putovi mijenjali tijekom stoljeća zbog političkih, gospodarskih i drugih razloga. Cilj je ovog rada predstaviti razlike u fluktuaciji uvoza i izvoza između istočne obale Jadrana, Italije i ostalih rimskih provincija na temelju nalaza amfora u Hrvatskoj iz razdoblja od 1. do 6. stoljeća. Amfore su zasigurno najčešći nalaz u istraživačkim kampanjama podvodne arheologije. Iako su uglavnom služile kao spremnici i ambalaža tijekom prijevoza robe, danas su bogat izvor informacija o teretu određenog broda: o podrijetlu, vrsti i veličini broda, lukama u kojima je pristajao i mnogočemu drugome. Isto tako, mnogo se informacija može doznati proučavanjem skupina amfora iz luka i drugih obalnih nalazišta. ; During the period of Roman dominance of the Mediterranean, maritime routes were important channels for the exchange of goods between distant parts of the Empire. These routes have changed over the centuries for political, economic and other reasons. This paper aims to present differences in the fluctuation of imports and exports between the eastern Adriatic coast, Italia and other Roman provinces based on finds of amphorae in Croatia from the 1st to 6th century AD. Amphorae are certainly the most common find in underwater archaeology research campaigns. Although they served mainly as packaging containers for the transport of supplies, they are today a rich source of information about a ship's cargo: point of origin, the type and size of ship, its ports of call and much more. Also, a lot of information can be found out by studying the amphorae assemblages from harbours and other coastal sites.
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Rad prikazuje okolnosti u kojima se prikupljala stručna literatura na Odjelu "Muzej ninskih starina" u Ninu. Proces prikupljanja kronološki je podijeljen u dvije faze. Prva faza obrađuje period od 60-ih godina 20. stoljeća do 1996., a zbog manjkavih arhivskih podataka velikim dijelom počiva na pretpostavkama. Drugu fazu, tj. period od 1997. do 2019., karakterizira evidentiranje knjižnične građe (stručne literature) po određenim pravilima i način njezina pristizanja u Nin. Nadalje, u radu je istaknut doprinos stručnog muzejskog osoblja, posebno kustosa, u prikupljanju stručne literature potrebne za stručni te znanstveno-istraživački rad i njezino pohranjivanje. Prikazan je i postupak selekcije zatečene knjižnične građe (monografije, periodika, separati i deplijani) u Ninu kao preduvjet tehničkoj i stručnoj obradi, u želji da postane i javno dostupna 2019. Sadržajna analiza provedena je na cjelokupnom knjižničnom fondu. S obzirom na potrebe stručnog osoblja Muzeja za stručnom literaturom, prikazana je zastupljenost arheologije i drugih srodnih područja (povijest, povijest umjetnosti i sl.). Sadržajna struktura novoformirane knjižnične zbirke na Odjelu "Muzej ninskih starina" svojevrstan je dokaz o dobro provođenoj nabavnoj politici u nekoliko prethodnih desetljeća, za koju su zaslužni kustosi, tj. djelatnici Odjela "Muzej ninskih starina" u Ninu. ; The paper presents circumstances in which professional literature at the Department of the Musum of Nin Antiquities in Nin was collected. The process of collecting was chronologically divided into two phases. The first phase deals with the period from the 1960s to 1996. It is largely based on assumptions due to deficient archival informations. The second phase (from 1997 to 2019) is characterized by recording library materials (professional literature) in accordance with certain rules and manner of its acquisition for the Nin museum. Further on the contribution of the museum staff, in particular the curators, was emphasized in the paper, in collecting and storing the professional literature necessary for professional and scientific-research work. The procedure of selecting existing library materials (monographs, periodicals, offprints, leaflets) was also presented as a prerequisite for technical and professional processing, with an aim of making it publicly available in 2019. Content analysis was performed on the entire library holdings. Considering the needs of the professional staff of the museum for professional literature, number of works dealing with archaeology and other related fields (history, art history etc.) was determined. Content structure of the newly formed library collection at the Department of the Museum of Nin Antiquities is a kind of evidence of well conducted procurement policy in previous decades for which all credit goes to the curators, in other words staff of the Department of the Museum of Nin Antiquities in Nin.
