Suchergebnisse

Global alliance for vaccines and immunization (GAVI) is the third largest multilateral in the health sector. It has a single-purpose mandate, to increase access to immunization in poor countries. The World Bank is a founding partner to GAVI and remains a major partner, particularly at a financial level by supporting operations of two major innovative financial mechanisms on its behalf. The Bank's most significant contribution is a key role in the establishment and management of two innovative financing mechanisms (International Finance Facility for Immunisation (IFFIm) and Advanced Market Commitment (AMC)) that have contributed one-third of GAVI's financial resources from 2000 to 2010. The relationship with GAVI has been collegial and constructive in countries where there is engagement, but in many countries the Bank is not substantially involved in immunization. This review concludes that the status quo leaves organizational synergies untapped, and that stronger Bank involvement, drawing on its strengths in sustainable funding for immunization, addressing inequities in access to immunization, investments in health systems strengthening, and donor coordination in health can help achieve greater development results.

The purpose of the paper is to present a more granular view of such projects through the in-depth focus on a limited number of case studies, with a view to understanding what factors in the design of such lending have helped achieve objectives of expanded access, and what forms of interventions may have been less successful. It examines the nature of Bank lending vehicles, the partnering borrower institutions, the country environments in which its loans were extended, as well as broader elements of good practice that make for loan success. It examines the beneficiaries targeted and results achieved. It aims to draws lessons that suggest what factors could lead to success or failure in Bank operations focused on financial access. The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: section two briefly describes the set of the Bank s projects selected for detailed review. Sections three to six contain the core findings of the review. Section 3 focuses on alternative forms of borrower institutions that have served as vehicles for Bank projects, particularly, public sector banks, apex bank structures that include the private sector, rural banks, nonbanks, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and microfinance institutions, in terms of the degree to which the Bank has been able to successfully partner with such institutions to expand financial access. It also looks at alternative forms of Bank loan design, policy-based loans, investment loans and lines of credit, Learning and Innovation Loans (LILs), matching grants, technical assistance and combinations thereof, and reviews evidence on the role of loan structure (including partnerships with other donors/lenders) and project success. Section four considers the effect of the broader business environment, in terms of financial regulation. Section five reviews elements of good practice that have contributed to success in lending that could be applicable to loans with any objective, and examines their application in the present context. Section six tries to construct a bottom line, reviewing available evidence on outcomes and impact; especially in terms of the ultimate beneficiaries reached. Section seven, the final section, summarizes the main messages emerging from the review and concludes with observations about ways forward.

Il lavoro prende in considerazione i principali avvenimenti che hanno influenzato l'evoluzione economica finanziaria del nostro Paese nella crisi del cambio 1992,ho voluto concentrare l'attenzione sugli avvenimenti a partire dal 1979 e analizzando l'intervento delle autorità monetarie. Allora non esisteva l'Euro, esisteva il Sistema Monetario Europeo con una sorta di valuta di riferimento, l'ECU, a cui le varie valute nazionali aderenti al sistema dovevano stare agganciate, entro una percentuale di scostamento non superiore al 2,25% per alcune e al 6% per altre, fra cui la lira. La Germania vantava di un'economia più solida di altri, con un sistema produttivo di avanguardia e con una moneta forte che faceva da riferimento per tutte le economie. L'Italia aveva un' economia che si doveva adattare continuamente alle conseguenze di una gestione del paese sconsiderata, miope e orientata al breve termine, frutto di una incompetenza della classe politica. Nel marzo 1979, l'Italia aveva aderito al Sistema Monetario Europeo, una decisione orientata, insieme con la politica estera, al rafforzamento dei vincoli comunitari nell'intento di dar luogo alla creazione di un'Europa Unita; consapevoli che questa sarebbe stata una scelta più di carattere politico che