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The paper studies the issue of the importance of studying professional ethics with the help of theories and approaches of sociology of professions, sociology of morality and modern sociological theory. It raises the question of the ratio of individual moral standing to the requirements of professional ethics. The paper also outlines the key features of the conflicts arising in professional environment, such as in the situations provoking ethical dilemma conditioned by external institutional factors and the logic of managerialism. The authors focus on the ethical stress in the academia regarding the relationship between academic professionals and admini­strative staff. The paper raises the question of professional ethics in maturing communities, and describes the corporate volunteering practices. Prospects for studying professional ethics, including the need for empirical study of toxic moral choices in professional area and the manipulative risks of applying formal codes of ethics in order to gain power in professional environment, are outlined.

AbstractThe rural-migrant protagonist in Knut Hamsun's Hunger (1890; Sult) fails to adapt to the urban environment because the moral algorithm that informs his collaborative choices is unfit for the city. He often responds poorly when overwhelmed by pride, shame, or other sensations that he struggles to make sense of. Such emotions are hypothesized to be neuro­computational adaptations crafted by natural selection to help us get ahead as collabora­tors. But with societal transformation, these feelings can become a poor match for a new reality. Reprogramming oneself can be challenging; Hunger's protagonist must suffer months of emotional and physical pain before he adapts. His journey, and Hamsun's mod­ernist project, can be illuminated by recent research on status management and morality as cooperation. As literature, Hunger could fulfill several adaptive functions by mapping mor­als for urban pro-sociality at a time of great disruption. Similar moral adaptation could become necessary in our present era, too.

ObjectiveThis article investigates how different types of policies (morality based and highly technical) inform early‐stage policy learning and diffusion processes.MethodsUsing process tracing, interviews, archival research, and cross‐case analysis, this article describes and compares the emergence of medical marijuana and offshore wind energy policies in U.S. states. Using iterative data collection and analysis, the study identifies which factors proffered by the literature affect the policy learning and diffusion process.ResultsDespite representing different types of policies, there were significant similarities across both cases: State actors drew lessons from Europe; policy lessons from Europe were weaponized by national political interests in an effort to stymy state‐level diffusion; and, as policies diffused to other states, organized opposition curtailed.ConclusionThis study demonstrates how the stage of diffusion can be as determinative of the policy learning context as the type of policy, and highlights how the diffusion and typology literatures can inform each other.

As COVID-19 struck worldwide, we were inspired by behavioral immune system theory and wondered whether there would be changes to public morality brought about by the pandemic. We tracked public reactions through posts on Chinese social media to analyze the dynamics of public moral motivation.
Big data analysis shows that the impact of disaster upon moral motivation was context-sensitive. The level of the severity of the disaster played a leading role in variation of moral motivation. We found that disaster increased moral motivation only when the situation was severe, and such
augmentation rapidly faded when the disaster was under control and recovery began. The sentiment of news shared during the pandemic played a regulating role, such that positive or encouraging news helped augment moral motivation only when the situation was severe. Finally, we found that the
pandemic increased expressions of both agency and communion in a similar way to that of moral motivation.

Abstract
This study investigates the association between "spiritual but not religious" (SBNR) identity and delinquency using a representative sample aged 16–20 years (N = 2,530) in the United States. The analyses extend prior research by examining SBNR effects across a broad range of delinquent behaviors (theft, fighting, marijuana use, drinking alcohol, and smoking cigarettes) and by testing several theoretically salient mechanisms (religious attendance, peers, parental expectations, images of God, morality, and strain), which may account for the association between SBNR identity and delinquency. I estimate SBNR effects on delinquency using logistic and binomial regression and test mechanisms using the Karlson–Holm–Breen method. SBNR identity is positively associated with delinquency, with the strongest effects on substance use but a nonsignificant effect on theft. The hypothesized mechanisms explain between 54% and 69% of the association between SBNR identity and overall delinquency, depending on the "degree" of SBNR identity reported.

Juli Zeh, who enjoys an international reputation, is one of the most gifted and productive writers of Germany today. Her dystopian tale Corpus Delicti: Ein Prozess (2009; English translation, 2012) represents a lively, intelligent, and innovative addition to the genre. It presents a picture of a benevolent dictatorship that demands good health as the highest duty of its citizens, in a sequence of dramatic scenes combining the virtues of a thriller with a dystopia focusing on the present-day preoccupation with health and the body. Most segments are presented as scenes of a trial against a biologist who is accused of rebellion against "The Method," the ruling order of the future state, whose dominant ideology is "Health as the Principle of State Legitimacy." Thus metaphysical morality and Enlightenment values such as freedom, democracy, and justice have been replaced by a scientific, secular notion of life as the ultimate criterion and value.

ABSTRACTThis article addresses the management and control of time in contemporary urban China. It traces how competing claims to, and experiences of, time as a limited resource shape the terms of moral engagement among middle‐class women, their families, their employers, and their friends. Drawing upon two distinct periods of fieldwork among middle‐class families in urban China between 2007 and 2017, I show how Chinese subjects balance private, public, and interpersonal claims on time, creating hybrid approaches to time management that I refer to as chrono‐socialism with Chinese characteristics. This balancing act is gendered: women, and especially mothers, are charged with protecting the moral status of their families and their children through effective temporal balancing. Paying attention to moments of discordant expectations, in the form of expressions of impatience, can illuminate the logics of temporal balancing in the domains of work, play, and rest. [time, morality, impatience, socialism with Chinese characteristics, China]

The main purpose of this study is to determine the work values of high school students and to compare the differences between students from different residence places (developed and underdeveloped cites). We used a quantitative approach in order to determine the influence of the variable mentioned above on the attitudes and beliefs regarding work values. To collect data, we used The Multidimensionality Work Ethic Profile, an inventory that measures seven dimensions of work values: self-reliance, morality, leisure, hard work, centrality of work, wasted time and delay of gratification. The research tool was applied on a sample of 214 high school students coming from two different residence environments characterized by different levels of development. We performed a series of Independent T tests in order to compare the scores that were given to each dimension. We discovered that the students, regardless of their residence environment, place the same value on the seven dimensions.

Where does the state come from? Two canonical answers have been interstate wars and contracts between rulers and the ruled in the early modern period. New scholarship has pushed back the historical origins of the European state to the Middle Ages, and focused on domestic institutions such as parliaments, universities, the law, inheritance rules, and cities. It has left open questions of the causes of territorial fragmentation, the structural similarities in state administrations, and the policy preoccupations of the state. One answer is a powerful but neglected force in state formation: the medieval Church, which served as a rival for sovereignty, and a template for institutional innovations in court administrations, the law, and the formation of human capital. Church influence further helps to explain why territorial fragmentation in the Middle Ages persisted, why royal courts adopted similar administrative solutions, and why secular states remain concerned with morality and social discipline.

Abstract
In their recent book Buchanan and Powell claim that there is moral progress. Their analysis focuses on increasing inclusiveness, yet they also suggest other dimensions as possible indicators-improvements in the concept of morality and refinements in moral motivation. In the following I present empirical data on changes in moral understanding that occurred during the second half of the 20th century in Germany. These changes concern an increasing delimitation of the moral realm, the rise of an ethics of responsibility, the displacement of an orientation to super ego dictates by a more ego-syntonic type of moral motivation. This research largely follows the 'cognitivist' paradigm which I start off defending against Haidt's counter proposal of moral intuitionism. Feasible explanatory factors for the changes documented are put forward-processes of secularization and changes in socialization styles-and their interpretation as indicators of moral progress is discussed. The paper ends with brief speculations concerning possible reasons for current moral regressions.

AbstractBy focusing on the legislative process underpinning marriage equality in the American states, this article identifies the combinations of conditions under which attempts at institutional displacement succeed or fail. Hitherto, few scholarly works have empirically examined displacement and whether, and how, actors can preserve institutional stability in the face of organized efforts to change institutions. Taking causal complexity into account, the analytical model factors in the resources of both change and status quo actors as well as the political context that enables or constrains their strategies. The results of the comparative analysis show that states have followed different paths to the displacement of heterosexual marriage in favor of marriage equality. Yet, most crucially, the findings pinpoint that the inclusion of religious exemption clauses is a conditionsine qua nonfor marriage equality laws to be effectively passed, thus challenging the widely accepted notion that morality policies are foreign to compromise.

AbstractBoth secular and religious contestations have threatened the character of contemporary civic discourse, signifying underlying issues needing to be addressed. Postmodern and globalization influences have contributed to their scope and intensity, adding underlying complexities to the presenting issues. Drawing upon case examples of a secular plant closure in a racially and ethnically diverse company town and strife threatening organizational viability in the cross-cultural Anglican Communion, I argue first that religion either directly influences or indirectly serves as a latent resource within secularized morality, and second that cross-cultural contestations involving religion typically contain underlying societal concerns; both need to be addressed in analyzing meaning and hope for change. Sociologists of religion have opportunity to explore how religion is deployed as a moral basis of contestation, and how it might interact with postcolonial and other cultural dynamics, with implications for solutions in building social cohesion across worldviews and cultures.

The article develops the concept of "political judgement" – a new, affirmative understanding of the phenomena which are criticized as "political correctness" by both right-wing and liberal commentators. To that end, it takes the right's claims, that "political correctness" is slave morality in Nietzsche's sense seriously and proposes a systematic reading of a right-nietzschean position. Connecting current "political-correctness"-critique and Nietzsche in this way allows for a deeper understanding of the right-wing rationality and the affective energy underlying the critique. Through contrasting this right-nietzschean reading with its systematic opposite, a left-nietzschean position, the article shows that the essence of politics is to redesign norms which distribute privilege. What is critically labelled "political correctness" is, thus, better captured by the notion of "political judgment", because – given an interest in emancipation – such politics should not be demonized when they limit the freedom provided by undeserved privileges.

By focusing on the legislative process underpinning marriage equality in the American states, this article identifies the combinations of conditions under which attempts at institutional displacement succeed or fail. Hitherto, few scholarly works have empirically examined displacement and whether, and how, actors can preserve institutional stability in the face of organized efforts to change institutions. Taking causal complexity into account, the analytical model factors in the resources of both change and status quo actors as well as the political context that enables or constrains their strategies. The results of the comparative analysis show that states have followed different paths to the displacement of heterosexual marriage in favor of marriage equality. Yet, most crucially, the findings pinpoint that the inclusion of religious exemption clauses is a condition sine qua non for marriage equality laws to be effectively passed, thus challenging the widely accepted notion that morality policies are foreign to compromise.

Human rights are grand political philosophy of the modern times which have transcended national boundaries to become aspiration of humankind. Centred upon moral belief propelled on metaphysical moral assumption with its origin in Christianity pity and Enlightment discourse, however, human rights have become a sort of moral imperialism of our time which exclude and include humanity on the basis of coloniality of power. The combination of emotional/moral appeal and lack of conceptual clarity makes human rights immensely effective as a rhetorical tool and serve as a moral apparatus for humanitarian intervention into the third world countries. Both, the just war tradition and those who theorize the ethics of the law of armed conflict have taken moral and political reality of human rights seriously. Taking anti-foundational approach by challenging its main elements such as 'universality' and 'morality' this paper would argue that moral premises of human rights is flawed.