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Tijekom lipnja i srpnja 2019. godine Institut za arheologiju proveo je treću kampanju arheoloških istraživanja na lokalitetu Pakrac – Stari grad usredotočenu na pronađene ostatke gotičke ivanovačke kapele koja se nalazila u dvorištu njihova grada, odnosno – još ranije – u sklopu njihova domusa. Ustanovljeni su ostaci dviju osnovnih faza gradnje kapele. U prvoj, ranogotičkoj fazi, jednobrodna kapela, dimenzija oko 16 x 6,5 m, građena je od fino obrađenih klesanaca. Imala je četiri para polustupova koji su nosili križno-rebrasti svod. Istodobno je uz nju sagrađeno i vretenasto stubište, a u istočnome zidu uočeni su tragovi sakrarija. Profilacije svodnih rebara bademastoga presjeka te baze polustupova datiraju ovu fazu u prvu polovicu 13. stoljeća. U drugoj, kasnogotičkoj fazi kapele, zidovi su izvana podebljani te im je debljina otprilike udvostručena, a istočno uz kapelu dodana je cilindrična kula. Izveden je i novi portal koji datira oko 1500. godine. Čini se da je kapela, osobito njezin istočni dio, prije toga preuređenja bila vrlo snažno oštećena, možda čak i srušena pa ponovno građena, no ta će se pretpostavka morati provjeriti u narednim kampanjama. U kapeli je istraženo i nekoliko grobova i grobnica. Većina najkasnije pokopanih pokojnika bila je, čini se, ekshumirana prigodom napuštanja kapele. ; In June and July 2019, the Institute of Archaeology undertook the third campaign of archaeological excavations at the site of Pakrac – Stari Grad, focusing on the found remains of the Gothic chapel of the Knights Hospitaller that used to stand in the courtyard of their town or, earlier, within their domus. Remains of two basic phases of the construction of the chapel have been identified. In the first, early Gothic phase, a single-nave chapel measuring around 16 x 6.5 m was built of finely worked stone. It had four pairs of half-pillars that supported a cross-ribbed vault. An adjacent spindle staircase was built at the same time; also, traces of a sacrarium were observed in the east wall. The almond-sectioned design of the vault ribs and the base of the half-pillars date this phase to the first half of the 13th century. In the second, late Gothic phase of the chapel, the walls were thickened on the outside, which made them approximately two times thicker, and a cylindrical tower was added to the east of the chapel. A new portal was built around the year 1500. The chapel, especially its eastern part, seems to have been badly damaged before that renovation, maybe even demolished and rebuilt, but we will have to verify this assumption in future campaigns. Several graves and tombs were uncovered in the chapel. Most of the dead who were the last to be buried there seem to have been exhumed when the chapel was abandoned.