economica. L'adesione allo Sme avvenne in un clima di divergenza, Paolo Baffi allora governatore della Banca d'Italia, faceva infatti presente che una valuta debole come la lira, avrebbe trovato difficoltà ad abbandonare il regime delle svalutazioni facile. diversi economisti, oltre a Baffi,al di là di dove sedessero, se in Parlamento come Luigi Spaventa o alla direzione della Banca d'Italia o ancora all'interno del governo come Rinaldo Ossola, sostenevano la loro contrarietà all'ingresso nel Sistema Monetario Europeo, esponendo motivazioni tra loro eterogenee. Tutti si attendevano che il vincolo esterno dei cambi stabili costringesse il paese a seguire una politica di rigorosa stabilità monetaria. L'Italia aveva ottenuto il privilegio di una banda di oscillazione del 6%, contro il 2,5% degli altri paesi, ma tutti intendevano che l'adesione all'accordo di cambio avrebbe imposto una politica di rientro all'inflazione. Contro le aspettative generali, l'inflazione proseguì invece più violenta di prima. Il tasso di cambio, assunse con l'avanzare del progetto unitario una significatività crescente, aggiungendo alla sua funzione di strumento di orientamento, quella di fattore di credibilità. Le autorità monetarie italiane non accettarono mai una svalutazione esterna della lira pari a quella interna. Fra il 1980 e il 1987, i riallineamenti di parità nell'ambito dello Sme si susseguirono numerosi e coinvolsero numerose valute. Ogni riallineamento segnò una svalutazione della lira rispetto al marco. Dopo il 1987, i riallineamenti vennero sospesi e il corso della lira subì un solo ritocco al ribasso, in occasione del rientro della banda stretta. La politica di fatto seguita fu dunque quella di una graduale rivalutazione della lira, in termini reali, rispetto al marco. All'inizio degli anni novanta venne firmato il trattato di Maastricht, il contenuto degli accordi si inseriva in un contesto politico- sociale interno altamente critico, nel quale le energie politiche a lungo represse dalla guerra fredda si erano liberate, grazie al crollo del Muro di Berlino, spingendo quindi gli equilibri del sistema politico e economico con una rottura che si verificò del tutto nel 1992. Se il processo d'integrazione europeo era stato spesso rappresentato dalla classe politica come una sorta di panacea alle tare italiane, a Maastricht, si celebrò l'innocenza dell'europeismo italiano che vide stravolgere e crollare la visione retorica con la quale aveva guardato alla costruzione europea a partire degli anni '70. Per la storia dell'integrazione europea, il trattato di Maastricht rappresenta una pietra miliare, anche se con l'entrata in vigore ha creato ancora più instabilità, in quanto caratterizzato da uno scarso realismo degli obiettivi di convergenza delle variabili macroeconomiche, da mancanza flessibilità e insieme da asimmetrie dei comportamenti possibili delle banche centrali. La scena economica internazionale era segnata da: tendenze divergenti dei tassi di interesse, al ribasso negli Stati Uniti per rilanciare l'economia, al rialzo in Germania per gli effetti dell'unificazione tedesca, con conseguenti indebolimenti del dollaro, rafforzamento del marco, tensione nello Sme; le incertezze circa il completamento della unificazione monetaria in Europa, quale è stata sancita nel trattato di Maastricht. Questi sviluppi esterni coglievano l'economia italiana in una fase di attività produttiva debole, inflazione in lenta discesa, squilibri irrisolti nella finanza pubblica. Tra gli accadimenti che sono susseguiti, sono da richiamare i seguenti: l'esito negativo del referendum danese sul trattato di Maastricht del 2 giugno, infatti il referendum di Copenaghen si conclude al fotofinish (50,7%) di no contro il (49,3%) di si; mancata riduzione dei tassi di interesse in Germania; voci di svalutazione della lira; rialzo dei tassi ufficiali in Germania. Nel corso dell'anno 1992 si assiste a una piena recessione, infatti con il debito pubblico al 105,5 del Pil, con un fabbisogno attorno al 10,4 del Pil, con il passivo della bilancia dei pagamenti di parte corrente in crescita, la crisi era alle porte. Il 6 giugno la Banca d'Italia aumenta il tasso sulle anticipazioni a scadenza fissa di mezzo punto percentuale, irrigidendo così la politica monetaria, Moody's mise sotto controllo l'Italia per la sua incapacità nella riduzione del debito pubblico. Il 29 giugno il cambio contro il marco arrivò a 756,54 a fronte di una sostanziale stabilità nei confronti della sterlina e della peseta, Amato per effettuare un risanamento economico annunciò il 5 luglio la manovra da 30000 miliardi di lire, e con quella successiva di 100000 miliardi dà inizio al risanamento finanziario del Paese. Le vicende relative alle turbolenze che hanno sconvolto le parità valutarie dei paesi aderenti allo Sme hanno avuto inizio con la