Suchergebnisse

Résumé: Pour Paolo Prodi, l'histoire ecclésiastique serait entrée, à la suite de la condamnation de Carlo Sigonio dans une longue période de décadence, marquée par un lo­calisme étroit et une sécheresse, fruit d'une censure fé­roce, de la fin du XVIe siècle jusqu'au début du XVIIIe siècle. Simon Ditchfield a vigoureusement combattu cette idée, en cherchant à mettre au jour l'intensité du travail réalisé par les érudits italiens pour parvenir à ac­corder les nouveaux canons liturgiques romains avec les traditions locales, et ainsi « universaliser le local ». Dans le cadre de sa démonstration, l'abbé cistercien d'origine florentine, Ferdinand Ughelli (1596-1670) est une figure fondamentale : son Italia Sacra (1644-1662), histoire des évêques de la Péninsule, aurait per­mi l'unification du travail de tous les petits « Baronius locaux » d'Italie. Poursuivant les intuitions de Giorgio Morelli, Simon Ditchfield insiste tout particulière­ment sur la méthode mise en oeuvre par le Florentin pour réaliser son « histoire italienne » : la mobilisation d'un réseau de correspondants couvrant l'intégralité du territoire. Ses 8 volumes de correspondance (483 correspondants, 1533 lettres) attestent l'intensité de la collaboration qui s'engage entre Rome et les diocè­ses italiens. La construction de l'ouvrage qui combine écriture de l'histoire (relevant de l'autorité d'un seul) et publication de sources (nécessitant la participation d'un grand nombre d'individus), se prête à cette co-éla­boration. Je souhaiterais éclairer un aspect différent de l'oeuvre d'Ughelli, en déplaçant l'attention de la méthode au contenu même délivré par cette somme imposante, contenu sur lequel continue de peser le jugement né­gatif des historiens. J'aimerais défendre la thèse selon laquelle l'Italia Sacra met en scène, dans le texte même, l'image d'un dialogue fécond entre Rome et les provin­ces, dialogue que la nationalité florentine de l'auteur contribue en outre à décentrer fréquemment. La co-élaboration d'une histoire de l'Eglise italienne par le recours à de nombreux contributeurs ne doit donc pas s'entendre au seul niveau de la méthode employée mais nous paraît plus fondamentalement devoir composer une image illustrée du gouvernement de l'Eglise, bien loin de la seule affirmation de la centralité pontificale. Abstract: According to Paolo Prodi, Church history entered a period of decay after Carlo Sigonio's condamna­tion, a time marked by narrow localism and fier­ce censorship. Simon Ditchfield fought vigorously against this idea, trying to highlight the huge work accomplished by italian scholars in order to har­monize the new Roman liturgic rites with local tra­ditions, thus «universalizing the local». Within the framework of his demonstration, the Florentine cistercian abbot Ferdinando Ughelli (1596-1670) turns out as a key figure. According to Ditchfield, his Italia Sacra (1644-1662), a history of Italian bis­hops, allowed him to the gather all the little «lo­cal Baronius» in Italy. Following the intuition of Giorgio Morelli, Simon Ditchfield lays the stress on the method used by the Florentine writer to reali­ze what appears to be the first «Italian history» in early modern time: the mobilization of a network of correspondents spread all over the territory. His eight volumes of 1533 letters give evidence of the intensity of the collaboration between Rome and the Italian dioceses. My aim here, following the paths open by Morelli and Diecthfield, is to place the emphasis on another aspect of Ughelli's work. I would like to reconsider the content, frequently misjudged by critics, of Ughelli's story, which is not just worth by the method he used, I think. I would like to argue that the Italia Sacra stages, in the text itself, a fruitful dialogue between Rome and the provinces. The co-elaboration of an Italian church history appears to built an image of the go­vernment of the Church, far from being the bare affirmation of the pope's centrality. This political approach aims to participate in the general reap­praisal of Ughelli's Italia Sacra within the frame of post-Tridentine culture. Mots clés: Ferdinando Ughelli, histoire ecclésiastique, entreprise édi­toriale, érudition, faussaire, historiographie républicaine, Scipione Ammirato, Nicolas Machiavel, guerre de Castro. Key words: Ferdinando Ughelli, Church History, censorship, erudition, forgery, republican historiography, Scipio­ne Ammirato, Niccolò Machiavelli, war of Castro.

This thesis explores the origin of sectarian violence and terrorism, the impact of terrorism risk on the individual's democratic preferences and the deterrence effect of the law enforcement interventions against terrorism and violence over time and space in Pakistan. It comprises of six chapters which fall under the category of 'Illegal Behavior and the Enforcement of Law.' The causes and effects of the illegal behavior (terrorism and violence) have been discussed in the chapters 2 & 3, while, chapters 4 & 5 focus on the enforcement of law against these crimes. Chapter 2 serves two core dimensions: Firstly, to cater for the historical account of the origin of sectarian violence and terrorism and their temporal variation in Pakistan. Secondly, the construction of these crimes has been presented from the religious market perspective. Adam Smith argues in The Wealth of Nations that ". the hazards of government regulation are as real for religion as for any other sector of the economy." Therefore, chapter 2 advocates historical evidence on the hazards of government interventions in the religious market of Pakistan. It explains that rent-seeking behavior on the part of the three players in the religious market, namely, religious sects, government and cold war allies of Pakistan, leads to regular interventions in the religious market. The interventions produce externalities in the form of intolerance in the religious space which slowly and gradually transforms into sectarian violence and terrorism. The 3rd chapter discusses exposure to the risk of terrorism and its impact on the individual's preferences for liberal democratic values. It explores the following question: Does exposure to terrorism and violence affect democratic opinions and perceptions? Exploiting the individual level socio-economic, religious and political information collected from the 6,000 respondents, the chapter empirically evaluates and presents evidence that acts of terrorism negatively affect preferences towards democratic institutions. The persistent shocks of terrorism decrease the support for the elected legislators while increasing it for the law enforcement institutions like the armed forces. The deterrence effect of the exogenous intervention by law enforcement institutions on different types of tribal violence is explained in the 4th chapter of the thesis. Approximately, 3% territory in the North-West of Pakistan is ungoverned but constitutionally presented in the lower and upper houses. It has never been exposed to modern law enforcement institutions like the judiciary, police and military. Thus, it experienced pervasive tribal violence, revenge killings and drug trafficking over the years. The incident of the September 11, 2001 and the consequent US invasion of Afghanistan provided an exogenous shock to the military institution to enter the ungoverned space for the first time. The empirical results show that the intervention significantly decreases different types of violent conflicts in the ungoverned terrain. Finally, chapter 5 explores criminologists' hypotheses on the displacement and diffusion of crime control benefits to test the displacement and diffusion effects of anti-terrorism interventions. The empirical analysis highlights that anti-terror interventions displace terrorist activities from the treated to the non-treated districts, thus, impose a significant public cost on the neighborhood. Displacement of the terrorist activities from one district to another in response to the negative sanctions imposed by the law enforcement agencies might be one of the reasons for the pervasiveness of terrorism in Pakistan. With regard to the policy, this dissertation suggests the following recommendations: First, a more comprehensive understanding of the interactions between violent conflicts and the democratization process is needed. The democratic transition can revert to autocracy, if voters are exposed to persistence terrorism risks. Second, an ungoverned territory may not produce negative externalities in the form of organized crimes including terrorism in the short-term, but, exposes to such crimes in the long-term. Therefore, a responsible state needs to invest in the establishment and capacity building of the law enforcement institutions in such territories to avoid future spillovers. And third, effective law enforcement interventions requires not only to deter violence and terrorism in the given geographic space but also their externalities into the neighborhood.