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U ovom je radu predstavljena skupina pokretnih arheoloških nalaza s natpisima s područja rimskog legijskog logora Tilurija (danas selo Gardun kod Trilja). Znanstvenom analizom obuhvaćena je tzv. instrumenta inscripta, odnosno keramički, stakleni, koštani i metalni nalazi koji na sebi sadrže natpis i/ili pečat. Riječ je o nalazima iz sustavnih arheoloških istraživanja, kao i o nalazima koji su danas pohranjeni u Muzeju triljskog kraja u Trilju, Muzeju Cetinske krajine u Sinju, Arheološkoj zbirci Franjevačkog samostana u Sinju, Arheološkom muzeju u Splitu ili su zabilježeni u starijoj literaturi. Većina nalaza pripada razdoblju prve polovice i sredine 1. st. po. Kr., dok se pojedini nalazi mogu datirati i na sam kraj 1. st. pr. Kr. Njihova se datacija time uvelike preklapa s datacijom Tilurija kao rimskoga legijskog logora i kasnije logora pomoćnih postrojbi. Mali broj nalaza može se datirati u razdoblje prije nego što je Tilurij početkom 1. st. po. Kr. postao logor VII. legije. Isto tako mali broj nalaza svjedoči i o nastavku života u Tiluriju nakon što je prestao biti rimsko vojno uporište nakon sredine 3. st. ; 199 Domagoj Tončinić Mirna Cvetko Croatia, 10000 Zagreb Archaeology Department Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb Ivana Lučića 3 dtoncinic@ffzg.unizg.hr mvukov@ffzg.hr UDC: 902/908(497.583Tilurij)"-0100/+0300":069Muzej Triljskog kraj, Muzej Cetinske krajine, Arheološki muzej u Splitu, 902/908(497.583Tilurj)"-0100/+0300"]:2- 523.6(497.583Sinj) Advance notice Received: 17. 12. 2020. Accepted: 15. 2. 2021. Movable archaeological finds bearing inscriptions from the area of the Roman legionary fortress at Tilurium (today the village of Gardun near Trilj) are presented in this paper. The scholarly analysis encompassed the so-called instrumenta inscripta, i.e., the ceramic, glass, bone and metallic finds which have an inscription and/or stamp on them. These are finds yielded by systematic archaeological excavations, as well as finds today stored in the Trilj Regional Museum in Trilj, the Cetina Territorial Museum in Sinj, the Franciscan Monastery Archaeological Collection in Sinj, the Archaeological Museum in Split or finds recorded in the older scholarly literature. Most of the finds date to the period from the first half of the 1st century AD, while individual finds can be dated to the very end of the 1st century BC. Their dating thereby largely overlaps with the dating of Tilurium as a Roman legionary fortress and then a fort used by auxiliary contingents. A small number of finds can be dated to the period prior to the time when Tilurium became the fortress of Legio VII at the beginning of the 1st century AD. By the same token, a small number of finds testifies to the continuity of life in Tilurium once it ceased being a Roman military base after the mid-3rd century.
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Probna arheološka istraživanja u Sotinu, koja su provedena u ljeto 2011., imala su za cilj provjeriti hipotezu o položajima sjevernog i južnog ruba željeznodobnog groblja. Istovremeno se pokušao locirati južni obrambeni jarak privremenog vojnog logora otkrivenog na položaju Jaroši 2010. godine. U istraživanjima 2011. godine, uz ostatke zemunice badenske kulture, pronađeno je 15 grobova daljske grupe iz starijeg željeznog doba te 6 rimskih grobova na istočnoj nekropoli Cornacuma položenih uz jednu od rimskih prometnica. Na južnom rubu ranosrednjovjekovnog naselja na Srednjem polju otkrivena je poluzemunica s ognjištem. Rezultati ovogodišnjih istraživanja potvrdili su kako se radi o izuzetno važnom nalazištu u hrvatskom Podunavlju s tragovima naseljenosti iz svih vremenskih razdoblja. ; Trial archaeological excavations undertaken in 2011 in Sotin, lasting in continuity from 2008 in cooperation between the Institute of Archaeology and the City Museum of Vukovar, their goal being the verification of the hypothesis as to the location of the northern and the southern edge of the Iron Age cemetery as well as the attempt to locate the southern moat of the temporary military camp discovered during the 2010 research. The research was conducted on two sites on the south (Jaroši) and on the east (Srednje polje) part of Sotin on the area of 1308 m2. In the probe 10 on Jaroš, cuts of ditches were found that are likely to belong to a section of the Roman road, alongside two Dalj group incineration graves that are assumed to be located on the southern edge of the Iron Age cemetery. Probes 11 and 12 are situated on the edge of the site Srednje polje in the direction of Vašarište. In the probe 11, a pit house was found with fireplace, as well as a pit dated to the Early Middle Ages. In the northern part of the probe 12, a portion of the Baden culture pit house was excavated, but the most important is a discovery of 13 graves of the group Dalj that were scattered over the central part of the small oval elevation. In the