svalutazione del 7% della lira, la quale appariva quasi un riallineamento da manuale. Il 21 settembre, la Banca d'Italia, annunciò che le autorità monetarie si sarebbero astenute all'effettuare la quotazione ufficiale della lira. Questo fu un colpo durissimo per l'Italia che fino a quella data, aveva fatto del cambio della lira l'architrave della sua politica economica e finanziaria, sostenendo pesanti oneri in termini di riserve valutarie, infatti tra il giugno e il settembre vennero impiegate 53000 miliardi di riserve; colpo durissimo anche per la Comunità, colpita al cuore proprio nello strumento fondamentale, lo SME, investito nel ruolo di preparare e garantire le condizioni di stabilità, generalizzata e consolidata, che avrebbero dovuto, poi consentire quel salto di qualità dell'Europa, con il decollo della Unione Economica e monetaria, la moneta unica e il sistema delle banche centrali europee. Successivamente le tensioni speculative investono la lira , la sterlina e la peseta: momento in cui Italia e Gran Bretagna annunciano di uscire dagli Accordi europei di cambio. Subito dopo la svalutazione del 1992, si aprì un periodo di svalutazione generale della lira rispetto alle altre monete, periodo che si protrasse all'incirca fino al marzo 1993. Tra il 1992 e 1993 vennero firmati due accordi triangolari il protocollo Amato 31 luglio 1992 che abolì il sistema di scala mobile, completato da Ciampi nel luglio 1993, con la quale si fissarono gli obiettivi comuni di politica di reddito. Dopo di allora la lira rimase agganciata al dollaro. Il legame fra lira e dollaro potrebbe essere frutto dell'agire spontaneo dei mercati, ma potrebbe anche essere scaturito dalla decisione delle autorità monetarie italiane di ritornare alla vecchia linea di cambio differenziato, già seguita negli anni prima del 1979, fino all'ingresso dello Sme. Il problema essenziale delle autorità di governo era quello di evitare che la svalutazione esterna della lira si traducesse in inflazione importata, l'aver agganciato la lira al dollaro può essere inteso come una misura ragionevolmente coerente con l'obiettivo della stabilità monetaria. Di certo che la svalutazione della lira non ha contribuito alla soluzione del problema economico italiano, ha rischiato di aggravarlo producendo perdita di credibilità per il Paese. La crisi del sistema monetario europeo ha favorito una ripresa dei dibattiti teorici sui modelli di crisi valutarie, che si distinguono tra prima e seconda generazione, quelli di prima collegano l'emergere della crisi all'incompatibilità tra politiche macroeconomiche e stabilità del cambio; quelli di seconda, il cui sviluppo è stato stimolato dagli stessi fatti del 1992, nella quale l'emergere di una crisi appare come una scelta endogena, effettuata dalle autorità in base alle proprie preferenze e all'interazione con gli agenti economici privati. Analizzando i modelli si può concludere che mentre la rappresentazione di un regime di cambio fisso per mezzo di un livello puntuale del cambio non rappresenta un limite interpretativo rilevante, le ipotesi relative al processo di espansione del credito e all'esistenza di un livello di soglia delle riserve, nei modelli di Krugman, non sembrano dar conto adeguatamente della realtà dei fenomeni economici. I modelli di prima generazione danno una spiegazione "fondamentalista" delle crisi nel senso che fanno risalire la crisi allo sfasamento dei fondamentali macroeconomici dell'economia, in particolare l'esistenza di politiche fiscali espansive e prolungati deficit di bilancio incompatibili con un impegno di cambio fisso. I modelli di seconda generazione sottolineano il comportamento ottimizzante del policy-maker che non subisce più la crisi, ma decide di avviarla perché tale scelta minimizza i costi, nel senso che i costi in termini di reputazione a cui il governo va incontro uscendo dall'impegno sono comunque minori dei costi di rimanere in termini di incremento dei tassi di interesse e riduzione delle riserve valutarie. I modelli di terza generazione pongono enfasi sulla presenza di squilibri di natura finanziaria con la conseguenza che delle crisi valutarie non sono più viste come fenomeni a sé stanti ma come parte di una crisi sistemica in cui le crisi valutarie e bancarie si autoalimentano. Le ipotesi di perfetta previsione, d'altra parte, implicano che la razionalità degli agenti sia tale da non permette il realizzarsi di peso problem, i quali invece vengono osservati nella realtà. (Riassunto tradotto in inglese) Labour takes into account the main events that influenced the financial economic development of our country in the 1992 exchange rate crisis, I wanted to focus on the events since 1979 and analysing the intervention of the monetary authorities. At that time there was no euro, there was the European Monetary System with a kind of