Transition and post-transition transformation processes in the City of Zagreb and its settlement network are remarkably different in the two, theoretically divided, transition decades (1990-2000 and from 2000 onwards). Urban changes in the second transition period have resulted in more significant and far-reaching consequences for the development and appearance of Zagreb and its surroundings. They are clearly visible, for example, in the housing segment, in intense residential construction and the quality of living in new housing estates in the City of Zagreb, but also in each of the towns surveyed within the City network: Velika Gorica, Samobor and Zaprešić. Urban changes have considerably affected the towns and shaped their appearance, physical development and identity. New housing estates (often on the outskirts of towns) or blocks of flats within the existing estates have sprung up without control, with little or no preparation, inconsistent with urban and spatial plans. The City of Zagreb and its outskirts have changed the most. The City authorities have adopted a partial, market-oriented planning concept with no broader picture in mind and no comprehensive urban development plan for the City of Zagreb. This approach has substantially impacted the citizens' quality of living. The aim of the paper is to examine the quality of living in the above-mentioned locations through fieldwork. The paper presents the research done in spring 2014 on a targeted sample of 308 households (N=308) in new housing estates or new blocks of flats/houses within the existing estates in the City of Zagreb and three satellite towns. The obtained data analysis shows that although the housing estates are new, the quality of living in them is not satisfactory. The comparison of results from 2004 with the latest from 2014 reveals that the quality of living has not improved but stagnated, some signs pointing to decline. This paper is a theoretical and methodological introduction to the ones which will follow and present complete research results on the quality of living in all examined segments and locations. Thus we continue a long tradition of research on settlement networks and the quality of living started at the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb in the 1970s. (IN CROATIAN: Tranzicijska i posttranzicijska transformacija Zagreba i njegove urbane mreže naselja, s obzirom na teorijsku podjelu na prvo i drugo desetljeće tranzicije pokazala je da postoje značajne razlike unutar ta dva desetljeća. Urbanizacijske promjene imale su dalekosežnije posljedice na razvoj i izgled grada Zagreba i njegovog okolnog prostora u drugom razdoblju tranzicije, nakon 2000-e. Najvidljivije su, primjerice, u segmentu stanovanja, odnosno intenzivnoj stanogradnji i kvaliteti života stanovnika u novoizgrađenim naseljima kako u gradu Zagrebu tako i ostalim istraživanim gradovima u mreži, Velikoj Gorici, Samoboru i Zaprešiću. Nastale promjene dovele su do značajnih posljedica u izgledu, izgrađenosti i poimanju identiteta gradova. Nova i često rubna naselja, te nove stambene lokacije, nastajale su najčešće stihijski i neplanirano, odnosno u neskladu s procesima urbanističkog i prostornog planiranja. Najvidljivije promjene nastale su u prostoru grada Zagreba i njegovim tzv. rubovima (periferiji). Gradska politika prihvatila je tržišni i parcijalni koncept planiranja u kojem se ne slijedi cjeloviti pristup razvoju grada što se ponajviše odražava na kvalitetu života građana samih. Osnovni cilj rada stoga je bio ispitati putem terenskog istraživanja stvarno stanje spomenutih lokacija i razinu njihove kvalitete stanovanja. U radu se zatim donosi analiza istraživanja provedenog u proljeće 2014. g. na ciljano odabranom uzorku novostambenih naselja i lokacija od 308 kućanstava (N=308) u zagrebačkoj mreži naselja (Zagrebu i tri grada satelita). Interpretirani podaci pokazuju da iako se radi o novostambenim naseljima i lokacijama njihova kvaliteta života nije na zavidnoj i zadovoljavajućoj razini. Rezultati pokazuju da kvaliteta stanovanja nije doživjela poboljšanja uspoređujući rezultate iz 2004. g. s zadnjima iz 2014., već stagnaciju, a po nekim pokazateljima i pogoršanje. Rad je istovremeno teorijski i metodološki uvod u sljedeće planirane radove čija je svrha predstaviti cjelinu kvalitete života i svih istraživanih elemenata u spomenutim naseljima. Također se radom nastojalo predstaviti dosadašnju dugu istraživačku tradiciju tematike umreženosti prostora i kvalitete života stvorene u IDIZ-u još od 1970-ih godina.)

Máster Universitario en Finanzas ; Como solución a la estrangulación del crédito y la excesiva bancarización resultado de la crisis se creó el mercado alternativo de renta fija en octubre de 2013. El objetivo principal de este mercado es facilitar la financiación a las PYMES en España, uno de los sectores más afectados por esta crisis. Este mercado, al igual que sus homólogos creados en varios países de Europa a lo largo de los últimos años, pretende facilitar el acceso a financiación a las pequeñas y medianas empresas de nuestro país mediante la simplificación de los requisitos exigidos. Esta simplificación les permite reducir sus costes y por tanto hace que sea más factible para estas empresas el acceso a la financiación. El mercado alternativo español, que es el tema principal del trabajo, ha conseguido hasta el momento un gran volumen de emisión a además de sacar adelante emisiones muy variadas. En los últimos meses hemos visto salir al mercado a un fondo de titulización de derechos de cobro de distintas PYMES, un Project bond para la construcción de una autovía y la primera SL que empezaba a cotizar. Finalmente hemos querido comprobar si el mercado alternativo español está afectado ante el riesgo de nuestro país. Para comprobar esto hemos realizado un modelo estimado por mínimos cuadrados ordinarios donde nuestra variable endógena es el tipo de interés de los precios cotizados en el mercado alternativo y nuestra variable exógena son los tipos de interés pagados por la deuda pública española a 10 años. Como resultado hemos encontrado que efectivamente existe una relación entre las dos variables que hemos elegido para el estudio y que, por tanto, las variaciones en los tipos pagados por la deuda pública afectan a las variaciones en los tipos pagados por la emisión de bonos en el mercado alternativo de renta fija. Con esto podemos llegar a la conclusión de que el aumento del riesgo de nuestro conllevará a que a nuestras pequeñas y medianas empresas les cueste más caro financiarse en este mercado. ; As a solution to the credit squeeze and excessive presence of the banking system result of the crisis, the alternative fixed income market was created in October 2013. The main objective of this market is to provide financing to SMEs in Spain, one of the sectors most affected by this crisis. This market, like its counterparts created in several European countries over recent years, aims to facilitate access to finance for small and medium enterprises in our country by simplifying the requirements. This simplification allows them to reduce their costs and thus makes access to financing is more feasible for these companies. The Spanish alternative market, which is the main theme of the work so far achieved a large volume of emission in addition to push through very different emissions. In recent months we have seen come to the market to fund securitization of receivables from various SMEs a bond Project for the construction of a highway and the first SL which began trading. Finally we wanted to check whether the Spanish alternative market is affected by the risk of our country. To check this, we have made an estimate by OLS where our endogenous variable is the interest rate on prices quoted on the alternative market and our exogenous variable interest rates are paid by the Spanish 10-year government bonds model. As a result we have found that there is indeed a relationship between the two variables we have chosen for the study and, therefore, changes in the rates paid on public debt affect variations in the rates paid by the issuance of bonds in the alternative fixed income market. With this we can conclude that the increased risk of our lead to our small and medium-sized enterprises financed costs them more expensive in this market.

Artículo escrito por un elevado número de autores, solo se referencian el que aparece en primer lugar, el nombre del grupo de colaboración, si le hubiere, y los autores pertenecientes a la UAM ; A search motivated by supersymmetric models with light top squarks is presented using proton-proton collision data recorded with the CMS detector at a center-of-mass energy of √s = 7 TeV during 2011, corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 4.98 fb-1. The analysis is based on final states with a single lepton, b-quark jets, and missing transverse energy. Standard model yields are predicted from data using two different approaches. The observed event numbers are found to be compatible with these predictions. Results are interpreted in the context of the constrained minimal supersymmetric standard model and of a simplified model with four top quarks in the final state ; We acknowledge the enduring support for the construction and operation of the LHC and the CMS detector provided by the following funding agencies: the Austrian Federal Ministry of Science and Research; the Belgian Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique, and Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek; the Brazilian Funding Agencies (CNPq, CAPES, FAPERJ, and FAPESP); the Bulgarian Ministry of Education, Youth and Science; CERN; the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Ministry of Science and Technology, and National Natural Science Foundation of China; the Colombian Funding Agency (COLCIENCIAS); the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sport; the Research Promotion Foundation, Cyprus; the Ministry of Education and Research, Recurrent financing Contract No. SF0690030s09 and European Regional Development Fund, Estonia; the Academy of Finland, Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture, and Helsinki Institute of Physics; the Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules/CNRS, and Commissariat à l'Énergie Atomique et aux Énergies Alternatives/CEA, France; the Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung, Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, and Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren, Germany; the General Secretariat for Research and Technology, Greece; the National Scientific Research Foundation, and National Office for Research and Technology, Hungary; the Department of Atomic Energy and the Department of Science and Technology, India; the Institute for Studies in Theoretical Physics and Mathematics, Iran; the Science Foundation, Ireland; the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare, Italy; the Korean Ministry of Education, Science and Technology and the World Class University program of NRF, Korea; the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences; the Mexican Funding Agencies (CINVESTAV, CONACYT, SEP, and UASLPFAI); the Ministry of Science and Innovation, New Zealand; the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission; the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and the National Science Centre, Poland; the Fundac¸a˜o para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Portugal; JINR (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan); the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, the Federal Agency of Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation, Russian Academy of Sciences, and the Russian Foundation for Basic Research; the Ministry of Science and Technological Development of Serbia; the Secretaría de Estado de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación and Programa Consolider-Ingenio 2010, Spain; the Swiss Funding Agencies (ETH Board, ETH Zurich, PSI, SNF, UniZH, Canton Zurich, and SER); the National Science Council, Taipei; the Thailand Center of Excellence in Physics, the Institute for the Promotion of Teaching Science and Technology and National Electronics and Computer Technology Center; the Scientific and Technical Research Council of Turkey, and Turkish Atomic Energy Authority; the Science and Technology Facilities Council, UK; the U.S. Department of Energy, and the U.S. National Science Foundation. Individuals have received support from the Marie- Curie programme and the European Research Council (European Union); the Leventis Foundation; the A. P. Sloan Foundation; the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office; the Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium); the Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium); the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of Czech Republic; the Council of Science and Industrial Research, India; the Compagnia di San Paolo (Torino); and the HOMING PLUS programme of Foundation for Polish Science, cofinanced from European Union, Regional Development Fund

In this article, the effects of curriculum reform in Preparatorias Federales por Cooperacion, driven by the Direccion General del Bachillerato, are analyzed. It´s purpose is to reveal how the curriculum competencies, in order to connect school with labor market in the context of globalization and the knowledge society, are inconsistent with the ideal of educated citizens committed to society. The curriculum, as a social construction, represents the ideals of the human beings and society in a certain historical moment. In the case of Ciudad Juarez, the graduate profile seeks to link the Toyotist manufacturing model with the maquiladora industry which demands workers adaptable, flexible and capable to solve problems. The attempt to link the school with the work sphere is a mirage, because the economic crisis, technological development and labor flexibility causes unemployment and precarious working conditions. Another effect of the curriculum is to update teachers in constructivist didactics and certification in competencies, which reduces their teaching autonomy. In addition, teachers will be excluded from the definition of curricular graduate profiles, plans and programs of study, making them a simple executor of external goals. The livelihoods of this analysis are literature and government documents review, additionally of my participation in the task force for the curriculum reform in 2002 and meetings with managers and officials. ; En el presente artículo se examinan los efectos de la reforma curricular en competencias en las Preparatorias Federales por Cooperación, impulsada por la Dirección General del Bachillerato. El propósito es develar cómo el currículo en competencias para conectar a la escuela con mercado laboral, en el marco de la globalización y la sociedad del conocimiento, es incongruente con el ideal de formar ciudadanos comprometidos con la sociedad. El currículo como construcción social, representa los ideales de ser humano y sociedad en un momento histórico determinado. En el caso de Ciudad Juárez, el perfil de egreso busca ligarse con el modelo de manufactura toyotista de la industria maquiladora que exige una mano de obra adaptable, flexible y capaz de resolver problemas. El intento de ligar al bachillerato con la esfera laboral es un espejismo, porque la crisis económica, el desarrollo tecnológico y la flexibilidad laboral provocan desempleo y precariedad de las condiciones de trabajo. Otro efecto del currículo es la actualización del profesorado en la didáctica constructivista y su certificación en competencias que tecnifican su trabajo y disminuye su autonomía docente. Asimismo, al profesorado se le excluye de la definición curricular de perfiles de egreso, planes y programas de estudio, convirtiéndolo en simple ejecutor de objetivos externos. El sustento del análisis es la revisión bibliográfica y de documentos gubernamentales, más mi participación en el equipo de trabajo para la reforma curricular en 2002 y en las reuniones con directivos y funcionarios. ; No presente artigo são examinados os efeitos da reforma curricular nas competências das Preparatórias Federais por Cooperação, impulsionada pela Direção Geral do Bacharelado. O propósito é revelar como o currículo em competências para conectar a escola ao mercado de trabalho, ao marco da globalização e à sociedade do conhecimento, é incongruente com o ideal de formar cidadãos comprometidos com a sociedade. O currículo como construção social, representa os ideais de ser humano e sociedade em um momento histórico. No caso da cidade de Juárez, o perfil de egresso busca ligar-se com o modelo de manufatura toyotista da indústria maquiadora, que exige uma mão-de-obra adaptável, flexível e capaz de resolver problemas. A tentativa de ligar o bacharelado à esfera laboral provocam desemprego e precariedade das condições de trabalho. Outro efeito do currículo é a atualização dos professores nas didáticas construtivas e sua certificação em competências que asseguram seu trabalho e diminui sua autonomia docente. Desta forma, os professores são excluídos da definição curricular dos perfis egressos, planos e programas de estudo, convertendo-o em simples executor de objetivos externos. As fontes utilizadas para as análises são as de revisão bibliográfica e documentos governamentais, além da minha participação na equipe de trabalho para a reforma curricular em 2002 e as reuniões com diretores e funcionários.

As the Middle East is undergoing dramatic shifts in power, Saudi Arabia is a nation undergoing change. For many years content to follow the strategic policy of the United States events are militating against the continuation of this strategy. The security environment in the Middle East has become fluid. A destabilised Iraq, a resurgent Iran, fundamentalist terrorism and fragile regional regimes are intensifying pressure on the al-Saud regime. US foreign policy, despite Saudi warnings, has opened 'Pandora's Box' and now Saudi's are faced with reaping the costs. To better understand how the Saudi regime views the region and the forces and events currently shaping it, this paper utilises a Strategic Personality model. This model investigates the historical decisions made by a nation, the cultural identity and the national myths which frame the decision making processes within Saudi Arabia. This model draws out 'Ultimate Concerns', which are what the inhabitants regard as essential for survival and can include not merely physical existence, but also the cultural construction of the society. Saudi Arabia's Ultimate Concerns revolve around territorial integrity, maintenance of social cohesion and resistance of external pressures. This model reinforces that Saudi strategic trajectory will continue towards a strategy more independent from that of the US as it seeks to relieve pressure on its Ultimate Concerns. The Saudis will be 'forced' to take on a more assertive role in the Middle East for two reasons: substance and style. Firstly, due to declining internal and external security, Saudi Arabia seeks to secure its borders and maintain social cohesion because of Iraq acting as an intensifier of regional instabilities, an increasingly 'unreliable' US and a potentially hostile Iran. Secondly, Saudi Arabia will become more strategically assertive, not only because of the deteriorating security situation, but also due to the differing styles between the US and Saudi Arabia when addressing security concerns. To this end Riyadh will utilise all available levers to reduce instability, as it perceives it, despite American efforts. A strategically independent Saudi Arabia raises several issues for Australia. The relationship between the two nations is more than simply oil. Australia has an opportunity as a middle power, to undertake strategic entrepreneurship with Saudi Arabia, that the much larger and more complex US-Saudi relationship would preclude due to issue linkage and communication overload. While Australia has little opportunity to make a significant and telling contribution towards Saudi reassurance on Ultimate Concerns, it does have the ability to address niche concerns . In an age of greater Saudi strategic independence, Australia must work more directly with Riyadh to address issues important to both nations. There are three key areas where Saudi Arabia's role may impact on Australian Policy: trade; terror; and WMD. The declining trade relationship is indicative of Australian focus on the region, as Australia has engaged predominantly through trade missions and coalition troop deployments. Saudi Arabia has significant experience in establishing and combating terror networks and is likely to have a better comprehension of nuance of intent within Islamic groups. Closer engagement with Riyadh will allow Canberra to add its voice to those that oppose the reasons for Saudi nuclear proliferation. Greater diplomatic focus on Saudi Arabia would assist with the negotiation of a trade agreement to grow the existing but stagnant relationship. It would enable joint Australian-Saudi monitoring of charities funding Islamic groups, enhancing both nations ability to reduce the flow of funds to terrorism. It would also allow the Saudi's to provide religiously nuanced input on enhanced regional Public Diplomacy aimed at supporting the moderate clerics and de-legitimising the extremist-lslamists. Tailored engagement will facilitate Australia's capabilities to discover the niche areas that can provide positive benefits to Australia's Ultimate Concerns and Australian­ Saudi-US relations. Ultimately the higher level of contact could assist Australia in the articulation of a strategy to conduct the Long War, in a coherent manner that incorporates all aspects of government security military and civil.

SUMMARY: This article discusses the celebration of the centenary of Bessarabia's annexation to the Russian Empire in May 1912 and its significance for the conflicting rival Russian and Romanian discourses over this region in the early twentieth century. The authors argue that this event marked a defining moment in the consolidation of Bessarabia's status as a contested borderland and had a powerful influence on the mutual Russian and Romanian claims to the province's "symbolic inclusion." On the one hand, it represented the high point of the attempts of the imperial authorities and the Russian public sphere to construct a coherent image of the province and to forge a representation of Bessarabia as an organic part of the imperial polity. On the other hand, it stimulated a "symbolic competition" between the Russian and Romanian visions of Bessarabia and its population, adding further complexity to Russian–Romanian relations both in the political and symbolic spheres. The Bessarabian case is an excellent illustration of the shifting patterns of identity politics and political mobilization in the late Russian Empire. The 1912 anniversary led to a "hardening" of the imperial discourse while also emphasizing its uneasy cohabitation with the "nationalizing motives" and its internal contradictions. The 1912 ceremonies performed in the Russian Empire also had consequences for the Romanian national narrative, including the firm placing of Bessarabia on the map of the Romanian intellectual community and the increased presence of Bessarabian topics in the political debates of the day. The peripheral Bessarabian context acted as a mirror for the dilemmas of state-building and identity construction in both cases. On the Russian side, the older concepts of dynastic loyalty and Orthodox unity had to adapt to the nationalizing vocabulary of ethnicity and "populist" rhetoric; on the Romanian side, the broadly shared national consensus was questioned in terms of priorities and ultimate goals. These processes intersected in May 1912, when the Russian and Romanian "scenarios of belonging" were enacted on the occasion of the festive ceremonies in Bessarabia and the opposing "rituals of commemoration" in the Romanian Kingdom. В этой статье обсуждается празднование столетнего юбилея присоединения Бессарабии к Российской империи в мае 1912 г. и использование этого события российскими и румынскими общественно-политическими дискурсами, которые боролись за этот регион в начале ХХ века. Авторы доказывают, что юбилей 1912 года стал определяющим моментом в закреплении статуса Бессарабии как оспариваемой окраины ( contested borderland ) и во многом повлиял на российские и румынские притязания, связанные с символическим включением Бессарабии в пространство империи или нации. С одной стороны, юбилей знаменует собой высшую точку усилий властей империи и российского общественного мнения по конструированию цельного образа бессарабской окраины как неотъемлемой части политического пространства империи. С другой стороны, события 1912 г. придали новый импульс символическому противостоянию между российским и румынским видением Бессарабии и населения края, усложнив и без того непростые русско-румынские отношения в политическом и символическом поле. Бессарабский случай – прекрасный пример изменений, происходивших в области политики идентичностей и политической мобилизации в поздней Российской империи. Церемонии 1912 года привели к ужесточению имперского дискурса, но также выявили проблемы его сосуществования с националистическими тенденциями и его внутренние противоречия. Празднества, организованные в Российской империи в мае 1912 г., имели серьезные последствия и для румынского национального нарратива. Они выразились, прежде всего, в окончательной локализации Бессарабии на ментальной карте румынского интеллектуального сообщества и во все более ощутимом присутствии бессарабской тематики в тогдашних политических дискуссиях. Периферийный бессарабский контекст явился своеобразным зеркалом, отображавшим процессы государственного строительства и конструирования идентичностей. В российском случае, традиционные понятия династической лояльности и православного единства все больше приспосабливались к национализирующему языку этничности и к популистской риторике. В Румынии был поставлен под вопрос национальный консенсус, которому долгое время следовали политические элиты. Как приоритеты, так и окончательные цели румынского национального проекта подверглись сомнению и критике. Эти процессы пересеклись в мае 1912 г., когда российские и румынские сценарии пространственного воображения вступили в открытое противостояние по случаю праздничных церемоний в российской Бессарабии и ответных "ритуалов памяти" в Румынском королевстве.

L'affermarsi della teoria della « imaginative geography » di Edward Saïd (Orientalism, 1978), nell'arco degli ultimi trent'anni, ha imposto un orientamento prettamente sociopolitico, gramsciano e foucaultiano alla critica del testo, proponendo un'unica soluzione interpretativa per un corpus eterogeneo di testi (scientifici e artistici, antichi e moderni) accomunati dal fatto di « rappresentare l'Oriente ». La costruzione europea dello spazio orientale, dice Saïd, non rappresenta solo un misconoscimento dell'Altro, ma una sua rappresentazione tendenziosa e finalizzata a sostenere la macchina dell'imperialismo occidentale. In particolare, la rappresentazione « femminilizzata » della geografia orientale (come luogo dell'exploit del maschio bianco) preparebbe e accompagnerebbe l'impresa di assoggettamento politico e di sfruttamento economico dei paesi ad Est dell'Europa. Se Orientalism ha conosciuto fortune alterne dall'anno della sua apparizione, negli ultimi anni una vera e propria corrente anti-saidiana ha preso forza, soprattutto in ambito francese. Attraverso l'analisi di circa trenta opere francesi, belga, inglesi e italiane del Novecento, questa tesi cerca di visualizzare i limiti teorici della prospettiva saidiana rivolgendosi a un esame della rappresentazione dello spazio urbano indiano nella letteratura europea contemporanea. Nello specifico, uno studio delle nuove strutture e dei nuovi modelli della femminilizzazione dello spazio orientale indiano cercherà di completare – superandolo in direzione di un « post-orientalismo » – il riduzionismo della prospettiva saidiana. ; The emergence of the Edward Said's theory of "imaginative geography" ("Orientalism", 1978), over the last thirty years, has imposed to textual criticism a purely socio-political (Gramscian and Foucauldian) orientation, offering a single interpretation of a heterogeneous corpus of texts (scientific and artistic, ancient and modern) having in common the characteristics of "representing the East". It follows that the European construction of the Oriental space is not just a misunderstanding, but a tendentious representation aiming to support Western imperialism. In particular, the "feminized" representation of eastern geography (as the theatre of the exploit of the white male) is supposed to allow the political subjugation and the economic exploitation of the countries to the East of Europe. If "Orientalism" has experienced mixed fortunes since its publication in the 80ies, in recent years, a real anti-saidian current has gained strength. The thesis a aims to show the limits of the saïdien theoretical approach through the analysis of about thirty French, Belgian, English and Italian works of the 20th century, focusing on examination of the representation of Indian urban space in contemporary European literature. More specifically, a study of the new models and structures of the Indian space's feminization will try to contribute in filling the gap in the studies of the saidian perspective towards the approach of "post-orientalism". ; L'affermarsi della teoria della « imaginative geography » di Edward Saïd (Orientalism, 1978), nell'arco degli ultimi trent'anni, ha imposto un orientamento prettamente sociopolitico, gramsciano e foucaultiano alla critica del testo, proponendo un'unica soluzione interpretativa per un corpus eterogeneo di testi (scientifici e artistici, antichi e moderni) accomunati dal fatto di « rappresentare l'Oriente ». La costruzione europea dello spazio orientale, dice Saïd, non rappresenta solo un misconoscimento dell'Altro, ma una sua rappresentazione tendenziosa e finalizzata a sostenere la macchina dell'imperialismo occidentale. In particolare, la rappresentazione « femminilizzata » della geografia orientale (come luogo dell'exploit del maschio bianco) preparebbe e accompagnerebbe l'impresa di assoggettamento politico e di sfruttamento economico dei paesi ad Est dell'Europa. Se Orientalism ha conosciuto fortune alterne dall'anno della sua apparizione, negli ultimi anni una vera e propria corrente anti-saidiana ha preso forza, soprattutto in ambito francese. Attraverso l'analisi di circa trenta opere francesi, belga, inglesi e italiane del Novecento, questa tesi cerca di visualizzare i limiti teorici della prospettiva saidiana rivolgendosi a un esame della rappresentazione dello spazio urbano indiano nella letteratura europea contemporanea. Nello specifico, uno studio delle nuove strutture e dei nuovi modelli della femminilizzazione dello spazio orientale indiano cercherà di completare – superandolo in direzione di un « post-orientalismo » – il riduzionismo della prospettiva saidiana.