southern part of the probe 12, three trenches were found; these are probably the remains of the road, along which six graves of the Cornacum Eastern Necropolis were unearthed. Bearing in mind current archaeological knowledge about Sotin, results of the 2011 research at Jaroš and Srednje polje shed light on the southern boundary of the Copper Age settlement and the southern and northern borders of the Iron Age cemetery. Based on the results of the regional studies of graves of group Dalj it can be assumed that the inhabitants of Iron Age Sotin were buried in small groups that were organized in rows by the ancestral principle, with the possible existence of the horizontal stratigraphy. The discovery of the grave 69, belonging to a prominent woman of the community, is particularly exceptional. A multi-piece ceramic service was found in the burial place, with two urns containing bones, as well as parts of jewellery worn by the deceased while she was still alive (bronze spiral rings, pendants made of shell and stone, two bracelets made of bronze sheet) in one of them. Next to the urn, oval and pyramidal weights as part of the loom, and two vessels in the shape of birds were placed. Apart from the grave 69, a number of ceramic and metal contributions were also found in graves 65 and 78, which, alongside with the grave 1 from the earlier research, indicate burials of prominent members of the community in this part of the cemetery. Ceramography of the Iron Age cemetery in Sotin shows prevailing similarity with finds from the cemetery Doroslovo in Bačka, while on the other hand, the metal contributions substantially differ from those in Doroslov and those retrieved on the nearby cemetery Vukovar-Lijeva Bara from the same period. Based on the ceramic forms and found metal objects (brooches, bracelets), graves located on Srednje polje and Jaroš are dated to the 8th century BC, that is to the IIIa phase according to the periodization created by C. Metzner-Nebelsick (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002: 172-175, Abb. 75). During the research in 2011 it was noted that probably two roads existed on the southeast and on the east of the Roman settlement. Alongside the one on the north, that is, closer to the Danube, six Roman incineration and skeletal graves were discovered. So far, during the trial researches in Sotin, total of 35 Roman graves have been found. Investigated segment of the early Medieval settlement indicates that it was much larger than it had been assumed at first, or that the cemetery was located where the metal artefacts from the same period were discovered earlier. Further research and field surveys will give us a clue to some yet unanswered questions about life in Sotin through the millennia.
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U radu se analizira antička keramika pronađena na lokalitetu dvor knezova Iločkih pri iskopavanjima 2001. godine. Utvrđeno je da se radi o rimskoj keramici koja se datira od druge polovine 1., pa sve do kraja 4. stoljeća. ; When the Romans conquered the area around Ilok in the first century AD, it became part of Lower Illyricum. After Trajan's division of Pannonia into Upper and Lower sections, Ilok, i.e. Cuccium, was part of Lower Pannonia until Diocletian's division. Diocletian divided Lower Pannonia into Pannonia Valeria and Pannonia Secunda. The center of Pannonia Secunda was Sirmium, and Cuccium belonged to this province. Cuccium was an important point in this part of the Limes, because it defended the Empire where the Danube was easy to cross. The site of the fortress itself has still not been discovered, but it is mentioned as Cucci, Catio, Cuccio, Cuccium, Cuccis castelum. On the other side of the Danube there were barbarian tribes: the Sarmatians and the Iazigians. The Romans adapted their military approach in order to be able to conquer them more easily, so they placed their cavalry and infantry along this part of the Limes. Thus in Cuccium the following units were stationed: "Cuneus equitarum promotorum" and "Equitas sagittarii" (ŠARANOVIĆ-SVETEK, 1966/67, 61-65; BATOROVIĆ, 1994, 11, 12; JANKULOV, 1952, 16; VULIĆ, 1939, 73). Traces of the rich history of Ilok were found in the broader territory of the town in the rescue excavations and construction works, and almost always a part of these finds related to Antiquity. Thus a number of pottery fragments, inscriptions, coins, reliefs, sarcophagi, etc. were found. The pottery that was analysed here is connected with the material found in the systematic archaeological excavations conducted by the Institute of Archaeology in 2001 in the castle of Ilok's princes. The excavated artefacts are highly fragmented and modest, which makes a thorough analysis impossible. The excavations were conducted in the courtyard of the castle, which was covered with earth that was brought subsequently from different sites, thus excluding the possibility of stratigraphy in the analysis of the