reference currency, the ECU, to which the various national currencies participating in the system had to be hooked, within a variance rate of no more than 2.25% for some and 6% for others, including the lira. Germany boasted of an economy stronger than others, with a state-of-the-art production system and a strong currency that was the benchmark for all economies. Italy had an economy that had to adapt continuously to the consequences of a reckless, short-sighted and short-term management of the country, the result of an incompetence of the political class. In March 1979, Italy had joined the European Monetary System, a decision aimed, together with foreign policy, at strengthening EU ties in order to create a united Europe; aware that this would be a more political than an economic choice. The accession to the Sme took place in a climate of divergence, Paolo Baffi then governor of the Bank of Italy, in fact, pointed out that a weak currency such as the lira, would find it difficult to abandon the regime of devaluations easy. several economists, in addition to Baffi, beyond where they sat, whether in Parliament as Luigi Spaventa or at the management of the Bank of Italy or even within the government as Rinaldo Ossola, argued their opposition to entry into the European Monetary System, exposing heterogeneous motivations among themselves. Everyone expected that the external constraint of stable exchange rates would force the country to follow a policy of strict monetary stability. Italy had obtained the privilege of a 6% swing band, compared with 2.5% in the other countries, but all wanted that accession to the exchange agreement would impose a policy of returning to inflation. Against general expectations, however, inflation continued more violent than before. The exchange rate, as the unitary project progressed, became increasingly significant, adding to its role as a guideline, that of a credibility factor. The Italian monetary authorities never accepted an external devaluation of the lira equal to the internal one. Between 1980 and 1987, the realignments of parity within the Sme followed numerous and involved numerous currencies. Each realignment marked a devaluation of the lira against the mark. After 1987, the realignments were suspended and the course of the lira underwent only one downward adjustment, on the occasion of the return of the narrow band. The policy followed was therefore that of a gradual revaluation of the lira, in real terms, with respect to the mark. At the beginning of the 1990s the Maastricht Treaty was signed, the content of the agreements was part of a highly critical internal political-social context, in which political energies long repressed by the Cold War had been freed, thanks to the collapse of the Berlin Wall, thus pushing the balance of the political and economic system with a break that occurred entirely in 1992. If the process of European integration had often been portrayed by the political class as a kind of panacea to the Italian tare, in Maastricht, the innocence of Italian Europeanism was celebrated, which saw the rhetorical vision with which it had looked to the construction of Europe since the 1970s, overturned and collapsed. For the history of European integration, the Maastricht Treaty represents a milestone, although with the entry into force it has created even more instability, as it is characterized by a lack of realism in the convergence objectives of macroeconomic variables, lack of flexibility and at the same time as asymmetries of the possible behaviour of central banks. The international economic scene was marked by: divergent trends in interest rates, downwards in the United States to boost the economy, up in Germany due to the effects of unification Germany, resulting in a weakening of the dollar, a strengthening of the mark, tension in the SME; The uncertainty about the completion of monetary unification in Europe, as enshrined in the Maastricht Treaty, is. These external developments caught the Italian economy in a period of weak production activity, slow-falling inflation, unresolved imbalances in public finances. Among the events that have followed, the following are to be recalled: the negative outcome of the Danish referendum on the Maastricht Treaty of 2 June, in fact the Copenhagen referendum ends at photofinish (50.7%) no versus (49.3%) yes; failure to reduce interest rates in Germany; rumours of the valuation of the lira; official interest rates in Germany. During the year 1992 there is a full recession, in fact with public debt at 105.5 of GDP, with a requirement around 10.4 of GDP, with the passive of the current account balance growing, the crisis was upon us. On 6 June, the Bank of Italy increased the rate on fixed-term advances by half a percentage point, thus tightening monetary policy, and