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Book reviewed in this article:THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW SOUTH WALES. By R. S. ParkerDOCUMENTS ON AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY 1937–49. Vol III: January–June 1940. Edited by H. Kenway, H. J. W. Stokes and P. G. EdwardsPUBLIC EXPENDITURES AND SOCIAL POLICY IN AUSTRALIA. Volume I: The Whitiam Years. 1972–75. Edited by R. B. Scotton and Helen FerberFROM WHITLAM TO FRASER: Reform and Reaction in Australian Politics. Edited by Allan Patience and Brian HeadILLUSIONS OF POWER: The fate of a reform government. By Michael SextonPOLITICS BETWEEN DEPARTMENTS: The fragmentation of executive control in Australian government. By Martin Painter and Bernard CareyCAPITALISM, SOCIALISM OR BARRARISM? The Australian Predicament: Essays in Contemporary Political Economy. By E. L. WheelwrightTRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS IN SOUTH EAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC. Volume I. By Ernest Utrecht (with contributions by Kate Short)OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL OF AUSTRALIAN CORPORATIONS. By Michael LawriwskyFOREIGN INVESTMENT AND TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS IN AUSTRALIA: An Annotated Bibliography. By G. J. CroughAUSTRALIAN URBAN POLICY. By Max NeutzeFEDERAL POWER IN AUSTRALIA'S CITIES: Essays in Honour of Peter Till. Edited by Patrick N. TroyAUSTRALIAN CAPITAL CITIES: Historical Essays. Edited by J. W. McCarty and C. B. SchedvinTHE LAND RACKET: The Real Costs of Property Speculation. By Leonie SandercockPROTEST AND PUNISHMENT: The Story of the Social and Political Protesters transported to Australia 1788–1868. By George Rudè'THIS SIN AND SCANDAL': Australia's Population Debate 1891–1911. By Neville HicksTHE CONFIDENT YEARS: Australia in the Twenties. By Robert MurrayDEPRESSION DOWN UNDER. By Daisy McWilliams and others. Edited by Len FoxTHE ECONOMIC STATUS OF AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES. By Jon C. Altman and John Nieuwenhuysen. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979)KULINMA: Listening to Aboriginal Australians. By H. C. CoombsKAROBRAN: The Story of an Aboriginal Girl. By Monica ClareRACE POLITICS IN AUSTRALIA. By C. M. TatzERNEST GILES: EXPLORER AND TRAVELLER 1835–1897. By Ray EricksenJAPANESE PRISONERS OF WAR IN REVOLT: The Outbreaks at Featherston and Cowra during World War II. By Charlotte Carr‐GreggDIE LIKE THE CARP!: The Story of the Greatest Prison Escape Ever. By Harry GordonLEGACY: The First Fifty Years. By Mark LyonsPOLITICS IN A UNION: The Hursey case. By Tas BullBIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER OF THE NEW SOUTH WALES PARLIAMENT 1901–1970. By Heather Radi, Peter Spearritt and Elizabeth HintonA SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF AUSTRALIAN MILITARY HISTORY 1891–1939. By Jean Fielding and Robert O'NeillLAST OF LANDS Antarctica. By J. F. Lovering and J. R. V. Prescott. (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1979)PAPUA NEW GUINEA: Its Economic Situation and Prospects for DevelopmentPRACTICE WITHOUT POLICY: Genesis of Local Government in Papua New Guinea. By D. M. FenburyPOLITICS AND MODERNIZATION IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA Edited by Robert N. KearneyPEASANTS AND POLITICS: Grass Roots Reaction to Change in Asia. Edited by D. B. MillerMILESTONES ON MY JOURNEY: The Memoirs of Ali Sastroamijoyo, Indonesian Patriot and Political Leader. Edited by C. L. M. PendersPACIFIC ISLANDERS UNDER GERMAN RULE: A Study in the Meaning of Colonial Resistance. By Peter J. HempenstallTAIM BILONG MANI: The evolution of agriculture in a Solomon Island society. By John ConnellJAPAN'S POLITICAL SYSTEM. By Robert E. WardA THEORY OF JAPANESE DEMOCRACY. By Nobutaka IkeCHINA'S ROLE IN WORLD AFFAIRS. By Michael B. YahudaCADRES, COMMANDERS, AND COMMISSARS: The Training of the Chinese Communist Leadership, 1920–45. By Jane L. PriceTHE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF HONG KONG. By Norman MinersCONGRESS AND THE RAJ: Facets of the Indian Struggle 1917–47. Edited by D. A. LowCOLLECTIVE IDENTITIES, NATIONALISMS AND PROTEST IN MODERN SRI LANKA. Edited by Michael RobertsDOCUMENTS OF THE CEYLON NATIONAL CONGRESS AND NATIONALIST POLITICS IN CEYLON 1929–1950. Edited by Michael RobertsARMIES AND PARTIES IN AFRICA. By Henry BienenA POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF AFRICA. By E. A. BoatengEXPANSION AND REACTION: Essays on European Expansion and Reactions in Asia and Africa. Edited by H. L. WesselingTHE IMPERIAL IMPACT: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India. Edited by Clive Dewey and A. G. HopkinsRACISM AND POLITICAL ACTION IN BRITAIN. Edited by Robert Miles and Annie PhizackleaTHE ORIGINS OF ENGLISH INDIVIDUALISM: The Family, Property and Social Transition. By Alan MacfarlaneEMIGRANT GENTLEWOMEN: Genteel poverty and female emigration, 1830–1914. By A. James HammertonECONOCIDE: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition. By Seymour DrescherBEYOND ORANGE AND GREEN: The Political Economy of the Northern Ireland Crisis. By Belinda ProbertGERMANY 1866–1945. By Gordon A. CraigBONES OF CONTENTION: An Enquiry into East–West Relations. By Terence GarveyPOLITICS AND SOCIETY IN THE USSR. Second Edition. By David LaneSOVIET POLITICAL ELITES: The Case of Tiraspol. By Ronald J. HillTHE SHADOW OF THE WINTER PALACE: The Drift to Revolution 1825–1917. By Edward CrankshawWOMEN IN SOVIET SOCIETY: Equality, Development and Social Change. By Gail Warshofsky LapidusAPOSTLES INTO TERRORISTS: Women and the Revolutionary Movement in the Russia of Alexander II. By Vera BroidoMIDDLE EAST CONTEMPORARY SURVEY, vol. 1, 1976–77. Edited by Colin Legum and Haim ShakedARMED STRUGGLE IN PALESTINE: A Political‐Military Analysis. By Bard E. O'NeillTHE PHILOSOPHY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. By Morton WhiteU. S. OCCUPATION IN EUROPE AFTER WORLD WAR II: Papers and Reminiscences from the April 23–24, 1976 Conference held at the George C. Marshall Research Foundation, Lexington, Virginia. Edited by Hans A. SchmittPOLITICAL CORRUPTION IN AMERICA. By George C. S. BensonCORRUPTION: A Study in Political Economy. By Susan Rose‐AckermanPOLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN LATIN AMERICA. Volume I: Citizen and State. Edited by John A. Booth and Mitchell A. SeligsonTHE THIRD WORLD REVOLUTION. By Fred J. CarrierMY MISSIONS FOR REVOLUTIONARY BOLIVIA, 1944–1962. By Victor AndradeMODERN REVOLUTIONS AND REVOLUTIONISTS: A Bibliography. By Robert BlackeyCLASS IDEOLOGY AND ANCIENT POLITICAL THEORY. By Ellen Meiksins Wood and Neal WoodMARX'S THEORY OF POLITICS. By John M. MaguireTHE WEALTH OF SOME NATIONS. By Malcolm CaldwellTHE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DISTRIBUTION: Equality versus Inequality. By Michael Don WardGRACCHUS BABEUF: The First Revolutionary Communist. By R. B. RoseCRISIS MANAGEMENT: Confrontation and Diplomacy in the Nuclear Age. By Phil WilliamsPEOPLE AND AGENCIES. By Bernard Schaffer and Elizabeth O'KeeffeLIBERALS AND SOCIAL DEMOCRATS. By Peter ClarkeVICTORIANS AT HOME AND AWAY. By Janet and Peter PhillipsTHE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT OF HERBERT SPENCER. By DavidNO MAN'S LAND: Combat and Identity in World War I. By Eric J. LeedTHE SCIENTIFIC PUBLICATION SYSTEM IN SOCIAL SCIENCE: A Study of the Operation of Leading Professional Journals in Psychology, Sociology, and Social Work. By Duncan LindseySPORT IN HISTORY: The Making of Modern Sporting History. Edited by Richard Cashman and Michael McKernan

La tercerización laboral es un fenómeno que se extendió y complejizó de la mano del proceso mundial de reestructuración capitalista —a partir de los años setenta— al que también se vieron enfrentados los países de América Latina. Este artículo se propone contribuir a complejizar el campo de estudio sobre la tercerización laboral a partir de algunos interrogantes: ¿Cuáles son los objetivos que persiguen las empresas con la tercerización? ¿Cómo impacta este fenómeno la vida de los trabajadores y a sus organizaciones? ¿Qué políticas implementan los sindicatos frente a la tercerización? Para llevar a cabo el presente estudio, se utilizó una metodología cualitativa de caso, pues resulta ser la más pertinente para interpretar el fenómeno en profundidad. El caso analizado es el de las tercerizaciones en el sector eléctrico de Argentina entre 1992 y el 2016, específicamente el de los trabajadores de las principales empresas eléctricas emplazadas en la Capital Federal y la provincia de Buenos Aires y el del sindicato de Luz y Fuerza Capital Federal (LyF CF). A lo largo de la investigación, se abordan tres grandes ejes temáticos. En primer lugar, se hacen algunas precisiones conceptuales, se muestra cómo la tercerización laboral asume diferentes formas jurídicas y la manera como puede llegar a perseguir tres tipos de objetivos: tecnoeficientistas, económicos y políticos. En segundo lugar, se avanza en el estudio de caso, en el quese describe el proceso de tercerización en el sector eléctrico, se indaga acerca de los posibles objetivos que lo animan y se exponen sus efectos sobre los trabajadores eléctricos y el sindicato de lyf cf. En tercer lugar, se analiza qué política asumió la organización gremial frente a este proceso y se identifican algunas de sus acciones al respecto. Las conclusiones de la investigación se orientan a señalar que, aunque existe un gran acervo teórico sobre cuáles son las causas que llevan a las empresas a tercerizar, es preciso complejizar esa problemática con el acceso a más y mejores fuentes de investigación. Se advierte, además, que la tercerización implica una fragmentación y un debilitamiento de los derechos de los trabajadores y de su organización gremial, que constituye un sujeto activo que puede asumir distintas políticas de acompañamiento o confrontación. ; Job outsourcing, as a phenomenon that became increasingly widespread and complex since the 1970s when the worldwide process of capitalist restructuring began, has also affected Latin American countries. The article seeks to contribute to a more complex analysis of job outsourcing, on the basis of the following questions: What are the objectives of companies that resort to outsourcing? How does it affect the lives of workers and their organizations? What policies are unions adopting in view of job outsourcing? In order to carry out this study, we selected a qualitative case methodology as the most pertinent to carry out an in-depth and complex analysis of the phenomenon. The case analyzed is that of outsourcing in the Argentinean electricity sector between 1992 and 2016, specifically that of the workers of the main power companies based in the Federal Capital and the Province of Buenos Aires and of the Luz y Fuerza Capital Federal (LyF CF) union. The article addresses three main themes. First of all, it makes some conceptual clarifications, showing how job outsourcing takes on different legal forms and how it pursues three types of objectives: techno-efficiency-based, economic, and political objectives. Secondly, it presents the case study, which describes the outsourcing process in the electricity sector, inquires into the possible objectives it seeks, and explains its effects on the electricity sector workers and the lyf cf union, on the one hand. On the other hand, it analyzes the policy adopted by the trade union in view of this process and identifies some of the actions it took in that respect. One of