Results are presented of a search for heavy particles decaying into two photons. The analysis is based on a 19.7 fb-1 sample of proton–proton collisions at vs=8 TeV collected with the CMS detector at the CERN LHC. The diphoton mass spectrum from 150 to 850 GeV is used to search for an excess of events over the background. The search is extended to new resonances with natural widths of up to 10% of the mass value. No evidence for new particle production is observed and limits at 95% confidence level on the production cross section times branching fraction to diphotons are determined. These limits are interpreted in terms of two-Higgs-doublet model parameters. ; We congratulate our colleagues in the CERN accelerator departments for the excellent performance of the LHC and thank the technical and administrative staffs at CER Nanda to ther CMS institutes for their contributions to the success of the CMS effort. In addition, we gratefully acknowledge the computing centers and personnel of the World wide LHC Computing Gridfor delivering so effectively the computing infrastructure essential to our analyses.Finally, we acknowledge the enduring support for the construction and operation of the LHC and the CMS detector provided by the following funding agencies: the Austrian Federal Ministry of Science, Research and Economy and the Austrian Science Fund; the Belgian Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique, and Fondsvoor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek; the Brazilian Funding Agencies (CNPq,CAPES,FAPERJ,and FAPESP); the Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science; CERN; the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Ministry of Science and Technology of the People's Republic of China, and National Natural Science Foundation of China ;the Colombian Funding Agency (COLCIENCIAS); the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sports, and the Croatian Science Foundation; the Research Promotion Foundation, Cyprus; the Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council viaI UT23-4andIUT23-6 and European Regional Development Fund, Estonia; the Academy of Finland, Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture, and Helsinki Institute of Physics; the Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules/CNRS, and Commissariatà l'Énergie Atomique etaux Énergies Alternatives/CEA, France; the Bundesministeriumfür Bildungund Forschung, Deutsche Forschungs-gemeinschaft, and Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren, Germany; the General Secretariat for Research and Technology, Greece; the National Scientific Research Foundation, and National Innovation Office, Hungary; the Department of Atomic Energy, Government of India and the Department of Science and Technology, India; the Institute for Studies in Theoretical Physics and Mathematics, Iran; the Science Foundation Ireland; the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare, Italy; the Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning, and National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF), Republic of Korea; the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences; the Ministry of Education, and University of Malaya (Malaysia); the Mexican Funding Agencies(CINVESTAV,CONACYT,SEP, and UASLPFAI); the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, New Zealand; the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission; the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and the National Science Centre, Poland; theFundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Portugal; JINR, Dubna; the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, the Federal Agency of Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation, Russian Academy of Sciences, and the Russian Foundation for Basic Research; the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Serbia; the Secretaría de Estado de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación and Programa Consolider-Ingenio 2010, Spain; the Swiss Funding Agencies (ETHBoard, ETHZurich, PSI, SNF,UniZH, Canton Zurich, and SER); the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taipei; the Thailand Center of Excellence in Physics, the Institute for the Promotion of Teaching Science and Technology of Thailand, Special Task Force for Activating Research and the National Science and Technology Development Agency of Thailand; the Scientific and Technical Research Council of Turkey, and Turkish Atomic Energy Authority; the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and State Fund for Fundamental Researches, Ukraine; the Science and Technology Facilities Council, UK; the US Department of Energy, and the US National Science Foundation.

On 15 January 2015, Horizon Environmental Services, Inc. (Horizon) conducted an intensive cultural resources survey of the City of Round Rock's Frontier Park Improvement Project in Round Rock, Williamson County, Texas (Project Area). The Project Area is located approximately 150.0 feet (ft) (45.8 meters [m]) south of the intersection of Chisholm Valley Drive and Frontier Trail in Round Rock, Texas. The proposed project entails conducting general improvements within the existing Frontier Park location, including minor modifications to the existing Frontier Park trail right-of-way (ROW) within the Project Area. The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Project Area totals 7.0 acres. The proposed undertaking is currently owned and operated by the City of Round Rock, a political subdivision of the State of Texas; as such, the project falls under the jurisdiction of the Antiquities Code of Texas (ACT). Additionally, proposed improvements to the Project Area are being funded by Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) funds provided by the U.S Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). As such, the proposed undertaking also falls under the jurisdiction of Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA), as amended. As the proposed project is a publicly sponsored undertaking, the City of Round Rock is required to provide for a cultural resources inventory of the Project Area to assess the project's possible impacts on any cultural resources in the Project Area. At the request of the City of Round Rock, Horizon conducted the cultural resources survey of the Project Area in compliance with the ACT and Section 106 of the NHPA. The purpose of the survey was to determine if the development of the Project Area would have the potential to adversely affect any significant cultural resources designated as or considered eligible for formal designation as State Antiquities Landmarks (SAL) or eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP). The cultural resources survey was performed under Texas Antiquities Permit No. 7144. The cultural resources survey resulted in the reassessment of 1 previously recorded site, 41WM442. Site 41WM442 was originally documented as a low-density aboriginal lithic scatter near the central portion of the Project Area. However, only a single chert flake was observed during the site reassessment, and the flake was restricted to surface contexts on the site. Six shovel tests were excavated in the vicinity of the originally documented site centroid for site 41WM442, all of which produced negative results. The originally delineated site boundaries could not be reevaluated based upon the paucity of cultural materials along the modern ground surface and within shovel tests. Given the low density of cultural materials, and the lack of temporally diagnostic artifacts, cultural features, preserved floral/faunal remains, or intact archeological deposits on the site, it is Horizon's opinion that site 41WM442 is ineligible for formal designation as an SAL or inclusion on the NRHP. As such, no additional investigations are recommended for site 41WM442 in connection with the currently proposed undertaking. Based on the survey-level results, it is Horizon's opinion that the proposed improvements to the City of Round Rock's Frontier Park Project will have no adverse effect on significant cultural resources designated as or considered eligible for formal designation as SALs or eligible for listing on the NRHP. Horizon therefore recommends that the City of Round Rock be allowed to proceed with the proposed improvements to Frontier Park relative to the jurisdiction of the ACT and Section 106 of the NHPA. However, in the unlikely event that any cultural materials (including human remains or burial features) are inadvertently discovered at any point during construction, use, or ongoing maintenance of the Project Area, even in previously surveyed areas, all work at the location of the discovery should cease immediately, and the Texas Historical Commission (THC) should be notified of the discovery.

In der vorliegenden Dissertation werden Migrationsdiskurse in der deutschen Grenzregion zu Polen im Vorfeld der EU-Erweiterung zum 1. Mai 2004 exemplarisch in drei deutschen Grenzstädten, der jeweils westliche Teil der ehemals gemeinsamen, seit 1945 durch eine nationalstaatliche Grenze mit dem jeweils zeitspezifischen Grenzregime geteilten, deutsch-polnischen Zwillingsstädte Frankfurt (Oder) – Słubice, Guben – Gubin und Görlitz – Zgorzelec, analysiert. Ausgewählt wurde der Untersuchungsraum mit Blick auf die tiefgreifenden europäischen Transformationsprozesse seit den späten 1980er Jahren, die für die örtliche Bevölkerung gravierende lebensweltliche Strukturumbrüche zur Folge hatten. Die Region wurde mit der Vereinigung der beiden deutschen Staaten überdies zu einem zentralen Aktionsraum nationaler und internationaler Migrationspolitik; ihr wurde eine wichtige stellvertretende Funktion betreffend die Zutrittsregelung zugewiesen. Mit der EU-Erweiterung waren für die Region neuerliche, unmittelbare Veränderungen verbunden, die vor Ort gerade auch aufgrund damit (mutmaßlich) einhergehender Migration eher als Bedrohung denn als Chance gedeutet wurden. Den diskurstheoretischen Hintergrund der Untersuchungen stellen in erster Linie die Arbeiten von Michel Foucault und die von Siegfried Jäger darauf aufruhend konzipierte Kritische Diskursanalyse bereit. Diskurs wird – grob vereinfacht – als Fluss von sozialen Wissensbeständen und Bewusstseinsinhalten durch die Zeit verstanden, der individuelles und kollektives Handeln von Menschen bestimmt; Diskurse sind der Ort, an dem (Be-)Deutungen von Menschen ausgehandelt, verändert und der Wirklichkeit zugewiesen werden. Der Forschungszugang versteht sich als Teil der Neuen Kulturgeographie, die konsequent nicht-essentialistisch und erkenntnistheoretisch nicht-fundamentalistisch ist. Die Datenbasis der empirischen Analysen repräsentieren zwei Ebenen bzw. Teilsektoren des Diskurses. Zum einen die Berichterstattung der jeweils monopolartigen regionalen Tageszeitung in Frankfurt (Oder), Guben und Görlitz (Märkische Oderzeitung/Frankfurter Stadtbote, Lausitzer Rundschau/Lokalausgabe Guben, Sächsische Zeitung/Görlitzer Zeitung). Zum anderen ein Sample von insgesamt 17 Experteninterviews mit lokalen Funktionsträgern, die mit Blick auf ihr, an ihre spezifische professionelle und/oder ehrenamtliche Tätigkeit gebundenes, praxisgesättigtes Sonder- bzw. Insiderwissen zum Thema Migration ausgewählt und befragt wurden. Die durchgeführten Analysen verdeutlichen unter anderem die Bedeutung diskurssemantischer Grundfiguren des deutschen Migrationsdiskurses im Sinne politisch und alltagskulturell konservierter migrationskritischer Vorstellungsinhalte und Bedeutungszuweisungen zu Kategorien des Fremden und Konstruktionen von Wir und/vs. Sie. Ebenso explizieren sie eine gravierende Diskrepanz zwischen dem lokalen Staat und der Lebenswelt der lokalen Bevölkerung. ; The present doctoral thesis analyses migration discourses in the German border region neighbouring with Poland preliminary to the EU enlargement on the 1st of May, 2004. With three case studies, it looks at German border towns, more specifically at the western part of German-Polish twin cities that were formerly united, but divided after 1945 by national borders and the rule of contingent border regimes: Frankfurt (Oder) – Słubice, Guben – Gubin and Görlitz – Zgorzelec. The space of investigation was chosen due to the profound European transformation processes since the late 1980's that led to severe structural changes in the social environment of the regional population. With the unification of the two German states, this region also became one of the principal labs for national and international migration policy; it functioned as a proxy for the regulation of entry. With the EU enlargement, this region faced new, direct changes that, on the local level, were rather seen as a threat than as an opportunity, not least because of the (expected) intensified migration. As for the theoretical background, this investigation draws mostly from the works of Michel Foucault and the Critical Discourse Analysis that Siegfried Jäger conceptualised based on Foucault's writings. To put it simple, discourse is described as the flow of social knowledge and of the scope of perceptions in the course of time which determines individual and collective actions; discourses are the place where meanings and interpretations are negotiated, transformed and assigned to reality. This research approach is part of the New Cultural Geography which is consistently non-essentialist and epistemologically non-fundamentalist. The data of the empirical analyses represents two levels or sub-sectors of the discourse: On the one hand, the news coverage of the quasi-monopolised regional newspapers in Frankfurt (Oder), Guben and Görlitz (Märkische Oderzeitung/Frankfurter Stadtbote, Lausitzer Rundschau/local edition Guben, Sächsische Zeitung/Görlitzer Zeitung); on the other hand, a sample of 17 interviews with local experts who were selected and interviewed based on their specific profile as professionals and/or volunteers and their insider knowledge on the topic of migration that is informed by their practical experiences. The analyses demonstrate inter alia the importance of basic semantic figures in the German migration discourse: Assumptions and assigned meanings critical to migration that are preserved in political discourses as well as in the every-day culture and that are reflected in categories of the other or the construction of us in contrast to them. They also reveal the remarkable discrepancy between the local state and the social environment of the local population.

Рассматривается институт президента в России и за рубежом. Исследовательская гипотеза: в современных условиях политический статус президента РФ является важнейшим фактором, сдерживающим развитие российской политии и вызывающим ее архаизацию; требуется институционально-функциональная коррекция института президента в России на основе учета опыта зарубежный демократических стран и основных характеристик общества Постмодерна.Исходя из оценки институционально-функциональной роли института президента в странах с эволюционным характером развития политий, а также основных характеристик общества Постмодерна, отмечается, что институт президента утрачивает доминирующее положение в политических системах современных демократических стран и приобретает статус «primus inter pares» («равный среди равных»). Снижение роли института президента в западных политиях связывается как с необходимостью усиления властного потенциала коллегиальных представительных органов, более эффективно осуществляющих согласительные и артикулирующие функции в полицентрических мозаичных конструкциях, так и с особенностью персонализированных институтов продуцировать перманентный конфликт в социуме и иррационализировать политический процесс с целью усиления собственного политического потенциала за счет недостатков парламентских систем.Подчеркивается, что происходящий в России политический процесс направлен на усиление роли института президента в государственном механизме, расходится с политической практикой демократических стран и общецивилизационным вектором развития политических систем. Складывающаяся ситуация способна привести к политическому кризису, основными причинами которого могут явиться: а) чрезмерная нагрузка на институт президента в результате усложнения социальной структуры социума и утраты президентом возможности согласования интересов широких социальных групп; б) автокатизация политической системы, ведущая к усилению диспропорций в системах «государство государство», «государство общество», а также выведению институтов гражданского общества из сферы обеспечения общественной безопасности; в)сохранение конфликтности политической системы в результате заинтересованностипрезидента в репродукции интолерантной политической среды; г) деградация российской политии и утрата ею конкурентоспособности.При подготовке статьи использовались диалектический, нормативно-правовой, сравнительный, исторический, системный, синергетический, формально-логический методы исследования. ; The article presents the concept of "president" in Russia and in foreign countries. Preliminary proposition: in the current context the political status of the President of the Russian Federation acts primary deterrent of Russian polity development making it obsolete; the concept of presidency in Russia needs both institutional and functional correction based on the international democratic experience and main features of the Post-modern society. Taking into account institutional and functional role of the concept of presidency in the countries with developmental nature of polities and main features of the Post-modern society it is pointed out that the concept of presidency is losing its supremacy in political systems of modern democratic countries and obtaining a «primus inter pares» ("equal among equals") status. Reduction of the role of the presidency concept in western polities is attributed to both the necessity of accrescence of authoritative potential of collective representative bodies that exercise conciliatory and articulating functions more effectively in polycentric mosaic constructions, and to the representative individualized bodies' ability to produce permanent social conflict and to irrationalize political process in order to reinforce their own political potential by means of disadvantages of parliamentary systems. The author stresses that the ongoing Russian political process designed to consolidate the role of the concept of presidency in state mechanism discords with the political experience of democratic countries and general civilizational vector of political systems development. The current situation may lead to a political crisis, main reasons thereof might be the following: (a) the excessive pressure on the presidency as a result of complication of social structure of the society and president's deprival of the opportunity to harmonize the interests of wide social groups; (b) aut ocratization of the political system resulting in inequalities in "state-state" and «state-society» systems, and civic institutions' removing from the public security enforcement sphere; (c) maintaining the political system prone to conflicts due to the president's interest in reproduction of the intolerant political environment; (d) degradation of Russian polity and loss of its competitiveness. While preparing the article the following research methods have been used: dialectical, legal, comparative, historical, systematic, synergetic, and formal logical.