Moody's brought Italy under control for its inability to reduce public debt. On 29 June, the exchange rate against the mark reached 756.54 in the face of substantial stability against the pound and the peseta, Amato to carry out an economic recovery announced on 5 July the maneuver of 30000 billion lre, and with the next one of 100000 billion begins the financial consolidation of the country. The events surrounding the turmoil that have disrupted the currency parities of the SME member countries began with the devaluation of 7% of the lira, which appeared to be almost a textbook realignment. On 21 September, the Bank of Italy announced that the monetary authorities would refrain from making the official listing of the lira. This was a very serious blow for Italy, which until that date had made the lira change the backbone of its economic and financial policy, bearing heavy burdens in terms of foreign exchange reserves, in fact between June and September 53 trillion reserves were used; It is also a very serious blow for the Community, which has been struck at the heart by the fundamental instrument, the EMS, which has been invested in the role of preparing and guaranteeing the conditions of stability, generalised and consolidated, which should have allowed Europe to jump in quality, with the take-off of the Economic and Monetary Union, the single currency and the system of European central banks. Subsequently, speculative tensions hit the lira, sterling and peseta, when Italy and Great Britain announced they were leaving the European Exchange Agreements. Immediately after the devaluation of 1992, a period of general devaluation of the lira against the other currencies opened up, which lasted approximately until March 1993. Between 1992 and 1993, two triangular agreements were signed, the Amato protocol on 31 July 1992, which abolished the escalator system, which was completed by Ciampi in July 1993, which set common income policy objectives. After that, the lira remained pegged to the dollar. The link between the lira and the dollar may be the result of the spontaneous action of the markets, but it could also have stemmed from the decision of the Italian monetary authorities to return to the old differentiated exchange line, which was already followed in the years before 1979, until the entry of the Sme. The main problem of the government authorities was to prevent the external devaluation of the lira from translating into imported inflation, the having pegged the lira to the dollar can be understood as a measure reasonably consistent with the objective of monetary stability. Certainly the devaluation of the lira did not contribute to the solution of the Italian economic problem, it risked aggravating it, producing a loss of credibility for the country. The crisis in the European monetary system has encouraged a resumption of theoretical debates on currency crisis patterns, which stand out between the first and second generations, those of first generation link the emergence of the crisis to the incompatibility between macroeconomic policies and exchange rate stability; Second, the development of which was stimulated by the same events of 1992, in which the emergence of a crisis appears to be a choice "It's not just a way of using private economic agents," he said. By analysing the models, it can be concluded that while the representation of a fixed exchange rate regime by means of a timely exchange rate does not represent a relevant interpretive limit, assumptions about the credit expansion process and the existence of a level of reserve threshold, in Krugman's models, do not seem to adequately account for the reality of economic phenomena. First-generation models give a "fundamentalist" explanation of crises in the sense that the crisis is traced back to the shift in macroeconomic fundamentals of the economy, in particular the existence of expansionary fiscal policies and prolonged budget deficits incompatible with a fixed exchange rate commitment. The second-generation models emphasize the optimising behaviour of the policy-maker who is no longer suffering from the crisis, but decides to start it because this choice minimizes costs, in the sense that the reputation costs that the government faces by exiting the commitment are still lower than the costs of staying in terms of raising interest rates and reducing currency reserves. Third-generation models place emphasis on financial imbalances, with the consequence that currency crises are no longer seen as stand-alone phenomena but as part of a systemic crisis in which currency and banking crises feed themselves. The hypotheses of perfect prediction, on the other hand, imply that the rationality of the agents is such that it does not allow the realization of weight problem, which instead are observed in reality.

To make a summary of a book that contains so many different threads is no easy task. One should, on the one hand, refer to its conceptual contribution to the paradigm of sustainable agriculture, and on the other hand, consider the conclusions drawn from the studies conducted at international, national and regional level. It is clear that changing the paradigm of agricultural development from an industrial to a sustainable one will be neither easy nor quick. Agriculture must satisfy the demand for food products while lowering the pressure on the environment, providing for technological and biological progress, meeting the need to ensure a secure supply of food, and ensuring global economic, social and environmental rationality. The discussion in this book has concentrated chiefly on the last two questions. This is because certain dimensions of environmental and social rationality have so far been poorly researched. Environmental rationality means not only protecting the natural environment and reducing the pressure placed on it by agricultural production. The authors have pointed out that the assumption of an intrinsic value of land changes the expected productivity of capital in the sectors which utilise that production factor, namely in agriculture. This has far-reaching theoretical and practical consequences. The statistical data that have been presented demonstrate that utilities are discounted in Polish land prices to a much greater degree than would result from the agricultural functions of land. A similar situation is found in other EU countries. Where does this excess value of land come from? It is undoubtedly a result of the expectations of political rents, of speculative motives, and also of non-agricultural amenities provided by land. However, it is hard to determine the proportions of these factors. Moreover, new utilities of land have the nature of public goods, which further complicates the problem of seeking a market equilibrium. Similarly, recognition of the fact of the absolute and relative deprivation of farmers in the long term changes the balance of intersectoral flows, because it means a drainage of surplus from agriculture to other branches of agribusiness. This drainage is understood as a permanent mechanism by which economic rent flows out of agriculture as a result of market imperfections, in particular the flexible prices of agricultural products. More space should be given to studies of this problem in the world literature. 135 Poznan University of Economics and Business, anna.matuszczak@ue.poznan.pl Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture 239 The second thread of the theoretical considerations relates to the problem of whether the concept of political rent, as found in the literature, fits the processes taking place in European agriculture. A review of the literature on rent seeking suggests that these theories provide only a partial explanation of the level of political rents and lobbying actions in European agriculture. Although there is a vast theoretical literature on rent seeking and collective action at global level, there is not much empirical work done with regard to these problems relating to the Common Agricultural Policy. Particularly problematic is the question of measuring political rents in particular EU member states. It has been found that, on a global level, it is European agriculture that best meets the criteria of viability and sustainability. Viewed against the backdrop of global agriculture, it is economically effective (in the institutional conditions guaranteed by the CAP), satisfies a variety of economic and social needs, and is developing in a way that reduces the burden on the environment. In 2012, based on the results of social consultations, the European Commission published a strategy and plan of action relating to the bioeconomy in Europe. The strategy creates a cohesive framework for a comprehensive approach to the solution of complex social problems (challenges) in Europe and worldwide. The measures undertaken with respect to the bioeconomy are focused on three pillars: investment in research, innovations and skills; strengthening the impact of the policy and engagement of interested parties; and strengthening competitiveness in sectors of the bioeconomy. The bioeconomy strategy represents an important step towards solving contemporary economic and social problems. The model of the development of agriculture in the EU can thus be considered an appropriate path to be followed in relatively densely populated countries, in which food producing area per capita is small. However, does this model require institutional support and the payment of political rents? The question arises as to whether these are in fact political rents, if in return society receives a package of specified benefits, and there is a net increase in social well-being. Empirical analyses have shown that up to the mid 1980s the level of support for agriculture in the EU (measured by the NRA indicator) was constantly increasing. The decline in support in subsequent years was maintained by payments of the decoupled type. Based on NRA values it can be concluded that nominal support in 2011 was at a level comparable to that recorded prior to the creation of an organisation of agricultural markets, that is, before 1962. This means that the CAP is distorting world prices to an ever smaller degree, and agricultural producers are losing their competitive advantages (although to differing extents). An important observation is the fact that, although the CAP applies to all member states, the level of support varies between those countries. In 2005-2011 it was the highest in Ireland, Slovenia, Poland, Belgium and the UK, and the lowest in Italy and Bulgaria. This observation 240 Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture is confirmed by a second indicator constructed for the purposes of this research by the authors of Chapter 2.3 – the Farm Receipts Gap Estimate (FRGE). Despite the fact that in principle agricultural policy has a universal application, the amount of financial support given to agricultural producers measured as a percentage of gross farm receipts is not uniform between countries, with differences as high as 17 percentage points in 2012136 (cf. Table 2.4.). We should add that, according to the OECD, the value of the PSE for the whole of the European Union is 22.6% (of gross receipts). The differences between the PSE and the FRGE result partly from the methodology used for calculation. Most