the conclusions of the research project is that although there are many theoretical studies on the causes that lead businesses to outsourcing, it is necessary to carry out more complex analyses of the issue through access to more and better research resources. The article also concludes that outsourcing entails a fragmentation and weakening of workers' rights and of their union organization, which, as an active subject, can adopt different support or opposition policies. ; A terceirização do trabalho é um fenômeno que se estendeu e se tornou complexo junto com o processo mundial de reestruturação capitalista —a partir dos anos setenta— que os países da América Latina também enfrentaram. Este artigo pretende contribuir para tornar o campo de estudo sobre a terceirização do trabalho mais complexo, com base em algumas indagações: quais objetivos que as empresas perseguem com a terceirização? Como ese fenômeno impacta a vida dos trabalhadores e suas organizações? Que políticas os sindicatos implantam diante da terceirização? Para realizar o presente estudo, utilizouse uma metodologia qualitativa de caso por ser mais pertinente para tornar complexo o fenômeno em profundidade e poder interpretá-lo. O caso analisado é o das terceirizações no setor elétrico da Argentina entre 1992 e 2016, especificamente os trabalhadores das principais empresas elétricas estabelecidas na Capital Federal e na província de Buenos Aires e o do sindicato de Luz e Força Capital Federal (LyF CF). Ao longo da pesquisa, abordam-se três grandes eixos temáticos. Em primeiro lugar, fazem-se algumas precisões conceituais, mostra-se como a terceirização do trabalho assume diferentes formas jurídicas e a maneira como pode chegar a perseguir três tipos de objetivos: tecnoeficientistas, econômicos e políticos. Em segundo lugar, realiza-se o estudo de caso no qual, por um lado, se descreve o processo de terceirização no setor elétrico, indaga-se sobre os possíveis objetivos que o estimulam e expõem-se seus efeitos sobre os trabalhadores elétricos e o sindicado de lyf cf. Por outro lado, analisa-se qual política assumiu a organização gremial ante esse processo e identificam-se algunas de suas ações a respeito. As conclusões da pesquisa indicam que, embora exista um grande acervo teórico sobre quais causas levam as empresas a terceirizarem, é preciso tornar complexa essa problemática com o acesso a mais e melhores fontes de pesquisa. Além disso, adverte-se que a terceirização implica organização gremial, a qual constitui um sujeito ativo que pode assumir diferentes políticas de acompanhamento ou confronto. ; Fil: Haidar, Julieta. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

El rol fundamental que cumplen los carnívoros silvestres en los ecosistemas está siendo amenazado en todo el mundo por la persecución por parte del hombre y por la alteración del hábitat. El sudoeste bonaerense es una región altamente modificada por el avance de la frontera agrícolo-ganadera y en la cual, en los últimos años, han aumentado los registros de depredación de animales domésticos por parte de los carnívoros. El estudio en paralelo de la ecología de estas especies y sus conflictos con la producción ganadera es clave para encontrar soluciones que minimicen el impacto de los carnívoros sobre la economía regional sin perjudicar su papel ecológico. En los partidos de Villarino y Patagones se colocaron cámaras trampas para estudiar los factores que afectan la distribución de las cuatro especies de carnívoros más comunes (puma, Puma concolor; gato montés, Leopardus geoffroyi; zorro pampeano, Pseudalopex gymnocercus; zorrino, Conepatus chinga) y se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas y talleres participativos para analizar el conflicto humano-carnívoros. Entre los años 2008 y 2015, se monitorearon 49 sitios a través del trampeo fotográfico y se caracterizó el área de estudio en 12 variables relacionadas con el grado de perturbación antrópica, la composición del paisaje y su nivel de fragmentación. Se completaron además 193 entrevistas y cuatro talleres. Para las entrevistas se utilizó un cuestionario focalizado en aspectos socioeconómicos y de manejo de los campos, y en los talleres se buscó un consenso grupal respecto de la relevancia de los diferentes factores que afectarían el conflicto humano-carnívoros. La aplicación de modelos lineales generalizados a los datos de trampeo fotográfico determinó que el uso del hábitat de los carnívoros sería influenciado por la alteración de los ambientes naturales de la región. El zorro y el zorrino fueron las especies con una mayor adaptabilidad, mientras que el puma y el gato montés serían más sensibles a las modificaciones del ecosistema. El puma evitaría los sitios altamente modificados, prefiriendo aquellos naturales. El 47% y 55% de los entrevistados reportaron pérdidas por el puma y el zorro, respectivamente, en el transcurso del año anterior y el 95,3% consideró los carnívoros perjudiciales para las actividades productivas regionales. Los participantes de los talleres identificaron un posible aumento de los conflictos relacionado con la disminución de personas en los campos. Si bien la caza ilegal de algunas especies es la respuesta más común, los productores demostraron interés y voluntad de aplicar medidas de mitigación. Estudiar y comprender las dinámicas socioeconómicas que están ocurriendo en el sudoeste bonaerense es fundamental para la mitigación de estos conflictos. Sin embargo, para una solución a largo plazo se requiere de la participación en conjunto de las comunidades y de diferentes actores institucionales. ; The key role that wild carnivores play in ecosystems is threatened by human persecution and habitat alteration worldwide. The SW of Buenos Aires province, Argentina, is a region strongly modified by the spread of agriculture and where, in the last years, there has been an increase in carnivore predation on livestock. The simultaneous study of the ecology of carnivores and of their conflicts with ranching activities is essential to find solution that can minimize the impact of these species on the regional economy while maintaining their ecological role. We deployed camera traps in the Buenos Aires counties of Villarino and Patagones to study the factors affecting the distribution of the four most common species (puma, Puma concolor; Geoffroy's cat, Leopardus geoffroyi; Pampas fox, Pseudalopex gymnocercus; Molina's hog-nosed skunk, Conepatus chinga). Semi-structured interviews to local ranchers and participative workshops were carried out to analyze human-carnivore conflicts. From 2008 to 2015, we surveyed 49 camera trap sites and characterized the study area through 12 variables related to anthropogenic alterations and to landscape composition and fragmentation. We also completed 193 interviews and four workshops. For the interviews we used a questionnaire focused on collecting information on socio-economic aspects of ranchers and ranch management, while in the workshops we searched for a common agreement on the relevance of the potential factors affecting human-carnivore conflicts. The application of Generalized Linear Models to camera trapping data indicated that the use of habitat by carnivores in the region is affected by the alterations of natural habitats. The Pampas fox and skunk were the species with greater adaptability, whereas the puma and Geoffroy's cat appeared to be more sensitive to ecosystem modifications. Pumas avoided intensively modified sites and preferred natural patches. Losses on livestock by pumas and Pampas foxes during the previous year were reported by 47% and 55% of respondents, respectively, and 93% of ranchers considered carnivores as detrimental to regional production. Workshop participants identified a possible increase in conflicts associated to the decrease in human presence in ranchlands. Although illegal hunting of carnivores appears to be the most common response to conflicts, ranchers showed interest and motivation to explore mitigation measures. The comprehension of the socio-economic dynamics occurring in the SW of Buenos Aires is extremely urgent for conflict mitigation. Nevertheless, long term solutions will require the engagement of local communities and different government institutions. ; Fil: Caruso, Nicolás. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Cátedra de Fisiología Animal; Argentina ; Fil: Luengos Vidal, Estela Maris. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Bahía Blanca. Instituto de Ciencias Biológicas y Biomédicas del Sur. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Instituto de Ciencias Biológicas y Biomédicas del Sur; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Cátedra de Fisiología Animal; Argentina ; Fil: Lucherini, Mauro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Cátedra de Fisiología Animal; Argentina ; Fil: Guerisoli, Maria de Las Mercedes. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Cátedra de Fisiología Animal; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Martinez, Sabrina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Cátedra de Fisiología Animal; Argentina ; Fil: Casanave, Emma Beatriz. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Bahía Blanca. Instituto de Ciencias Biológicas y Biomédicas del Sur. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Instituto de Ciencias Biológicas y Biomédicas del Sur; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Biología, Bioquímica y Farmacia. Cátedra de Fisiología Animal; Argentina

Der Vormarsch des "Islamischen Staates" im Flüchtlingslager Yarmuk hat zu neuen Allianzen geführt : palästinensische Milizen kämpfen nun auf Seiten Baschar al-Assads. Dessen Strategie des "Teile und Herrsche" geht auf - auch gegenüber der internationalen Gemeinschaft, die die größte humanitäre Katastrophe seit 1945 weiter geschehen lässt. (IP)

Against the backdrop of repeated political violence between Israel and different belligerents in the first and second decades of the 21st century (2003-2017) and by employing a social-psychological theoretical framework, this dissertation explores the effects of political violence on Israelis ' social and national identities. The findings support the discussion of the social consequences of political violence in Israel, be them increased cohesiveness among different social groups (ethnic minority and majority) or social fragmentation and increased polarization between other groups (rich vs. poor or political right vs. left). Whereas Social Identity Theory constitutes the theoretical base for the explored hypotheses, Israeli social place-making practices are also discussed. Topic Whereas a vast amount of literature has been dedicated to the effects of exposure to violence on individuals and groups for over a century, it mainly focuses on type, duration or location of such violence. Since the relevant literature seems to consider the occurrence of political violence a unitary phenomenon, it consistently fails to attend to a most important factor- the aftermath of such violence. By overlooking the discrepancy in violence' aftermath and by neglecting any analysis derived from it, I argue that the comprehensive literature examining the social effects of political violence and post-conflict societies is missing a vital piece of the puzzle. Accordingly, the contribution of this dissertation to the conflict literature is twofold: first, it disaggregates the aftermaths of two common forms of political violence, wars and military operations and explores their effects on individuals, groups and the Israeli society as a whole. Second, it closely examines some of the central assumptions of Social Identity Theory, one of the most comprehensive theories of group relations in the context of concrete political violence. It does so while paying special attention to highly fascinating identity components and basic social building blocks: national identification, social trust and social rifts in Israel. Methods The dissertation employs various methodologies: First, a macro-level, statistical examination of the relationship between different war outcomes and socio-national identities was conducted using two web-based experiments. Second, a qualitative analysis of Zionism in Europe and in Israel's early years complemented a discussion of Israeli narratives of belonging, memory politics, ingredients of national pride and contemporary social challenges. Third, a quantitative micro-level analysis of the effect of successful and unsuccessful military operation on the Israeli society was conducted. The latter utilized a unique, self-compiled database, following an extensive manual content analysis , alongside data originating in annual social surveys conducted in Israel by the Guttmann institute. Knowledge gained The first empirical chapter (chapter four) was set to establish the underlying assumption upon which the dissertation is based; Namely, that different outcomes of political violence have distinctive effects on individual identities. In this chapter, predictions derived from Social Identity Theory were put into an initial macro-level analysis through two original web experiments. The latter explored the effect of different war outcomes (distinguishing between victory, defeat, stalemate and a negotiated agreement) on social and national identities . Whereas the research supported the underlying hypothesis according to which distinctive war outcomes are associated with distinctive effects when national identification is concerned, no significant differences between war outcomes were found in relation to individuals' social identities. These results are consistent with Social Identity Theory and the self-esteem protection/enhancement strategies derived from it (BIRGing and CORFing ); the significant differences between war outcomes (mainly between victories and defeats) are explained by individuals' tendencies to share in the glory of a successful other (to BIRG) following a positively evaluated war outcome, and to distance themselves from an unsuccessful group (to CORF), following a negatively valued war outcome. The non-significant results concerning social identities are consistent with Simmel's conflict hypothesis suggesting that conflicting interactions strengthen the internal cohesion of pre-existing groups. In this regard, it appears as though individuals react to the conflict itself whereas its aftermath did not play any significant role. The overall outcomes obtained thus laid the foundations for an extensive micro-level analysis of the effect of outcomes of political violence on socio-national identities among Israelis. Chapter five refocused the attention on the state of Israel and the Israeli society. It provided a historical analysis of Jewish-Israeli nationalism, rooted in the Zionistic movement in Europe in the late 19th century, which preceded the establishment of the state of Israel. The analysis centered on nation-building processes which took place in Israel's first years, namely, the constructing of a new Jewish-Israeli identity by means of institutionalizing the Hebrew language as an official language, integration of new immigrants and the role of the Israeli defense force as a melting pot. The study of the origins of Israeli national pride, both in the country's first years and in contemporary times, complemented the discussion as it is entwined with both Jewish and Israeli identities. The analysis suggests that while Israel was established as a democracy, it was never a space of ethnic diversity. As the national home for world jury based on a Zionist narrative and highly influenced by the Holocaust, no plurality of ethnic discourses existed in Israel in over 50 years. The research describes the way state-sponsored dominant Jewish and Zionist narratives morphed into a uni-dimensional Israeli identity. This, in turn, prevented Arab-Israelis, the largest ethnic minority in Israel, from being incorporated into the Israeli society. Recurrent political violence as part of the on-going Israeli Palestinian conflict further contributed both to the exclusion of Arab-Israelis from the original Israeli narrative and to the bonding of Jewish Israelis. It was only in the last decades and against the backdrop of significant changes endured by the Israeli society that place-making processes were put on the political and social agenda. Whereas nation and community-building processes are still prominent in contemporary Israel, they now exist side by side a vibrant and vocal discourse of post-Zionism, Jewish secularism and "Israelism" which is not based on Judaism but on an Israeli cultural narrative. Persistent political violence that contributed to social fragmentation in Israel's first decades alongside cultural commonalities between Jewish and Arab Israelis now begin to serve as a common denominator in contemporary Israeli society. If those continue to resonate among Israelis, it is thus not implausible that they would eventually substitute Judaism and Zionism as social unifiers in the process of creating a "same boat" society. Under such circumstances and with diminishing boundaries between Arab and Jewish Israelis, the former will no longer be construed as an "out-group" by the Jewish majority in Israel. Nonetheless, drifting away from the original Jewish integrator and common factor of more than 75% of the country's population may threaten the Jewish communities of Israel with social fragmentation. Consequently, the study of the effect of political violence on both Jewish and non-Jewish communities in Israel set forth in the upcoming chapters is of great importance for the future of Israel. Chapter six set out to examine the relationship between Israelis and their nation-state following different outcomes of Israeli military operations. Special attention was paid to changes in levels of national pride among Jewish Israelis, Arab Israelis and new immigrants across a tempestuous ten-year period (2003-2013) and in conjunction with successful and unsuccessful conclusions of Israeli warfare, as perceived by the Israeli public. Using a regressing analysis of data originating in social surveys, the research tested the validity of predictions derived from Social Identity Theory in both the individual and the social levels. Results indicate that the effect of recurrent warfare on national identification among Israelis is highly mitigated by the perceived outcome of such warfare as well as by sub-group membership (ethnic/social majority vs. minority). Consistent with Social Identity Theory, an Israeli military success was highly associated with increased national identification for the general Israeli population. However, contrary to conventional wisdom and to the "minority hypothesis ", the same effect was also registered among Israeli Arabs. While Israeli Arabs, the largest ethnic minority in Israel, might share neither the country's collective Jewish narrative nor its Zionist ethos they are Israeli citizens who nonetheless feel a sense of belonging to the state of Israel . As such, they are a part of a larger in-group which shares personal and economic interests. Those are equally and existentially threatened when Israel is experiencing unsuccessful military operations. This positivistic evidence suggests that Israeli Arabs' identification with the state of Israel lies in the area of "Israeliness that is beyond Jewishness". The analysis also affirmed the existence of an "embedded identity effect" concerning national identification among Jewish Israelis; Israeli Jews, the majority ethnic group in Israel, maintained high national-identification levels regardless of the way the warfare was concluded. This finding is unsurprising considering Israel's Jewish character and the circumstances of its creation. Whilst societies subjected to external threat may unite in the face of a common enemy, chapter seven sought to examine whether this is true in the Israeli context and if so, whether the outcomes of political violence mitigate the effect. Whereas a large scholarship examined the effect of violence on social cohesion and political tolerance in Israel, it mostly focused on Arab-Israelis and immigrant. The research presented in chapter seven studied the effect of discrepant outcomes of Israeli warfare on social cohesion, social tensions and trust between the various communities of Israel (both Jewish and non-Jewish). The research focused on the general level of social trust in society alongside six specific social rifts, prevalent in present-day Israel: the intercommunal rift (between the Israeli Jewish community and the Israeli-Arab community), the Jewish intercommunal rift (between Jews of Ashkenazi and Sephardic/Mizrachi origins), the religious rift (between orthodox and non-orthodox Jewish communities), the ideological/political rift , the socio-economic rift and the nativist tension (between native Israelis and new immigrants). Results revealed a highly significant effect of Israeli military success concerning all six social rifts and a very mild effect concerning social trust. For all but one rift (the Jewish inter-communal rift), successful termination of Israeli warfare was associated with an increased social tension between the different communities in Israel (though in different levels of significance). This unfortunate finding which points to increased fractionalization among the different communities in Israel following Israeli military successes is in line with several other studies examining the effects of political violence on political exclusionism in Israel. Whereas the literature supports the notion that in time of crisis social cohesion increases, it is not surprising to find increased tensions following military successes rather than failures. An exception to the observed rise in social tensions in Israel is the increased cohesion between Ashkenzi and Sephardic/Mizrachi Jews (the Jewish intercommunal rift). The results support the conclusion that the Jewish population, the majority ethnic group in Israel, is united behind the idea that Israel is a homeland for the Jewish people (and possibly a necessary refuge from rising anti-Semitism around the globe). A decrease in Jewish intercommunal tension following Israeli victories supports the cohesive potential of in-group pride and is consistent with the Jewish foundation and Zionistic narrative of Jewish Israelis and with the existence of an embedded Jewish-Israeli identity . As for the national level, a "rally around the flag" effect is a term used to describe the uniting power of common threats. An underlying motive for this surge in national unity is linked to patriotism, as individuals respond to threats by identifying with their in-group . However, when the crisis is over, politics and society quickly revert to normal and existing social rifts resurface. Whereas an unsuccessful termination of an Israeli military operation is likely to induce a "rally around the flag" effect, a military success demonstrates the opposite effect. Consequently, the seemingly rising tensions between various communities in Israel observed following an Israeli military success is consistent with a reverse "rally around the flag" effect and reflects the fractionalized nature of the Israeli society. Another explanation to the observed trend of increased social tensions following a successful warfare may be directly linked to the experience of in-group guilt or shame despite a successful outcome. Such gilt might lead to rising tension between those who are more/less supportive of the outcome, or perhaps feel that more should have been done to achieve a more solid outcome. Finally, the increased tensions may speak to the theorized dynamic at the heart of the present and similar works that reflects the more destructive side of pride and in-group glorification. According to that scholarship, out-group hate can even extend to people perceived to be "hostile minorities ". Whilst the increase in intercommunal tension is expected and in line with the results of similar studies examining the effect of violence or stress on the relationships between Jewish and Arab Israelis, the increase in religious tensions, socio-economic tension and ideological tensions could be reflective of a second circle of out-group hate; Supporters of the political left alongside less observant and wealthier elements of the Israeli society , may experience in-group guilt and possibly shame despite the perceived successful outcome, thus distancing themselves from those experiencing pride at the outcome. The effect of education, in particular higher education, in reducing social tensions and increasing social trust emerges as another important finding of this research. Whether education provides a sense of optimism and control over one's life that allows people to trust, or whether it provides opportunities for contact and networks' creation with others, the study confirms the potential role of education in reducing social tension even in a highly diverse and conflict-torn Israeli society. Moreover, since social divisions may be exploited by political entrepreneurs, and since increasing social tensions might result in the erosion of social capital, raising the alarm would be the first step in directly addressing such important issues (for example, by policy making). Lastly, any serious peace negotiation with a Palestinian leadership would require difficult concessions to be made by both parties. As such, the way towards a peaceful conclusion of the Israeli Palestinian conflict would inevitably depend, among others, on the social strength and cohesion of the Israeli civil society.:Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1.1 Background and Motivation . 7 1.1.1 National Identification . 10 1.1.2 Social Trust . 14 1.1.3 Focusing on Israel . 16 1.2 Prologue . 17 1.3 Contribution Scope . 18 1.4 Overview of Aims and Chapters . 20 2. Theoretical Framework: Conflict Research, National Identification and Social Trust Part I: Conflict Research 2.1 Conflict Research . 24 2.1.1 General Theory and Practices . 25 2.1.2 Contemporary Trends and Challenges . 26 2.1.3 Looking Forward . 27 Part II: Belonging, Identity and the Nation 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 Identity Formation . 28 Social Belonging and Group Identification . 29 The Sense of Belonging, Nationhood and Statehood . 30 2.4.1 What is a Nation? . 30 2.4.2 National Identification . 32 2.4.3 Hierarchies of National Belonging . 33 2.4.4 The Nation State . 34 2.4.5 Nationhood and Statehood . 35 Conflict Patriotic Affinity: Conceptual Outlines . 38 2.6.1 Between Patriotism and Nationalism . 41 Coping With Threatened Social Identity . 42 and Group Identification . 36 2 3 2.7.1 Social Identity Theory . 42 2.7.2 Basking In Reflected Glory . 45 2.7.3 Cutting Off Reflected Failure . 46 2.7.4 Self-Embedded Social Identity . 48 2.7.5 National Identity of Ethnic Minorities . 50 Part III: Social Trust and Cohesiveness 2.8 Social Capital and Cohesion . 52 2.9 Unraveling the Riddle of Social Trust . 54 2.9.1 Threats to Social Trust and Social Cohesion . 56 3. Methodology 3.1 Macro-level Analysis . 60 3.1.1 Appropriateness . 60 3.1.2 A Short History of Web Experiments . 61 3.1.3 Web Experiments: Advantages and Challenges . 63 3.2. Micro-level analysis . 69 3.2.1 Focusing on The state of Israel and Israeli Society . 69 Contemporary Israeli Media . 72 Military Censorship . 75 3.2.2 Episodes of High Intensity Political Violence . 75 3.2.3 Perceived Outcomes of Political Violence . 77 3.2.4 Relevant Issues Concerning the Use of Survey Data . 78 Vague Concepts . 78 Categorizing Identities . 80 3.2.5 The Israeli Democracy Index . 82 3.2.6 Control Variables . 83 3.3 Framing in Communication and Their Effect on Public Opinion . 84 3.3.1 The Use of Emphasis and Equivalence Framing in Shaping Public Opinion . 85 3.3.2 The Effect of Frames in Shaping Individual Perceptions . 87 3.3.3 Assessing a Frame's Strength in Political Settings . 88 4. The Ending matters: National and Social Identification Following Discrepant War Outcomes 4.1 Introduction . 90 4.2 Experimental Study I . 93 4.2.1 Procedure and Experimental Design . 93 4.2.2 Measures . 95 4.3.3 Results . 95 4.2.4 Discussion . 99 Seriousness Check . 99 National Identity . 100 Social Identity . 102 4.3 Experimental Study II . 103 4.3.1 Using video Vs. Text in Experimental Research . 103 4.3.2 Procedure and Experimental Design . 104 4.3.3 Measures . 105 4.3.4 Results . 106 4.3.5 Discussion . 109 Seriousness Check . 109 National Identity . 109 4.4 Limitations . 110 4.5 Conclusion . 111 5. Focusing on the State of Israel and Israeli Society 5.1 Introduction . 114 5.2 Jewish Nationalism and the Zionist Movement in Europe . 114 5.3 Zionism, National Identity and Hebrew Culture Following the Establishment of The State of Israel . 118 5.3.1 The Israeli Defense Forces . 119 Serving in the Israeli Defense Forces . 120 Education, Socialization and Nation Building . 121 The Effect of the IDF on the Israeli Society . 123 5.3.2 Sport as an Integrative Tool for Shaping Israeli Collective Identity . 129 5.4 The Jewish and Democratic Nature of the State of Israel . 132 4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5 Current Challenges to Contemporary "Israeliness" . 134 5.5.1 Ethnic-religious Classification of Israelis- Between Citizenship and Nationality . 136 5.5.2 Israeli Nationalist Particularism . 137 Israeli Patriotism and Ingredients of Israeli National Pride . 140 5.6.1 Tzedakah, Gemilut Hasadim and Tikun Olam . 141 5.6.2 Mashav . 142 5.6.3 Operation "Good Neighbor" . 144 Conclusion . 148 6. Together We Stand? Perceived Outcomes of Political Violence and National Pride 7. 6.1 Introduction . 150 6.2 Hypotheses . 151 6.3 Data, Measures and Method . 153 6.3.1 Focusing on Israel . 153 6.3.2 Military Operations . 154 6.3.3 Survey Measures: National Identification . 155 6.3.4 Perceived Outcome of Military Operation . 157 6.3.5 Control Variables . 158 6.4 Findings and Discussion . 159 6.4.1 Preliminary Findings . 159 6.4.2 Disaggregating the Israeli Society . 163 6.4.3 Interaction Analysis . 164 6.5 Robustness Checks . 169 6.5.1 Israel's General Situation . 170 6.5.2 Proximity to the Center of Violence . 171 6.6 Conclusion . 172 In Us We Trust? The Effect of Military Operations on Social Cleavages and Social Cohesion in Israel 7.1 Introduction . 174 7.2 Hypothesis . 175 7.3 7.4 6 Data, Measures and Method . 179 7.3.1 7.3.2 7.3.3 7.3.4 The Israeli Society in Context . 179 Military Operations . 181 Perceived Levels of Tension and Trust in the Israeli Society . 183 Perceived Outcomes of Israeli Military Operations . 185 Control Variables . 185 7.3.5 Findings and Discussion . 186 7.4.1 7.4.2 7.4.3 Preliminary Findings . 187 The Effect of Individual Level and Country Level Variables on Social Tensions and Social Trust . 189 Examining the Effect of Israeli Military Operation on Inter-group Tensions . 193 Exploring the Rise and Fall of Social Trust . 197 7.4.4 Conclusion . 200 7.5 8. Conclusion . 203 8.1 Limitations . 210 8.2 Going forward: Ideas for Future Research . 213 8.3 Final remarks/Epilogue . 215 9. References . 218 10. List of Figures . 254 Appendices A. The Evolution of Conflict Research in the 20th Century . 255 B. Supplementary Material Chapter Four . 268 B.1 Experiment I . 268 B.2 Experiment II . 274 B.3 Witnessing a Real Conflict as a Potential Covariate . 287 C. Supplementary Material and Robustness Checks, Chapter Six . 288 D. Supplementary Material and Robustness Checks, Chapter Seven . 308

In the Art of War, Chinese military strategist Sun Tzu said, "if you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle." This nugget of wisdom is as perceptive today as it was over 2,000 years ago. And it does not bode well for America.We clearly don't know our adversaries. We've been caught flat-footed, repeatedly, in recent years, from Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the almost instantaneous collapse of the Afghanistan government that we'd spent two decades supporting, to the recent Hamas attacks destabilizing the Middle East.The biggest question mark of all is if and when China might transition from nibbling on the margins of Asia to taking a big bite in the form of Taiwan. Perhaps even more worrisome, and far less excusable, is the fact that we don't know ourselves. In a world growing less stable by the day, the disconnect between our policymakers in Washington and the American public is frightening. While prominent national security experts of both parties seem to be coalescing around maximalist approaches toward the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, and lobbying for a more confrontational stance toward China, the American public appears largely tuned out, instead focused on challenges closer to home, like paying bills, raising children, and navigating polarizing domestic politics. The disconnect between rhetoric and reality is breathtaking. On one hand Washington issues commitments to helping reclaim all Ukrainian territory, the "total destruction" of Hamas, and a robust defense of Taiwan. On the other hand the American public is either disengaged from (or divided on) these issues, our weapons stockpiles are shrinking, military recruitment numbers plunging, the deficit is ballooning, and the economy is uncertain.Meanwhile, the country continues to fracture along red and blue lines. Could we still unite in a time of war? It depends. If Russian paratroopers descended on Colorado like the 1984 cult classic Red Dawn, yes, I'm confident we'd come together and repel the existential threat of a foreign invasion. But am I convinced, in this toxic political climate, that farm boys from Kansas, warehouse workers from the Rust Belt, and college students from the Pac-12 would race to recruiting offices to help Taiwan repel a Chinese invasion? Or to deploy to the Middle East to dive into what looks like an intractable conflict with complicated roots dating back at least 75-years? Not really.It is also worth asking if America has the stomach for casualty numbers that would almost certainly dwarf the 7,057 U.S. servicemembers killed in action post-9/11 in a Great Power war. Russia continues to fight in Ukraine despite estimates of over 100,000 killed in just the past few years. We can't assume China wouldn't have a similar tolerance for heavy losses too.Despite these concerns, national security officials and foreign policy luminaries persist in advancing strategic postures that may require U.S. troops to deploy in greater numbers to three theaters (even if these deployments are under the guise of "deterrence") .
(While the principle of deterrence is sound in theory, the danger lies in assuming that appearing to be a superior force on paper will obviate the need to ever actually fight, overlooking the fact that credibility requires a willingness and capacity to do just that. Which brings us back to Sun Tzu. Can we answer the willingness and capacity question about ourselves with any degree of confidence? Have we ever taken it seriously?)Right now it seems like our strategy — to the extent we have one — is being developed in a vacuum, with little concern for minor details like who will fight, and with what degree of national commitment. This reflects, in part, a persistent tendency, to which we keep returning since the days of Robert McNamara's "Whiz Kids" of the Vietnam era, to view conflict as a technocratic exercise where victory and defeat are largely dependent on the amount, and quality, of sophisticated high-dollar weaponry. But as our experiences in Vietnam and Afghanistan should have taught us, collective will and resolve also matter. A lot. We must not overestimate (or fail to even consider) ours. Wars are still fought by people. And, to date, there has been no effort to secure the buy-in of the American public.We need to really ask: How many young Americans would volunteer to strap on a ruck, grab an M4, and go fight one of these distant wars if an adversary calls what they may see as a bluff? We must first accept that these would not be conflicts that could be handled by cobbling together the same people from a volunteer force and deploying them countless times over decades like we did during the "Global War on Terror." In fact, it is almost impossible to envision a scenario where our deterrent is credible, or where we could prevail in a world war, absent a draft.While a draft invokes images of Vietnam it may be time to revisit its upsides in the context of today's disconnect between citizen and military and citizen and government.At the most basic level, a draft would solve the personnel shortages we are struggling with. I'm aware that military leaders fear that a draft would hurt the professionalism of today's force. However, the lowering of recruiting requirements, as well offering big signing bonuses to impressionable high school students, is already diminishing standards. It would also serve as a powerful unifying force, bringing together young people of different races, belief systems, and geographic backgrounds in shared national service. This would help unify a generation that has experienced little but corrosive fragmentation for years. And since Americans would have skin in the game, a draft would also force politicians to abandon vapid, cliché-ridden rhetoric, and be forced to either convince Americans we need to be on wartime footing, or tone down their bellicose talk and develop creative and less militaristic strategies, starting with our approach to Ukraine, China, and now the Middle East.Finally, it would signal to the world that we are serious about a strong national defense. The perception would no longer be that we are a country in decline, anesthetized by popular culture and unwilling to sacrifice. Unfortunately, there seems to be no appetite for such a call to service on the part of the same leaders and pundits lobbying for a muscular, militarized foreign policy. It is remarkable to witness swaggering commitments to the potential use of force against Great Power adversaries on Capitol Hill but absolutely no willingness to discuss the national sacrifice that it would require. And so, if we conclude a draft won't happen, we'd be better off addressing the massive disconnect between Washington rhetoric and the extent of Americans' willingness to fight now, as opposed to after our leaders talk us into another, and possibly far more calamitous, war.

In 'Against Longtermism', Eric Schwitzgebel writes: "I accept much of Ord's practical advice. I object only to justifying this caution by appeal to expectations about events a million years from now."  He offers four objections, which are interesting and well worth considering, but I think ultimately unpersuasive.  Let's consider them in turn.(1) There's no chance humanity will survive long-term:All or most or at least many future generations with technological capabilities matching or exceeding our own will face substantial existential risk -- perhaps 1/100 per century or more. If so, that risk will eventually catch up with us. Humanity can't survive existential risks of 1/100 per century for a million years.If this reasoning is correct, it's very unlikely that there will be a million-plus year future for humanity that is worth worrying about and sacrificing for.This seems excessively pessimistic.  Granted, there's certainly some risk that we will never acquire resilience against x-risk.  But it's hardly certain.  Two possible routes to resilience include: (i) fragmentation, e.g. via interstellar diaspora, so that different pockets of humanity could be expected to escape any given threat; or (ii) universal surveillance and control, e.g. via a "friendly AI" with effectively god-like powers relative to humans, to prevent us from doing grave harm.Maybe there are other possibilities.  At any rate, I think it's clear that we should not be too quick to dismiss the possibility of long-term survival for our species.  (And note that any non-trivial probability is enough to get the astronomical expected-value arguments off the ground.)(2) "The future is hard to see."  This is certainly true, but doesn't undermine expected value reasoning.Schwitzgebel writes:It could be that the single best thing we could do to reduce the risk of completely destroying humanity in the next two hundred years is to almost destroy humanity right now... that might postpone our ability to develop even more destructive technologies in the next century. It might also teach us a fearsome lesson about existential risk....What we do know is that nuclear war would be terrible for us, for our children, and for our grandchildren. That's reason enough to avoid it. Tossing speculations about the million-year future into the decision-theoretic mix risks messing up that straightforward reasoning. But that isn't really "reason enough to avoid it", because if Schwitzgebel were right that immediate nuclear war was the only way to save humanity, that would obviously change its moral valence.  It would be horribly immoral to let humanity go extinct just because saving it would be "terrible for us".  When interests conflict, you can't just ignore the overwhelming bulk of them for the sake of maintaining "straightforward reasoning".  (I'm sure confederate slaveowners regarded the abolition of slavery as "terrible for us, for our children, and for our grandchildren," but it was morally imperative all the same!)Of course, I don't really think it's remotely credible that nuclear war has positive expected value in the way that Schwitzgebel speculates.  The hope that it "might" teach us a lesson seems far-fetched compared to the more obvious risks of permanently thwarting advanced civilization. (We're not even investing seriously in future pandemic prevention!  If we can't learn from the past two years, I'm not confident that a rebuilt civilization centuries or millennia hence would learn anything from tragedies in its distant history.  And again, there are serious risks that civilization would never fully rebuild.)So I think longtermism remains practically significant for raising the moral stakes of existential risk reduction.  However important you think it is to avoid nuclear war, it's much more important once you take the long term into account (assuming you share my empirical beliefs about its expected harmfulness).  It also suggests that there's immense expected value to research that would allow us to form better-grounded beliefs about such matters.  We shouldn't just pre-emptively ignore them, as Schwitzgebel seemingly recommends.  If it's remotely possible that we might find a way to reliably shape the far-future trajectory in a positive direction, it's obviously important to find this out!(3) "Third, it's reasonable to care much more about the near future than the distant future."  Schwitzgebel stresses that this concern can be relational in form (tied to particular individuals or societies and their descendants), which avoids the problems with pure time discounting.  That's an important point.  But I don't think any reasonable degree of partiality can be so extreme as to swamp the value of the long-term future.To see why, just imagine a Parfitian "depletion" scenario, where we imagine that the harms of global warming are delayed by two centuries.  Imagine that everyone currently alive (and a couple of generations hence) could reap a bonanza by burning all the planet's fossil fuels, condemning all distant future people to difficult lives in a severely damaged world.  Or they could severely limit consumption while investing significantly in renewables, lowering quality of life over these two centuries while protecting the planet for all who come in the further future.  Should they choose depletion or preservation?  Obviously preservation, right?  It's clearly immoral to drastically discount future generations when the trade-offs are made this explicit.(4) "Fourth, there's a risk that fantasizing about extremely remote consequences becomes an excuse to look past the needs and interests of the people living among us, here and now."It's always possible that a moral view is self-effacing, but that's no objection to the truth of the view. Empirically speaking, the people I know to be most concerned about the far-future (i.e., effective altruists) are also the people who seem to do the most to help the global poor, factory-farmed animals, etc.  So this fear doesn't seem empirically well-grounded.By contrast, I think there's a much more credible risk that defenders of conventional morality may use dismissive rhetoric about "grandiose fantasies" (etc.) to discourage other conventional thinkers from taking longtermism and existential risks as seriously as they ought, on the merits, to take them.  (I don't accuse Schwitzgebel, in particular, of this.  He grants that most people unduly neglect the importance of existential risk reduction.  But I do find that this kind of rhetoric is troublingly common amongst critics of longtermism, and I don't think it's warranted or helpful in any way.)Of course, it's possible that enthusiasts might end up drawn towards bad bets if they exaggerate their likely efficacy on influencing the far future.  But that's just more reason to think that it's really important to investigate these questions carefully, and get the empirical estimates right.  It's not a reason to reject longtermism wholesale.

Досліджено специфіку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу як важливих форм інтерпретацій минулого на основі результатів, положень та висновків, висловлених у працях вітчизняних та іноземних вчених. Розглянуто особливу їх актуальність в період трансформаційних змін суспільства. Проаналізовано проблему взаємодії та взаємозв'язку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу та їх вплив на систему цінностей суспільства. ; Исследована специфика исторической памяти и современного социального мифа как важных форм интерпретации прошлого на основе результатов, положений и выводов, изложенных в трудах отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Рассмотрена особая их актуальность в период трансформационных изменений общества. Проанализирована проблема взаимодействия, взаисвязи исторической памяти и современного социального мифа, а также их влияние на систему ценностей общества. ; Problem setting. The analysis of the phenomenon of interpreting of the past history as a factor in constructing reality raises the interest of many contemporary thinkers. At the same time, in the modern world, the innovation is the use of historical memory and modern social myth to explain and construct the picture of the past. The power elites are actively using historical memory to form the image of the state and the nation, creating an official version of history in confronting their opponents in the international arena, seeking self-determination, positioning in the modern world, and most importantly - their own internal self-determination and consolidation. The special relevance of the research is given by the specifics of modern Ukrainian society, when in the conditions of the domination of the social uncertainty of a globalized world, recourse to the origins of national-civilizational identity becomes necessary in order to strengthen social and political stability. The rule of pluralism of ideas of comprehension of the past acts as the foundation for purposeful development of society, as well as stave one of the sources for the formation of new social perspectives. An important factor in increasing the need for a new interpretation of history can be recognized as the "acceleration of time", the distance from the past, requiring its explanation. The search for a "new" historical past, "other" interpretations of known historical facts is offset by mythological design.Recent research and publications analysis. Historiography of the author determined by the problem is large. The basis for understanding the modern myth was the work of M. Eliade, K. Levy-Strauss, R. Bart, B. Malinowski, M. Eliade, C. G. Jung, E. Cassirera. A. Schopenhauer, J. Sorel, P. Gurevich. The domestic scientific tradition of studying a social myth is only formed and characterized rather by the formulation of problems rather than their solution. The works of F. Anckersmith, T. Adorno, P. Nora, A. Assmann, P. Hutton, M. Khalbwax and others are devoted to the original interpretation of the philosophical interpretation of the phenomenon of historical memory. , and also in the range of scientific interests in the research of such contemporary Ukrainian scholars as Y. Hrytsak, L. Zashkilnyak, Y. Zerny, A. Kiridon, I. Girich, V. Masnenko, O. Smolyar, O. Udod, Yu. Shapoval and other.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to understand the specificity of historical memory and modern social myth as forms of interpretation of the past history, explication of positive and negative in their interaction and the essence of their influence on the state of consciousness of society.Paper main body. The transformational state of society is always characterized by attempts to reconsider experience, to rearrange the content of historical memory, to adapt it to temporal political interests. The content and semantic content of knowledge about the ancient times often depend on subjective aspects, are constructed in the present and reflect the vision of the experience of the community in favor of certain power elites of light. An analysis of scientific literature on the problems of historical memory can distinguish its essential features. The main characteristics of historical memory are its social determinism, the basis for the formation of individual and social consciousness, which is why it directly affects the historical public consciousness. It is a significant component of the axioms of culture, not only presents itself as a value, but also realizes the need to preserve the integrity of the domestic spiritual space. The basis of historical memory is the connectivity. It reproduces the heredity and continuity of social existence, despite the fact that in some periods it exists in a latent form and is actualized in certain historical conditions. For specific features of historical memory belongs selectivity, value color, tendency to irrationality, binarism, as a constant the process of memorizing and forgetting. Historical memory in modern political realities is not a constant. It is modeled and varied depending on the interests and tasks of political groups and parties.At the same time, the mechanisms of the mythologization of history, which considerably increases the importance of understanding the features of the myth as a form of interpretation of history, become of no less importance in the modern world. the most important properties of social myth as a form of interpretation of the historical past is its fundamental difference from the classical, archaic. The archaic myth was the basis of its creation folk art, aimed at protecting the family, people, the state, to preserve the health of man, people, country, nature, the accumulation of mass energy, which mobilized people for certain actions. The modern myth does not have such a clear positive orientation - the duality of its consequences lies in the fact that it can both consolidate society and threaten the absolute destruction of society. Among the main features of the social myth, researchers distinguish his artificiality, purposeful construction in the interests of certain social groups, in contrast to the spontaneously formed archaic myths; he is increasingly rationalized and ideologized. It is also important to note that modern myth has a purely functional, not cognitive value. Consumption as a sign of modern myth leads to the fact that he is not "burdened" by moral intentions.The modern myth has a dual character: the constructive role of the myth manifests itself in the ability to ensure the integrity of society. A destructive role manifests itself in its ability to radically change the cultural and moral guidelines of society. The technical capabilities of the information society, the excessive amount of information have become the cause of activating myth-making activity.Conclusions of the research. Historical memory and contemporary social myth as a form of interpretation of the past history have rather common features and influence each other vigorously. Also, their actualization and active inclusion in the comprehension of life occur in the crisis periods of history, when there is a need to overcome real or imaginary "breaks of being", to fill the fragmentation of scientific, philosophical, moral and religious searches. For us, it is important:first, the attraction of objective scientific research to the modern interpretation of the historical past, and secondly, their ethicization, filling the moral assessments of the events of the past from the standpoint of universal values of our time since they have a powerful mobilizing influence on the public consciousness and are really capable of changing the course of modern events.

Досліджено специфіку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу як важливих форм інтерпретацій минулого на основі результатів, положень та висновків, висловлених у працях вітчизняних та іноземних вчених. Розглянуто особливу їх актуальність в період трансформаційних змін суспільства. Проаналізовано проблему взаємодії та взаємозв'язку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу та їх вплив на систему цінностей суспільства. ; Исследована специфика исторической памяти и современного социального мифа как важных форм интерпретации прошлого на основе результатов, положений и выводов, изложенных в трудах отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Рассмотрена особая их актуальность в период трансформационных изменений общества. Проанализирована проблема взаимодействия, взаисвязи исторической памяти и современного социального мифа, а также их влияние на систему ценностей общества. ; Problem setting. The analysis of the phenomenon of interpreting of the past history as a factor in constructing reality raises the interest of many contemporary thinkers. At the same time, in the modern world, the innovation is the use of historical memory and modern social myth to explain and construct the picture of the past. The power elites are actively using historical memory to form the image of the state and the nation, creating an official version of history in confronting their opponents in the international arena, seeking self-determination, positioning in the modern world, and most importantly - their own internal self-determination and consolidation. The special relevance of the research is given by the specifics of modern Ukrainian society, when in the conditions of the domination of the social uncertainty of a globalized world, recourse to the origins of national-civilizational identity becomes necessary in order to strengthen social and political stability. The rule of pluralism of ideas of comprehension of the past acts as the foundation for purposeful development of society, as well as stave one of the sources for the formation of new social perspectives. An important factor in increasing the need for a new interpretation of history can be recognized as the "acceleration of time", the distance from the past, requiring its explanation. The search for a "new" historical past, "other" interpretations of known historical facts is offset by mythological design.Recent research and publications analysis. Historiography of the author determined by the problem is large. The basis for understanding the modern myth was the work of M. Eliade, K. Levy-Strauss, R. Bart, B. Malinowski, M. Eliade, C. G. Jung, E. Cassirera. A. Schopenhauer, J. Sorel, P. Gurevich. The domestic scientific tradition of studying a social myth is only formed and characterized rather by the formulation of problems rather than their solution. The works of F. Anckersmith, T. Adorno, P. Nora, A. Assmann, P. Hutton, M. Khalbwax and others are devoted to the original interpretation of the philosophical interpretation of the phenomenon of historical memory. , and also in the range of scientific interests in the research of such contemporary Ukrainian scholars as Y. Hrytsak, L. Zashkilnyak, Y. Zerny, A. Kiridon, I. Girich, V. Masnenko, O. Smolyar, O. Udod, Yu. Shapoval and other.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to understand the specificity of historical memory and modern social myth as forms of interpretation of the past history, explication of positive and negative in their interaction and the essence of their influence on the state of consciousness of society.Paper main body. The transformational state of society is always characterized by attempts to reconsider experience, to rearrange the content of historical memory, to adapt it to temporal political interests. The content and semantic content of knowledge about the ancient times often depend on subjective aspects, are constructed in the present and reflect the vision of the experience of the community in favor of certain power elites of light. An analysis of scientific literature on the problems of historical memory can distinguish its essential features. The main characteristics of historical memory are its social determinism, the basis for the formation of individual and social consciousness, which is why it directly affects the historical public consciousness. It is a significant component of the axioms of culture, not only presents itself as a value, but also realizes the need to preserve the integrity of the domestic spiritual space. The basis of historical memory is the connectivity. It reproduces the heredity and continuity of social existence, despite the fact that in some periods it exists in a latent form and is actualized in certain historical conditions. For specific features of historical memory belongs selectivity, value color, tendency to irrationality, binarism, as a constant the process of memorizing and forgetting. Historical memory in modern political realities is not a constant. It is modeled and varied depending on the interests and tasks of political groups and parties.At the same time, the mechanisms of the mythologization of history, which considerably increases the importance of understanding the features of the myth as a form of interpretation of history, become of no less importance in the modern world. the most important properties of social myth as a form of interpretation of the historical past is its fundamental difference from the classical, archaic. The archaic myth was the basis of its creation folk art, aimed at protecting the family, people, the state, to preserve the health of man, people, country, nature, the accumulation of mass energy, which mobilized people for certain actions. The modern myth does not have such a clear positive orientation - the duality of its consequences lies in the fact that it can both consolidate society and threaten the absolute destruction of society. Among the main features of the social myth, researchers distinguish his artificiality, purposeful construction in the interests of certain social groups, in contrast to the spontaneously formed archaic myths; he is increasingly rationalized and ideologized. It is also important to note that modern myth has a purely functional, not cognitive value. Consumption as a sign of modern myth leads to the fact that he is not "burdened" by moral intentions.The modern myth has a dual character: the constructive role of the myth manifests itself in the ability to ensure the integrity of society. A destructive role manifests itself in its ability to radically change the cultural and moral guidelines of society. The technical capabilities of the information society, the excessive amount of information have become the cause of activating myth-making activity.Conclusions of the research. Historical memory and contemporary social myth as a form of interpretation of the past history have rather common features and influence each other vigorously. Also, their actualization and active inclusion in the comprehension of life occur in the crisis periods of history, when there is a need to overcome real or imaginary "breaks of being", to fill the fragmentation of scientific, philosophical, moral and religious searches. For us, it is important:first, the attraction of objective scientific research to the modern interpretation of the historical past, and secondly, their ethicization, filling the moral assessments of the events of the past from the standpoint of universal values of our time since they have a powerful mobilizing influence on the public consciousness and are really capable of changing the course of modern events.