Красота не только категория чистой эстетики, т. к. ее первоначальный смысл имплицирован в экологический, естественнонаучный, социальный и другие типы дискурсов. В результате словосочетания «экологическая красота», «красота природы», «красота теории», «красота слова» и т. д. широко используются в профессиональных языках. Секрет красоты в ее способности гармонизировать любой тип объекта, будь то теоретическое знание, художественное произведение, промышленное сооружение или город, что делает ее самоценной. Вместе с тем, сегодня все активнее раздаются голоса в защиту самой красоты, на место которой претендуют безобразное, дисгармоничное, выдавая себя за нее. Эстетическая симуляция особенно заметна в перепланировании столичных городов, планомерно уничтожающих естественные природные ландшафты, красота которых облагораживала и людей. В неплотно застроенное столичное пространство с его природными островками встраиваются высотные дома, заглядывающие в окна старожилов. Экономическая целесообразность новой архитектурной политики оборачивается утратой радости людей от соприкосновения с природой нашего двора, которую бесцеремонно вытеснили стекло и бетон. Архитектурная эклектика оказалась важнее природной эстетики, комфорта городской среды и климатического оазиса. Активное строительство расширяет и городские границы, наступая на леса, которые испокон веков охраняли и питали город, служили зоной отдыха, ощущения, хотя и символического, что природный мир с нами. Его природная красота служила образцом естественной эстетики для всего искусственно созданного человеком. Результат превзошел все ожидания: современные спальные районы оказались в городской пустыне, среди песка, асфальта и мусорных баков. Парадокс в том, что самые зеленые окраины города перестали быть таковыми. Итак, презумпция красоты природного мира требует нашей защиты, как, собственно, и он сам. Культура по-прежнему антропоцентрична, природа лишь объект наших интересов, да и человек, подменив природный мир виртуальным, сделал себя объектом своих же манипуляций.The Beauty is not a mere category of pure aesthetics because of its primordial sense that is implied in ecological, natural scientific, social and other types of discourses. As a result, notions like "the ecological Beauty, "the Beauty of Nature", "The Beauty of theory", "The Beauty of words" and others are very widespread in professional languages. The secret of Beauty is its ability to harmonize every type of objects (theoretical knowledge, the work of art, industrial building or the city), which makes it self-valued. At the same time, there are more and more words nowadays in defense of the Beauty itself against the Disfigured and the Discord, which pretend to take its place as its substitute. The aesthetical simulation is especially evident in the process of replanning the cities and capitals that systematically destroys natural landscapes, the beauty of which refined the people as well. Into the not closely build-over area of the capital city with its natural green isles new high-rise buildings are built that peep through the windows of old residents' houses. The expediency logic of the new architectural politics turns out for the lack of joy of those people who need to contact with the glass and concrete that substitute the natural climate of our common places. Architectural eclectics proves to be more important than the natural aesthetics, the comfort of the urban environment and climatic oasis. The active construction activity also expands city borders to forest areas, which from the earliest times protect and feed the city, serve as recreation zone and provide us with the feeling (though a symbolic one) that the natural world and we are together. The natural beauty always served as a model of natural aesthetics for all things artificially constructed by the man. The result of the above-mentioned process exceeds all expectations and the modern dormitory areas find themselves at the urban desert amidst sand, asphalt and refuse bins. The paradox of the situation is that the very green outskirts of city cease to be as such. So, the presumption of the Beauty of the natural world (though itself as well) demands our protection. The modern culture is anthropocentric as it was before and the nature is a mere object of our interests. A man substituting the natural world with a virtual one made him or herself the object of his/her own manipulations.

Текст выступления ректора Московского гуманитарного университета на торжественном собрании коллектива МосГУ, посвященном 70-летию Победы в Великой Отечественной войне 1941-1945 гг., которое прошло 28 апреля 2015 г. Россия праздновала и будет праздновать День Победы, потому что это была победа в самой масштабной, самой страшной, самой разрушительной и самой кровавой войне в истории человечества. Впервые в основе философии войны, которую вел Гитлер, лежала теория расового превосходства «высшей» «арийской» расы (немецкой нации) над «низшими», «недочеловеческими» расами. Война нацистской Германии с СССР имела также идеологическую основу: ставилась цель уничтожения еще исторически не устоявшегося социалистического строя, а вместе с ним на веки вечные и российского государства. Речь шла о конце тысячелетней русской истории и цивилизации. Война стала для Советского Союза страшной трагедией. Было уничтожено и разрушено огромное число городов, деревень, зданий, заводов и фабрик, колхозов, МТС. Ущерб от разрушений в СССР составил почти половину от 260 млрд долл. общей суммы ущерба во всех странах мира, на территории которых шла война. Советский Союз лишился 30% своего национального богатства. Но главная беда и трагедия той войны ГИБЕЛЬ безвозвратные потери СССР в 26,6 млн человек. С помощью учебников для школ и вузов, изготовленных на американские и другие зарубежные гранты, история Советского Союза и Великой Отечественной войны предстала перед населением России и всего мира в изуродованном виде, лишенном героики, силы народного духа, патриотизма, самоотверженности и самопожертвования, а также ума, стратегической и тактической мудрости государственного, политического и военного руководства страны, и прежде всего И. В. Сталина. Основные события Великой Отечественной и их оценки были грубо искажены. В дни, когда празднуется 70-летие Великой Победы, молодые люди особо должны задуматься о том, что говорят сегодня ветераны. Надо глубоко осознать и помнить: российская нация, российский народ это нация-гений, народ-победитель. Все вместе ветераны и молодые должны поднять и возвеличить Россию. ; We reproduce here the text of the Rector's speech delivered at the meeting of the faculty members and employees of Moscow University for the Humanities. The meeting, which took place on April 28, 2015, was devoted to the 70th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic war. Russia has long celebrated and will continue to celebrate Victory Day, as this victory brought to end the most destructive and bloody war in the history of mankind. For the first time in history, the philosophy of the war propagated by the Nazis was based on the theory of racial supremacy of the "higher" "Aryan" race over the "Untermenschen". Hitler's war against the USSR also had an ideological foundation: the Nazis aimed to topple the yet not deeply settled Socialist regime, and destroy the Russian state with it forever. It was the matter of the final end of Russian history and civilization. The war came as a terrible tragedy for the Soviet Union. A great many cities, villages, plants, factories, tractor stations and constructions were razed to the ground. In the grand total of all war damages, which stood at USD 260 bln, USSR's share accounted for almost a half. The Soviet Union lost 30% of its national wealth. But USSR's most terrible tragedy was the irrecoverable loss of 26.6. mln lives. In textbooks for schools and universities, the history of the USSR and the Great Patriotic war was frequently deprived of heroism, moral power, patriotism, selflessness and self-sacrifice. Often the strategic and tactical wisdom of the nation's political leaders, especially that of I.V. Stalin, was also denied. The main events of the war and their assessments were grossly distorted. In the days when the 70th anniversary of the great Victory is celebrated, the youth should take heed of what the war veterans are saying. They have to understand and remember that the Russian nation, the people of Russia are the winner nation. Together with the veterans, Russia's younger generations should work for the glory of their country.