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This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

Examines the breadth and depth of political elites' negative image, with some focus on the neo-populist Freedom Party (FPÖ) as gaining most politically from attacking politicians and the democratic political process, and as the party blamed for the deteriorating image of Austrian politicians.

"Professor-Politician challenges common depictions of politics as a constant struggle of good-versus-evil and heroes-versus-villains, with "dirty politics" usually winning. The truth is that good government can prevail in Montgomery and Washington. Journalist Geni Certain recounts Glen Browder's civic adventures as one of Alabama's prominent scholars and public officials over the past half-century. This is a story of practical and reform politics told by someone specially positioned to comment on Alabama government and American democracy. Certain interviewed knowledgeable people, researched public records, and scoured the Browder Collection at Jacksonville State University for this intriguing and inspiring biography of a civic-oriented leader."--Publisher's website

Abstract
The underrepresentation of women politicians in the media is a persistent feature in many contemporary democracies. Gender bias in election coverage makes it harder for women to reach positions of power in politics. Drawing on the special circumstances in Austria during the 2019 election campaign which saw the first female top candidate of a major party and a caretaker government containing equal numbers of men and women and which was led by the country's first woman as chancellor, we examine the effect of these developments on women politicians' representation in campaign coverage. We draw on quantitative content analysis of Austrian newspaper articles (N = 16,125) during four national parliamentary election campaigns (2008, 2013, 2017 and 2019). We show that for women politicians the media ceiling is slowly lifting at best, but that positions of power provide the most promising ways to evade gendered media bias.

In 1850 the future looked bleak to John Alexander Macdonald, then a rising young star on the political horizon of Canada West. As the year began he faced a series of crises which threatened to put an end to his ambitions for the years ahead. His career in politics seemed almost doomed and his law business was on the verge of failure. This state of affairs was complicated further when his invalid wife announced that she was expecting a child. The fortunes of the Conservative party in the province of Canada were seriously imperilled at the end of 1849. The Tories were an impotent minority in the legislative assembly of the province at a time when the traditional colonial system upon which they had relied seemed about to collapse. The repeal of the Corn Laws and Timber Duties removed Canada's exports from the preferential position they had occupied in imperial markets, and the British acceptance of the principle of free trade destroyed the old foundation of the colonial Tories' political supremacy. The passage of the Rebellion Losses Bill by the Canadian assembly, and Lord Elgin's assent to it, completed the ruin of the Tories' philosophy. With their faith and loyalties rattled, the Conservatives groped toward new policies and new principles. No one was more aware of the Conservative dilemma than John A. Macdonald, the Receiver-General in the last Conservative administration. Macdonald had entered public life in 1843 as an alderman in Kingston, and the next year had become that city's representative in the Legislative Assembly of the United Province of Canada. In three years on the back-bench he had gained recognition as a moderate and disciple of William Henry Draper, and in 1847 was elevated to the cabinet. With Draper's resignation, Macdonald remained the moderates' spokesman and undeclared candidate for the party's leadership. However, the victory of the Reformers in the 1848 election, and the subsequent passage of legislation anathema to traditionalist Tories, drove the Conservatives to desperation. The ...

Despite the central role of politicians in representative democracies, political science has largely ignored how who candidates for elected office are shape campaigns and elections. By communicating biographical details about their family, occupation, education, religion, and other background, political candidates attempt to build trust and alter how they will be evaluated by voters. Using systematized biographies of all US congressional candidates from 2008-2014, television advertising data from 2008-2012, and six survey experiments, including four panel experiments, I demonstrate that biographical presentation by candidates is ubiquitous, systematic, and effectual in shaping the opinion of voters.To assess biography's role in campaigns and candidate evaluation, I address and provide solutions to a number of theoretical and measurement problems in existing literature using a diverse set of methodological strategies. Grounded in literatures in both political science and psychology, I focus on the nexus between the strategic behavior of electoral candidates and voters' cognition. Because of the complexity of candidates' biographies, many scholars have often overlooked them in favor of more parsimonious measurement strategies, often overlooking critical variation in candidate backgrounds. Indeed, many of the interesting hypotheses and findings about the role of biography lie not in broad main effects – but in its interaction with other characteristics of candidates, elections, districts, or voters.I find that a diverse set of biographical attributes are associated with candidates' partisan affiliation and particular types of campaigns, and are also independently related to electoral success. Candidates strategically present themselves to voters through television advertising, highlighting advantageous characteristics while glossing over others. In realistic over-time conjoint-style experiments, I find that biographical factors independently affect evaluations of candidates alongside party and policy information. I also find that the role biography plays in voters' cognition is affected by its importance to voters, its memorability, its timing and order of presentation, and its conformance to party stereotypes.

We show that voters are sensitive to the relative wealth of election candidates. As candidates' earnings increase, so their popularity declines. Wealth is an especial negative for women, for working class respondents and for Labour and Lib Dem respondents. Conservative respondents are less put off by wealthy candidates, although they draw a sharper distinction between the source of income than others. This article reports the findings from an Internet survey experiment designed to investigate the British public's reactions to wealthy (or not so wealthy) candidates. We applied two experimental manipulations, one to wealth and the other to occupation. We varied occupation and the amount that the candidates earned each year. We found that voters preferred self-made businessmen to financiers, but that regardless of occupation they reacted negatively to financial success. We discovered heterogeneity in responses, with women, working class and Labour and Lib Dem respondents being especially hostile to increases in income. Conservative respondents were less put off by wealthy candidates, although they drew a sharper distinction between the source of income than did others. The experiments provide support for the identity politics claim that voters want a representative who is 'like them'; and suggest that political scientists should pay more attention to the representation of wealth and social class. Adapted from the source document.

This book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi's policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low - and so quickly - as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of `a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi's agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country's tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi's behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldworkin Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi's case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies.

Research Highlights and Abstract We show that voters are sensitive to the relative wealth of election candidates. As candidates' earnings increase, so their popularity declines. Wealth is an especial negative for women, for working class respondents and for Labour and Lib Dem respondents. Conservative respondents are less put off by wealthy candidates, although they draw a sharper distinction between the source of income than others. This article reports the findings from an Internet survey experiment designed to investigate the British public's reactions to wealthy (or not so wealthy) candidates. We applied two experimental manipulations, one to wealth and the other to occupation. We varied occupation and the amount that the candidates earned each year. We found that voters preferred self-made businessmen to financiers, but that regardless of occupation they reacted negatively to financial success. We discovered heterogeneity in responses, with women, working class and Labour and Lib Dem respondents being especially hostile to increases in income. Conservative respondents were less put off by wealthy candidates, although they drew a sharper distinction between the source of income than did others. The experiments provide support for the identity politics claim that voters want a representative who is 'like them'; and suggest that political scientists should pay more attention to the representation of wealth and social class.

This book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi's policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low – and so quickly – as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of `a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi's agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country's tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi's behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldwork in Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi's case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies.

This book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi's policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low – and so quickly – as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of 'a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi's agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country's tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi's behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldworkin Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi's case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies.