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Teacher and students discuss the use of art as a means of political discourse during the Trump Presidency.

The emergence of post-secular new political space is increasingly recognised as both urgent challenge and beckoning opportunity for innovative political intervention. The concept is framed around three defining characteristics. Firstly, it refers to socio-economic space vacated by government and demarcated by extremes of poverty and marginalisation requiring mitigation by charities, faith communities and the like. Secondly, it is evidenced in local contexts by an obvious lack of social mobility and blatant discrepancies in income, educational outcomes and life expectancy. Thirdly, it is ontological space. Arguably for the first time in a generation, the deep political structures are accessible to recognition and transformation. Fourthly, it is European space exemplified by the increasing challenge to the post-war European project and the burgeoning nationalism and xenophobia exacerbated at least in part by the influx of refugees, asylum seekers and economic migrants. This special issue of Global Discourse assembles six articles and responses emanating from a desire to cultivate and not colonise this emerging space for overall well-being.

This article analyzes the current political transition in México from the vantage point of civil society. It departs from a definition of the Mexican authoritarian regime, now the oldest in the world, as a model of fusion between the state, the market and society. The crisis of the developmental model and the regime's increasing inability to incorporate the new social actors created by industrialization and urbanization opened up a long period of political crisis whose main content was a process of societal differentiation. The failure of President Salinas' project of neo‐liberal reconstruction of the authoritarian regime deepened the crisis and led to the formation and consolidation of strong national political parties, the beginning of a still unequal, but effective electoral competition and especially to the emergence of several civic groups that are struggling for a democratization that goes beyond electoral politics. The collective identity as civil society of these civic groups has been instrumental for the critique of the regime's gradualist strategy of "permenent electoral reform".

In today's "post-truth" world, concerns over political attacks on the legitimacy of expert knowledge and scientific facts are growing. Especially populist politicians frequently use their social media platforms to target science and journalism, arguing these are part of an "evil elite," deliberately misleading the public by spreading disinformation. While this type of discourse is highly concerning, thus far, we lack empirical evidence on how these accusations affect the public perceptions of scientists and journalists. To fill this gap, this study tests how politicians' attacks affect citizens' trust in journalists and scientists and the information provided by them. Furthermore, it investigates whether this discourse renders hostility towards journalists and scientists acceptable and whether there are effects on the image of politicians using such anti-science rhetoric. Findings suggest that the effects of politicians' attacks on citizens' perceptions of scientists and journalists are limited. Only individuals with strong anti-elitist attitudes are susceptible to disinformation accusations and indicate less belief in discredited scientific information. Interestingly, these individuals also perceive politicians using such attacks as more trustworthy and authentic

International audience ; Research agendas or appeals for a »new electoral history« with a transnational ambition have multiplied in recent years. For a long time, both social scientists and historians continued to treat elections as transparent operations for translating socio-political patterns into representation or as rituals designed to hide real power processes. Historians of different horizons have noted how, over the last few decades, election history has moved from a state of »crisis« (Thomas Kühne) or »neglect« to an »academic enthusiasm« (Alain Garrigou). Yet beyond shared approaches and inspirations, research on elections and election campaigns has asked different questions and adopted various methodologies, so that one may wonder if there really is such a thing as a transnational new history of elections. Indeed, while many recent studies aspire to a transnational perspective, it seems that national historiographical traditions and perspectives are particularly tenacious in political history. This is not only the case because – in spite of frequent claims to be studying democracy in a »non-normative« light – discussing elections of the past always resonates with the state of democracies today. Depending on the context, the various renewals of political history also entertain varying relations with other disciplines studying politics, such as political science, sociology, anthropology, communication science and gender studies. Faced with this diversity, it seems all the more important to bring these various perspectives into discussion, particularly across linguistic and national borders. Focusing for the most part on English-, German- and French-speaking works on elections in Western Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this literature review aims to contextualise the boom in election studies, discussing recent studies and suggesting questions for further research.

International audience ; Research agendas or appeals for a »new electoral history« with a transnational ambition have multiplied in recent years. For a long time, both social scientists and historians continued to treat elections as transparent operations for translating socio-political patterns into representation or as rituals designed to hide real power processes. Historians of different horizons have noted how, over the last few decades, election history has moved from a state of »crisis« (Thomas Kühne) or »neglect« to an »academic enthusiasm« (Alain Garrigou). Yet beyond shared approaches and inspirations, research on elections and election campaigns has asked different questions and adopted various methodologies, so that one may wonder if there really is such a thing as a transnational new history of elections. Indeed, while many recent studies aspire to a transnational perspective, it seems that national historiographical traditions and perspectives are particularly tenacious in political history. This is not only the case because – in spite of frequent claims to be studying democracy in a »non-normative« light – discussing elections of the past always resonates with the state of democracies today. Depending on the context, the various renewals of political history also entertain varying relations with other disciplines studying politics, such as political science, sociology, anthropology, communication science and gender studies. Faced with this diversity, it seems all the more important to bring these various perspectives into discussion, particularly across linguistic and national borders. Focusing for the most part on English-, German- and French-speaking works on elections in Western Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this literature review aims to contextualise the boom in election studies, discussing recent studies and suggesting questions for further research.

The article explores the hydropolitics of Lake Chad. Scientific and popular views on the fate of Lake Chad differ widely. The supposed 'disappearance' of the Lake through water abstraction and climate change is a popular myth that endures because it serves a large set of heterogeneous interests, including those supporting inter-basin water transfers. Meanwhile scientific investigations show substantial and continuing Lake level fluctuations over time, and do not support its projected disappearance. The task is to understand how the myth of the disappearing Lake has been engendered and used, by studying the discourses and the strategies of the main stakeholders involved. The Lake has been protected so far from massive water abstraction, and inter-basin transfer projects, due to the fragmentation of its political management, new security threats, and the piecemeal nature of the interests in play.Key words: Lake Chad; environmental myths; hydropolitics; political ecology; inter-basin transfers

Intro -- Political Religion, Everyday Religion: Sociological Trends -- Copyright -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Introduction -- Part 1: Recent Developments in the Sociology of Religion: Theories and Approaches -- Religious Diversity: Sociological Issues and Perspectives -- From Theories of Secularization and Return of Religion - to Religious Complexity -- Social Semiotics in the Study of Religion -- More Dialogue between Approaches: Everyday Religion and Political Religion -- Religious Practices in the Framework of Ash Scattering and Contact with the Dead -- Methodological Challenges to the Study of Religious Peacebuilding -- Part 2: Normativity and Empirical Studies: Sociology of Religion in a Wider Context -- Sociology of Religion in Contexts: Institutional Constraints and Personal Beliefs -- Empirically Informed Theology -- Empirically Informed Ethics -- Hell, Perdition and Feelgood -- Part 3: Research Notes from Young Norwegian Sociologists of Religion -- Camping with God and Goffman -- From Sin to a Gift from God -- Street Religion: Faith among Romanian Beggars -- A Pilgrimage in the Mountains -- Preaching at Funerals -- Name and Subject Index.

Depuis les années 1980, il est possible d'identifier un mouvement général du monde associatif vers la production de savoirs propres et une reconnaissance institutionnelle de cette contribution à l'observation sociale. L'analyse des discours et des pratiques des acteurs met en évidence une diversité de politiques des savoirs : des politiques qui se définissent dans un double rapport au monde scientifique d'une part, et à l'État de l'autre, et qui, dans leur diversité, sont traversées par une même tension : celle de la coexistence et de l'articulation d'une logique de l'action et d'une logique de la connaissance.

Depuis les années 1980, il est possible d'identifier un mouvement général du monde associatif vers la production de savoirs propres et une reconnaissance institutionnelle de cette contribution à l'observation sociale. L'analyse des discours et des pratiques des acteurs met en évidence une diversité de politiques des savoirs : des politiques qui se définissent dans un double rapport au monde scientifique d'une part, et à l'État de l'autre, et qui, dans leur diversité, sont traversées par une même tension : celle de la coexistence et de l'articulation d'une logique de l'action et d'une logique de la connaissance.