Suchergebnisse

In this study, state and religion relations in Kyrgyzstan, which appeared in world scene as an independent state in 1991 will be discussed. The issue of religious education, in which these relations are more observed and cause both internal and international disputes will be subject of factual evaluation as a sub sample. The purpose and basic thesis of the study, is to present the new aspects in Kyrgyz history deriving from the religious discourse, religion based movements and organizations that we come across at current social and political developments in Kyrgyzstan. In other words, purpose is to expose historical bases of institutional and social relations of Kyrgyzstan with religion if any, and if not, disconnections with the past. Within this framework, while making this analysis, history of Central Asia which Kyrgyzstan is a part of, its inheritances from the past inside the country's current borders will be taken into account and will be evaluated in competence with ethnic, social, economic and modernization criteria. Under the light of this factual evaluation, thesis of this study will be supported and some studies which are generally approved in literature will tried to be disproved and in the final stage, problematique that includes new titles of problems will be presented systematically.

Indonesia is neither a religious state nor a secular state. Based on the Pancasila state ideology and the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia adheres to a symbiotic model in which the state and religion are different entities but have a mutually influencing relationship. This relationship pattern can be seen from several laws that regulate issues related to religion, especially Islam, which is embraced by the majority of Indonesians. As a political product, the pattern of relations between the state and religion in the law is dynamic. However, in accordance with the principles of a democratic rule of law, the dynamics of democratic politics are controlled by legal instruments, one of which is through the authority to review laws as one of the powers of the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court's decisions in cases of judicial review of laws related to religion reinforce the model of the symbiotic relationship between the state and religion. Such decisions affirmed Pancasila as a model of Indonesian secularity that is needed for the sake of individual rights and freedoms, to balance or reconcile religious diversity, social integration and national development, and the independent development of the functional domains of society.

Die Ermordung Yitzhak Rabins wird in der Regel als Ausdruck der Links-Rechts-Auseinandersetzung über die Zukunft der Westbank und der palästinensischen Autonomie interpretiert. Der Autor argumentiert, dass dies nur eine Teilerklärung ist und das Attentat in weit größerem Maß den Disput zwischen säkularem und religiösem Lager über das Verhältnis zwischen Staat und Religion widerspiegelt. (DÜI-Hns)

Recent research on democratisation has highlighted the importance of religious actors in shaping political development. Scholars argue that the nature of state–religion relations could impact political activism of these actors. Comparing two of the largest Muslim countries in Asia, Indonesia and Pakistan, the objective of this article is to understand their post-authoritarian divergent political trajectories through an examination of their state–religion relations. Based on the comparative analysis of the institutional relationship and political theology, the article concludes that Indonesia and Pakistan differ in their respective patterns of state–religion relations, whereas the 'respect-all' model of Indonesia's state–religion relations, characterised by mutual respect and accommodation between political authorities and religious institutions, helps consolidate its democracy by constructing institutional independence, its moderate political theology also embraces democratic values and pluralism. In contrast, Pakistan's integrated state–religion relations, the absence of a 'respect-all' model, and its commitment to traditional political theology aimed at establishing an Islamic state pose challenges to its democratisation efforts. Drawing implications for peacebuilding and security, Indonesia's state–religion relations could offer a potential model for Muslim democracy in South Asia and beyond.

The history of state-religion relations in Taiwan from 1945 to the present can be divided into three stages. The first stage lasted from 1945 to 1987 during which the Leninist state, for the first time in Chinese history, effectively exercised tight control over religion. In the second stage, from 1987 to 2000, the democratizing state gradually withdrew its control over religion while most religious groups tended to refrain from involvement in politics. From 2000 to the present, the democratic state and various religions have developed constructive relations involving checks and balances, and this has maximized religious freedom, helped eradicate religious discrimination, and expanded the democratic participation of religious groups in politics. This paper combines theories of the state in political economy and religious market theory to explain these changes in religion-state relations and their impact on religious freedom. In conclusion, state-religion relations in Taiwan may provide an alternative model for appropriate state intervention in religion and the involvement of religion in politics in transitional democracies. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

The measures and correlates of religious freedom constitute a comparatively new area of study eliciting research at the level of state agency and judicial institutions. The article adds to this the individual level of analysis by introducing a five-dimensional concept of the Social Perception of Religious Freedom (SPRF). It discusses results of its testing on a convenience sample of 1035 Italian University students. We examine the predictive power of 'passive' and 'assertive' secularism and patterns of state-religion relations vis-à-vis SPRF. While 'passive' secularism has a significant positive influence on four of five dimensions of religious freedom, the 'assertive' secularism has no effect on it. Findings suggest that the models of an endorsed Catholic Church and state control over religion have mostly negative effects on the SPRF. Moreover, individuals with stronger religious identity are more supportive of the endorsed models of state-religion relations while politically engaged respondents do not favor them.