Suchergebnisse

Starke Stellung der traditionellen Kultur im postkolonialen Swasiland. Tradition als Ideologie. Erlangung der Unabhängigkeit als Monarchie. Inthronisation von König Sobhuza II. (1921-83) und Staatsaufbau. Historische Gründe für den starken Einfluß traditioneller Strömungen, die nicht als Wiederbelebung einer längst vergangenen Welt, sondern als ein Prozeß der Selektion und Anpassung gesehen werden. Entstehung einer ländlichen Mittelklasse als staatstragendes Element. Entwicklung in der Nachkriegszeit. Entstehung eines kulturellen Nationalismus. (DÜI-Hlb)

This article discusses the relationship of missionaries and anthropologists in South Africa. Due to such important factors as ethnicity, linguistic group membership, denominationalism, and party political affiliation, it is essential to present historical perspectives on these and related matters. The vocation of missionary is almost exclusively a white enterprise as is that of professional anthropologist. Blacks have however had significant influences in both realms and are today entering these vocations.

The relatively peaceful decolonisation of British and French Africa in the 1950s and led, for the most part, to the capturing of state power by a new political élite rather than a throughgoing transformation of the state structures inherited at independence. Instead of refashioning institution in ways that might increase political participation and social justice, existing state capacities tended to be marshalled for exclusionary and, in many cases, authoritarian purposes.

This article attempts to situate the recent power struggle between President Daniel arap Moi and the ex-Minister for Constitutional Affairs, Charles Njonjo, in the context of class antagonisms in the Kenyan state. Over the past few years, Moi survived a number of crises partly as a result of the consistent support he has received from Njonjo. During the run-up to the general election of 26 September 1983, however, Moi was hoping that he could mobilise sufficient support amongst Kenya's political élite to be able to dispense with Njonjo, and thereby remove the only politician powerful enough to pose any threat to his leadership. SinceJomo Kenyatta's death in 1978, Njonjo had been regarded as the third member of a ruling triumvirate, with Moi and Vice-President Mwai Kibaki. In the following analysis, we examine the class context for conflict with the figure most closely associated with the conservative, capitalistic, and pro-British tendency in Kenyan nationalism.