The main purpose of this study is to provide a comparative analysis on dock labour systems in two European ports, focusing in particular on the container global industry. The research aims at analysing the impact of the market players' strategies along the maritime-logistics chain on dock labour dynamics in the last years, stressing the role of the institutional, material and structural constraints. By comparing two distinct case studies, the study aims to answer the following research questions: 1. How is the search for economies of scale achieved by market players along the maritime-logistics chain shaping port labour systems, schemes and work organizations in the European ports? 2. To what extent do terminal operating companies respond to the constraints driven by market players, European policies and national regulations, in order to maximize the performance of dock labour in two distinct ports/container terminals? The observation of the entire logistics chain characterizes the peculiar approach of this study. This approach fosters an analysis not only of the dynamic and complex structure of the maritime supply chain, but also of the background tendencies occurring in the overall dimension in which ports are situated, and hence the variety of dock labour systems. The focus on the container handling and the labour that incorporates it underlines the triple nature of the maritime-logistics chain, given the function of the intermodal transport unit. Consequently, this study argues that an "intermodal gaze" is required to grasp the main trends concerning labour in the pivotal link of the maritime-logistics chain. The empirical findings gathered during the fieldworks in the ports of Genoa and Antwerp are presented and discussed. The empirical evidence shows how in the Belgian case shipping companies vertically integrated with global terminal operators, particularly in the container business, demand direct employment for a significant number of their own workers, whereas casual workers are increasingly deployed during periods of peak demand. This setting in principle does not differ from the Italian case. Besides the different business models, dock labour schemes and arrangements, port employers in both cases hire a large part of the dockworkers daily, via "informal agreements", on an almost continual basis. In addition, the changing dynamics caused by exogenous factors are provoking a higher deployment of casual workers in Genoa, whereas in Antwerp this trend could further increase in the future, with the new possibility given by the ongoing port reform (after the infringement procedure sent by the European Union to the Belgian government, concerning the port labour system). The strategic action of the main players along the maritime-logistics chain is modifying the working mechanisms of both port labour systems, altering the matching of labour supply and demand, opening up new decision-making prospects for transnational terminal operating companies. In this frame, dock labour policies to date have not been carried out, except for de-regulation processes, mainly driven at supranational level and then acquired at national level. In other words, the organizational models of labour in the ports selected seem to be undermined by the processes of globalization, cutthroat competition along the entire logistics chain, and Europeization of the port labour policies. The comparative analysis displays to what extent the de-structuring processes of the organizational patterns are crossing the ports / container terminals analysed, besides the constraints partially common among the cases and partially specific to each of them. Significant dynamics, notwithstanding the institutional path dependencies and the specific global production networks, occur similarly in both the ports observed. The homogeneous pressures, however, engage with the history at national and local level, the institutional structures and practices that dictate the differences among the cases. This in turn reveals a process in which, as this study hypothesizes, such differences are more and more converging towards a commonly variegated trajectory. Beyond the different dock labour scheme and work organization, a similar division – or fragmentation – between permanent and casual workforce has been observed. Moreover, the dock labour systems and schemes compared in this study are differently managed but commonly affected by exogenous and endogenous pressures along the maritime-logistics chain. Furthermore, by looking at the port performance indicators, it has been possible to compare the terminal productivity (linked to the costs) of one cargo handling company operating in both ports, besides the significant differences among the container terminals analyzed (e.g dimension, equipment, etc). Despite the limited data availability, this comparative analysis explores how terminal operating companies behave for maximizing labour productivity in light of the dock labour schemes and regulations in two distinct environments. In short, it turns out that terminal operating companies involved in container handling apply the tariff to their customers starting from the Cash Cost per Box as parameter. The Cash Cost per Box (CCPB) is the indicator that represents how much a container handling company spends only in terms of out-of-pocket costs for each volume unit handled. In this cost structure, labour composes the main value in both cases. Being labour cost the main value, the lower amount of CCPB in the Belgian case with respect to the Italian case is mainly – but not exclusively – due to a lower number of workforce employed to handle one container with respect to the Italian case. The amount of workforce per container handled, determined also by different social relations of production in the ports selected, is the key aspect to set a proper comparison between the ports/terminals, linking the productivity indicators to the cost structure. Furthermore, it has been assessed the difference of the wages in both ports (and the distribution in terms of occupational contexts), which are lower in the Italian case and higher in the Belgian case. These findings show that, in a certain sense, the occupational port labour system in the Italian case remunerates more people by distributing lower wages, whereas in the Belgian case it remunerates less people by distributing higher wages. However, the incidence of labour cost does not changes so much in both contexts, but tends to be similar, being the difference mainly a matter of labour quotas differently distributed (and socially produced). Paradoxically, the organization of port labour in Antwerp replicated in Genoa would require, in theory, as a preliminary condition, the exclusion of a certain amount of workforce currently employed in the port operations. The main difference therefore concerns the greater or lower socialization of costs. In turn, these settings have an impact on terminal productivity, the Gross Crane Rate, due to several factors (i.e. labour force composition, work organization at quayside, terminal layout, endogenous and exogenous factors, terminal facilities, capacity, economies of scale, gang system, motivation and structural constraints, etc.). Following the previous reasoning, the empirical findings show that in Genoa the social equilibrium is given by a lower productivity compared to the Belgian case, acknowledged by the port actors involved in order to keep higher workforce in the port operations. The port labour system in Genoa absorbs more work than in the port of Antwerp, but at the same time, the model is less efficient in terms of performances.

The dissertation is devoted to the development of a methodology for the systematic study of the geo-economic imperatives of the functioning of financial markets, as well as the justification on this basis of geo-economic strategies for their integration in the global economic space in conditions of its instability and turbulence.Regularities, geoeconomic imperatives and modern features of the development of the world economy have been studied. The essence is determined and the modern economic space is characterized on a structurally valuable basis. The theoretical approaches are analyzed and the practice of market adaptation of economies in the geoeconomic space is assessed. The modern geo-economic space is represented as a complex set of meta-regional entities that act as new sutnosti global universe. It is shown that integration and regionalization occupy an important place in the fragmentation of geoeconomic space.The essence of the reformatting of the financial markets of the post-Soviet countries as a geo-economic region of the present is revealed, which gives grounds to assert that the modern financial market has a global character, a complex hierarchical structure, and financial markets and financial entities are connected by a comprehensive international telecommunications network. The modern tendencies in increase of competitiveness of national financial institutions are characterized. Transnational banks and global financial corporations act in the context of globalization as centers of economic power and ensure the redistribution of resources through the use of new financial technologies.The main directions of the influence of the dynamic changes in the world monetary and financial system on the national financial markets of the countries are identified: strengthening the urgency of the task of liberalizing capital flows; maintaining a high level of dollarization of the economies of these countries as an effect of expanding the dollar supply of money and global imbalances combined with low stability of the national monetary system; the growth of exogenous risks of the balance of payments of countries, due to global financial instability and the possibility of reducing the propensity of investors to take risks; changes in the currency structure of receipts and payments on the current and financial account of the balance of payments, reflecting both global trends and the effect of specific regional factors.The directions and mechanisms of the influence of the debt burden in developed countries on the state of international finance in the post-crisis period are characterized by an increase in the degree of economic uncertainty and pressure on the level of world interest rates; a reduction in bank lending to the corporate sector and a slowdown in the pace of private investment; increased liquidity risks and solvency of borrowing governments, worsens prospects for debt sustainability and macrofinance stability; a decrease in global risk and an increase in the volatility of the global financial market, negatively affects the cost of external financing for emerging markets.It is proved that in conditions of financial globalization such a system of redistribution of financial resources has formed, in which less risky capital is absorbed by the most developed countries of the world, and speculative (with a higher rate of profit) is attracted by countries with a transformational economy. In the context of globalization, not only the preservation of the traditional conditions of nonequivalent exchange occurs, but an irreversible systemic gap between developed countries and countries with a transformational economy becomes possible.The change in the vector of development of national financial markets in the direction of geo-finance under the contraction of the economic space, where national financial systems are transformed in the direction of globalization, is studied. At the same time, global financial capital is extraterritorial, freely moves in the world economic space and turns the geo-economic space in its own interests, acts as a catalyst for changes in economic relations, parameters and institutions, transforms the process of reproduction regardless of national boundaries, exercises supranational control over it, forcibly forms a mechanism for redistribution value created within national economies.In the modern methodological concept regularities are revealed and the evolution of market functioning models is investigated. The options for multi-level integration of the financial markets of developing countries are analyzed. The characteristic of global corporatization, regional localization and institutional organization of financial markets was carried out. Essential signs of cyclical crisis, turbulence and security of the global financial environment are revealed. From geo-economic positions, regulatory mechanisms for the stable and transparent functioning of financial markets have been identified. In the new configuration of international financial organizations, the methodology of the economic policy of emerging markets is outlined. Generalized geoeconomic approaches to predictive modeling of the global financial market. The geoeconomic strategy of the development of Ukraine's financial market in a globally unstable environment is grounded. ; Диссертационная работа посвящена разработке методологии системного исследования геоэкономических императивов функционирования финансовых рынков, а также обоснованию на этой основе геоэкономических стратегий их интеграции в глобальном экономическом пространстве в условиях его нестабильности и турбулентности.Исследованы закономерности, геоэкономические императивы и современные особенности развития мировой экономики. Определена сущность и охарактеризовано современное экономическое пространство на структурно ценностной основе. Освещены теоретические подходы и осуществлена оценка практики рыночной адаптации экономик в геоэкономическом пространстве. Современное геоэкономическое пространство представлено как сложная совокупность метарегиональних образований, выступающих в роли новых cутностей глобального универсума. Показано, что важное место в фрагментации геоэкономического пространства занимают процессы интеграции и регионализации.В современном методологическом концепте выявлены закономерности и исследована эволюция моделей функционирования рынка. Проанализированы варианты многоуровневой интеграции финансовых рынков развивающихся стран. Осуществлено характеристику глобальной корпоратизации, региональной локализации и институциональной организации финансовых рынков. Выявлено сущностные признаки циклической кризисности, турбулентности и безопасности глобальной финансовой среды. С геоэкономических позиций идентифицировано регулятивные механизмы стабильного и прозрачного функционирования финансовых рынков. В новой конфигурации международных финансовых организаций обозначена методология экономической политики стран с развивающимися рынками. Обобщены геоэкономические подходы к прогностическому моделированию глобального финансового рынка. Обоснована геоэкономическая стратегия развития финансового рынка Украины в глобально нестабильной среде. ; Дисертаційну роботу присвячено розробці методології системного дослідження геоекономічних імперативів функціонування фінансових ринків, а також обґрунтуванню на цій основі геоекономічних стратегій їх інтеграції у глобальному економічному просторі в умовах його нестабільності і турбулентності.Досліджено закономірності, геоекономічні імперативи та сучасні особливості розвитку світової економіки. Визначено сутність та охарактеризовано сучасний економічний простір на структурно ціннісній основі. Висвітлено теоретичні підходи та здійснено оцінку практики ринкової адаптації економік у геоекономічному просторі. Сучасний геоекономічний простір представлено як складну сукупність метарегіональних утворень, що виступають у ролі нових cутностей глобального універсуму. Показано, що важливе місце у фрагментації геоекономічного простору посідають процеси інтеграції та регіоналізації.У сучасному методологічному концепті виявлено закономірності та досліджено еволюцію моделей функціонування фінансового ринку. Проаналізовано варіанти багаторівневої інтеграції фінансових ринків, що розвиваються. Здійснено характеристику глобальної корпоратизації, регіональної локалізації та інституціональної організації фінансових ринків. Виявлено сутнісні ознаки циклічної кризовості, турбулентності та безпечності глобального фінансового середовища. З геоекономічних позицій ідентифіковано регулятивні механізми стабільного і прозорого функціонування фінансових ринків. У новій конфігурації міжнародних фінансових організацій окреслено методологію економічної політики країн з ринками, що розвиваються. Узагальнено геоекономічні підходи до прогностичного моделювання глобального фінансового ринку. Обґрунтовано геоекономічну стратегію розвитку фінансового ринку України у глобально нестабільному середовищі.