goods. The finds of Roman pottery in the Roman Province of Pannonia are connected with the invasion of the Roman army and the Italics in this area. Trade and contacts with distant regions were made possible by roads and rivers. In the beginning, trade was related only to military camps and other military facilities, as well as the newly settled towns, and only after a while did it include the local population (LENGYEL, RADAN, 1980, 330-332). This might have happened under the rule of the Emperor Augustus during the transition from the Old to the New Age or after the Pannonian-Dalmatian rebellion in the first half of the first century. Such pottery has already been found at several sites in Pannonia (DAUTOVA-RUŠEVLJAN, 1986, 72), so that it is possible that it exists in the territory of Ilok. In the earliest stage, all goods needed by the soldiers and the civilians came to Pannonia from Aquileia or from other parts of northern Italy across Aquileia. There are not many finds from this earliest period, and some of the existing rare finds are fragments of pottery with thin walls, a jug with one handle and a pot in the La Tène tradition that might have served as an urn (Pl. 2, 8, 16, 17). In the second century products of western workshops are present in Pannonia as well, and they are predominant until the crisis in the mid-third century. The representatives of this period are examples of sigillatae from the Rheinzabern workshop (Pl. 1, 1-3), and as local production became increasingly intense, there are also local imitations of sigillatae (Pl. 1, 4, 5). Products from other neighbouring provinces were not imported in significant quantities. Most of the finds can be dated to the third and the fourth centuries. There are many fragments of glazed pottery in dark green and brown, jugs (Pl. 2, 9), bowls (Pl. 1, 6, 7), and a mortaria (Pl. 2, 12-15), which is frequent in this period in Pannonia, when glazed pottery was massively produced even in Pannonia itself; apart from that, there is also pots (Pl. 3, 24-31) and lids (Pl. 3, 18-23). After the death of Emperor Valentinian in 375 there was stagnation in development, reconstruction, trade and production. By the time of the invasions by barbarian tribes, i.e. the Goths and the Alans, the developed Roman civilization in this area in the first half of the fifth century went through changes in the composition of its population as well as in lifestyle. According to the treaty of 405, a part of Pannonia came under Alaric's rule, which brought Roman life in this part of Pannonia to an end (PINTEROVIĆ, 1970, 82). Without specific research it is not possible to determine when and where exactly the fortress was erected, how life surrounding it developed, and how it stopped functioning. From the time immediately after this there are only a few finds, the most significant being that of a pair of silver Ostrogoth fibulae from the fifth century. Pottery was found in this excavation, and it can be approximately dated from the middle of the first to the end of the fourth century. It should be noted that the earliest pottery is the smallest in number, and the pottery from the third and fourth centuries the largest. We encounter pottery of a different origin, from local workshops, as well as Roman pottery under the strong influence of local manufacturers, i.e. pottery in visible Celtic tradition, imitations of Roman pottery and imported Roman pottery produced in different workshops. Such material is present also in the remaining part of Lower Pannonia; therefore it was to be expected that it would be found in Ilok as well. The material is unfortunately rather modest and fragmented, so one cannot gain a clear picture of everyday life or of the entire extent of trade connections and the relationship between the citizens of Cuccium with the rest of the Roman Empire. It is clear that in the beginning there were connections with Italy, the influence of the La Tčne heritage is felt. Later they were connected with the Rhineland (the areas of Pannonia and Noricum were the main export destinations of the Rheinzabern workshop (VIKIĆ-BELANČIĆ, 1962/63, 95; FREMERSDORF, 1937, 167-172)) and products of local provincial workshops were used. In order to reach better and more complete conclusions, further research is necessary, because due to modest materials at present this is impossible, and the fragments can only build a framework which can help in further analysis. Cuccium was probably not as big and as developed as Cornacum or Cibalae, but owing to its position it was of extraordinary significance and it represents one of the vitally important points on the Danube limes. This is what necessitates additional research.
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U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.
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U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.
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