Suchergebnisse

Immigration control-related audits and their resulting sanctions are not solely determined by impartial enforcement of laws and regulations. They are also determined by the incentives faced by vote-maximizing congressmen, agents acting on their behalf, and workers likely to compete with immigrants in the local labor market. In this paper we test to what extent congressional oversight, i.e., legislative involvement, determines the bureaucratic immigration enforcement process. We examine the determinants of decisions made at each stage of regulatory enforcement for over 40,000 audits from 1990 to 2000. This includes an analysis of the determinants of whether a firm is 1) found in violation, 2) whether a warning or fine issued, 3) the size of the fine issued, and 4) how much of dollar reduction fined employers were able to negotiate after the fact. Consistent with the hypothesis that locals will provide more tips to the enforcement agency when unemployment is high, we find that the number of audits conducted grows with increased local unemployment. We also find that a congressman's party affiliation and its interaction with committee membership, party rank, and party majority status, as well as firm size and local union membership, correlate to bureaucratic decisions made at every stage of immigration enforcement.

Attitudes to immigration in France, as in most European countries, are highly stable and are in fact becoming slightly more favourable. • France has relatively negative attitudes to immigration when compared with other western European countries. • However, the French see immigration as a relatively unimportant issue affecting their country, considerably less so than other western European electorates. • The recent uptick in perceived importance of immigration in almost all western European countries has been far less pronounced in France. • The French see cultural assimilation as more important when deciding who should be allowed to immigrate than economic self-sufficiency, relative to other western European states. • Attitudes to immigration can be powerfully predicted by fundamental psychological traits, with individuals displaying openness and excitability more drawn towards pro-immigration positions and those displaying conscientiousness and concern over safety more drawn towards anti-immigration positions. • Attitudes to immigration are also powerfully predicted by broader political attitudes, such as left-right self-placement, desire for egalitarianism and desire for a strong government to secure safety. Also, individuals who are more sceptical of the motives of politicians tend to be more opposed to immigration. • Individuals living in more diverse regions and who have more ethnically diverse friends tend to hold more pro-immigration positions. • With the above variables, we can explain around 40 per cent of variation in attitudes to immigration. • Surprisingly, with the above variables taken into account, we find no direct effect of university education, parental education, nationalism, cultural supremacism, interest in politics or having lived abroad on attitudes to immigration. • Attitudes to immigration in France, it seems, are the result of deep-lying psychological differences within the electorate and are unlikely to be easily changed by exposure to new information or political campaigns.

Après le dossier sur " les Français issus de l'immigration ", ce dossier présente une grande enquête européenne, coordonnée sur la question de l'immigration telle qu'elle est prise en charge par le politique et le sociétal. Manlio Cinalli propose un aperçu des questions au centre du projet de recherche qu'il dirige ici au CEVIPOF dans le cadre du FP6 de la Commission européenne. Didier Chabanet, visiting professor à l'Université de Hong Kong pour l'année 2005-06, participe également à ce projet, en qualité de co-responsable scientifique. Il présente ici un article "De la question sociale aux problèmes urbains : l'exemple de Vaux-en-Velin". Cette recherche* se caractérise par sa dimension comparative européenne (Espagne, France, Grande-Bretagne, Hongrie, Italie et Suisse). Ce projet intitulé LOCALMULTIDEM porte non seulement sur les immigrés comme individus et groupes ethniques, mais s'attache aussi à étudier les réseaux qui les relient (ou les opposent) aux autres acteurs des sociétés d'accueil. Est également intégrée l'étude des lois et des politiques publiques avec une analyse systématique du discours public. L'immigration peut ainsi devenir un carrefour de dialogue et de débat fécond entre différentes traditions de recherche. Un carrefour pour l'échange entre les spécialistes des différents niveaux de gouvernance (local, national et européen) et entre les utilisateurs de différentes méthodes, qualitatives et quantitatives. Tout cela pour déboucher finalement sur une réflexion plus large relative aux sociétés européennes contemporaines face aux nouvelles 'obligations' de démocraties ouvertes et multiculturelles. * L'équipe CEVIPOF qui participe à ce projet européen comprend Manlio Cinalli, Florence Haegel, Patrick Le Galés, Nonna Mayer, et Vincent Tiberj. Le projet, coordonné par Laura Morales à l'Université de Murcie, comprend six équipes européennes : France: CEVIPOF/FNSP, project leader Manlio Cinalli ; Hongrie: MTAKI, project leaders Andras Kovats and Endre Sik ; Italie: Univ. Trento, project leader Mario ...