Contexte et enjeux: Les espaces arborés peuvent prendre différentes formes dans les paysages à dominante agricole en France et en Europe tempérée : bois, bosquets et plantations, mais aussi haies, alignements d'arbres et plantations agroforestières. Ils sont en interaction étroite avec les activités agricoles, de culture ou d'élevage dans dynamiques particulières. Il peut s'agir (1) d'interactions socio-techniques entre acteurs et ressources lorsque des agriculteurs possèdent, gèrent ou utilisent des portions de forêt, (2) d'interactions biophysiques spatiales entre ressources quand l'activité agricole est influencée par la proximité des forêts, mais aussi (3) d'interactions sociales entre acteurs agriculteurs et forestiers qui vont parfois déterminer certains modes de gestion forestière. Ces différents points de vue expliquent la difficulté à bien délimiter les forêts des paysages ruraux agricoles, ainsi que le manque de connaissance à leur égard. Ces espaces arborés sont dynamiques et, durant les 2 derniers siècles, leur répartition spatiale a fortement changé, avec des processus de fragmentation par endroits et de défragmentation dans les zones de déprise agricole. Néanmoins, comparativement aux espaces agricoles environnants soumis aux rotations de cultures, ils apparaissent relativement stables et constituent de ce fait ce qu'on appelle des infrastructures écologiques influant très significativement les caractéristiques des milieux voisins. Ils sont ainsi souvent vus comme des réservoirs de biodiversité dans les paysages agricoles. Problématique: Etudier les relations entre ces espaces arborés des paysages et l'agriculture est crucial pour aider à concevoir des territoires ruraux valorisant au mieux et de façon durable l'ensemble de leurs ressources, agricoles et forestières, et des services qui y sont liés. Cette problématique s'inscrit dans les priorités nationales pour une agriculture plus agroécologique. Méthodes: A partir de plusieurs exemples de travaux récents en écologie, géographie, agronomie et ethnologie, la présentation montre les différents aspects de ces interactions entre espaces arborés et agriculture, comment elles influent sur des propriétés clés des territoires et comment elles pourraient être mieux valorisée. Ces exemples s'appuient sur des recherches interdisciplinaires et conduites en partenariat, combinant des approches écologiques avec des analyses socio-techniques. Résultats: De nombreux travaux ont largement montré les rôles clés des espaces arborés dans la dynamique de population d'espèces contribuant à des services écosystémiques importants pour l'agriculture comme la régulation des bioagresseurs ou la pollinisation. Ainsi des suivis spatialisés de la répartition des carabiques, prédateurs auxiliaires des cultures de part et d'autre de lisières forestières montrent clairement que les bois peuvent fournir un surcroit d'individus qui vont chasser dans les cultures adjacentes. De plus, plusieurs résultats laissent penser que cet effet est crucial surtout quand des évènements extrêmes réduisent drastiquement les populations déjà présentes dans les champs. Les espaces arborés joueraient ainsi un rôle de réservoir pour contribuer à reconstituer les populations d'auxiliaires. Des travaux similaires montrent des phénomènes comparables pour les pollinisateurs, en particulier sur l'intérêt des lisières dans la fourniture de ressources florales tout au long de l'année et de leur capacité à abriter des sites de nidification et d'hivernation. Les caractéristiques des lisières jouent un rôle important et mal connu dans ces échanges ; on peut supposer qu'ils pourraient être favorisés par une gestion particulière de ces interfaces. Les espaces arborés sont à l'origine d'un grand nombre de services écosystémiques. Le projet Terafor, soutenu par la Fondation de France, en a ainsi identifié près de 70 ; ils ont été intégrés dans un système d'analyse multi-critères destiné à aider à élaborer des projets de territoires agri-forestiers valorisant l'ensemble de ces services. Parallèlement, des recherches exploratoires tentent d'utiliser les données satellitaires nouvelles pour fournir des cartographies de niveaux potentiels de services. Enfin, il convient de signaler que si les espaces arborés sont sources de services pour l'agriculture, l'inverse est aussi vrai : les bois et forêts bénéficient de services issus des autres composantes des paysages ; la régulation des insectes défoliateurs des arbres s'avère par exemple plus élevée en lisière, tandis que les mouvements de chevreuils entre les cultures où ils se nourrissent et les bois semblent contribuer à la fertilisation du sol forestier. Le bois produit par les espaces arborés contribue à satisfaire l'accroissement de l'usage de la biomasse pour se substituer aux énergies fossiles, ou les compléter. Il existe maintenant de multiples formes de valorisation du bois qui s'adaptent aux conditions locales et aux possibilités des opérateurs. L'association Bois Paysan en Ariège a ainsi développé des circuits courts de vente de bûches aux particuliers. En réponse à une demande croissante, des filières nouvelles et originales se mettent en place, avec l'émergence, parfois, de véritables « ateliers bois » dans des exploitations agricoles qui diversifient ainsi leurs activités. Les usages du bois se sont aussi élargis et l'agriculture commence à en utiliser plus fréquemment, pas seulement comme source d'énergie ou de matériaux de construction. Dans le APIL en Ariège, par exemple, les multiples usages du bois en exploitation agricole sont testés : litière pour les animaux ou paillage pour les plantations. Au-delà du bilan matériel et économique pour les exploitations, ces démarches de valorisation des produits des espaces arborés des paysages agricoles contribuent aussi à renforcer des projets de territoires en valorisant des ressources dispersées par des usages les plus proches possibles. Grâce aux possibilités de communication actuelles et de mise en réseau, la dispersion des ressources en bois n'est plus toujours un handicap et devrait contribuer à une relocalisation d'une partie des approvisionnements en énergie et matériaux. Enfin, des recherches en sciences sociales ont clairement montré que les espaces arborés sont associés à une dimension culturelle particulière dans la perception qu'ont les habitants de leur environnement et de son devenir. Ainsi, dans le Sud-Ouest de la France, nous avons montré que les bois sont un marqueur social fort qui relie les familles d'aujourd'hui à leur histoire et s'inscrivent dans une tradition de transmission des patrimoines et de gestion à objectif d'autosuffisance particulière. Connaitre ces dimensions sociales est essentiel, tant pour les respecter et les préserver comme partie d'un patrimoine culturel spécifique, que pour pouvoir les faire évoluer et lever des blocages qui limiteraient des développements durables. A cet égard, les démarches participatives de co-construction de ces projets de développement semblent une façon pertinente de prendre en compte les multiples attentes des habitants d'un territoire agricole et forestier. Discussion et conclusion: Ces exemples soulignent combien la séparation entre gestion forestière et agriculture dans bien des régions est artificielle et mériterait d'être remise en cause dans les projets d'aménagement des territoires. Pourtant, les politiques actuelles, comme le récent Plan National Forêt Bois, semblent tourner le dos à la valorisation de ces interactions, privilégiant des approches par filières cloisonnées. La foresterie tout comme l'agriculture, et d'autres activités humaines, tireraient un bénéfice à mieux coordonner leurs objectifs et leurs actions. Des initiatives locales vont dans ce sens et la recherche montre comment ces interactions écologiques, techniques et socio-culturelles s'avèrent importantes dans une perspective de développement plus durable.