importantly, however, the FRGE shows how little uniformity there is across the EU in terms of support for agricultural producers in different countries. The differences are even more marked when we consider the contribution of pure political rent137 to the revenue of producers in various countries. In the Netherlands this contribution is just 4.3%, while for Ireland it is 25.8% (although the highest value, 28.7%, is recorded in Finland; cf. Table 3.12.). These data also demonstrate one more thing: that the PSE should not be used as a measure of political rents, because it significantly overstates them. The mechanisms shaping the structure of transfers in the selected countries also exhibited clear differences. This applies in particular to the two main streams of transfers: from taxpayers to producers and from consumers to producers. There has also been a gradual change in the structure of support, away from consumer transfers towards taxpayer transfers. This has resulted both from changes taking place in the global economy and the rise in prices of agricultural products, as well as from transformations in agriculture's role in the economy. A key part of the book proved to be Part 3, which presents the concept and the effects of long-term surplus drainage from agriculture under the various support models applied in the EU as regards equivalent payments (for specific public goods) and the different models for the taxation of agriculture. The analysis leads to what are called pure political rents, being what remains when the value of the aforementioned flows (drainage and net subsidies for public goods) is deducted from the sum of CAP subsidies. It should be noted that only rents calculated in this way meet the definition of political rent found in the public choice theory. Another important thread in this discussion concerns price fluctuations and their consequences. Agriculture is characterised by a high variability of prices in particular markets, which leads to adjustments of supply. This reaction is not always as described by neo-classical concepts – the spider's web and King's effects. Farmers' expectations in different countries may be more or less adaptive, and are sometimes 136 From 19.99% in the Netherlands to 36.96% in Ireland. 137 After adjusting the support by that part the receipt of which is conditional on the supply of specified public goods, and by the value of long-term drainage resulting from market failures. Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture 241 rational. This depends on the degree of horizontal and vertical integration of sale channels, and on access to information. This price variability leads to unexpected flows of economic surplus into and out of agriculture, and in the authors' view, this produces a drainage effect in the long term. In response, there is a fluctuation in economic activity and in the economic situation in agriculture. This process is not uniform, however, and varies between different EU countries, as the authors observe. They propose an economic indicator based on surplus flows as a result of price fluctuations, based on an input-output table. The largest fluctuations were recorded in such countries as Germany, Denmark, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Estonia and Lithuania. At the other extreme (with the smallest amplitudes of variation) are Portugal, Greece, Cyprus and Malta. At the same time, the value of the computed indicator determined the changes in farms' output and receipts, although in some countries this was a concurrent response, while in others it was delayed. This partly confirms the hypothesis that the outflow of economic rent from agriculture means a drop in productive activity, and vice versa (in some cases, however, such as in Poland, the response was delayed – recalling the spider's web theory). It was also shown that the relationship between the economic indicator and the production of agricultural raw materials differs between countries. In Germany, for example, the variation in output as a response to price changes is relatively low. Even in the most difficult period for agriculture (2009) production fell there by just 1%, compared with 15% in Portugal and as much as 30% in Poland, despite a smaller drop in the economic indicator. The authors believe this to be a result of the different agrarian structure, scale and technology of production, differences in the functioning of market institutions (integrative links, contracting systems), and the reactions of the producers themselves to the situation. To sum up, drawing conclusions about the general economic situation based on flows of economic rents is an atypical approach, but one that can identify the causes of variation in the productive activity on farms and help compare the scale of such variation between countries. This approach may also be a useful analytical tool for agricultural policy, which becomes particularly important in conditions of the intensification of processes of globalisation. In generalising the conclusions drawn from the analysis of the structure of CAP support in selected EU countries, three different models were identified138. Only 138 The structure of support is described based on the contribution of the following variables to total variable subsidies: X1 – the value of payments for public goods, being the sum of set-aside, agri-environmental and less favoured area payments and other subsidies for the development of rural areas; X2 – the value of subsidies for plant and animal production (the sum of other payments to plant and animal production plus the balance of subsidy and penalties for milk production, subsidy for other cattle production and subsidy for sheep and goat production); X3 – the value of single farm and area payments; X4 – the value of subsidies for indirect consumption; X5 – the value of investment subsidies. 242 Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture two of them – model A (dominated by single farm and area payments, and with payments for the supply of public goods making up 17% of the total) and model C (combining different mechanisms of support for farms, with the highest contribution from payments for public goods, 33%) – were in accordance with the development priorities of the European agricultural model as defined in the new programming period of 2014-2020. These operated throughout most of the area of the EU in 2012, particularly in the new member states (cf. Figure 3.3.). Nonetheless, in most regions of the "old" EU-15 member states, the model in operation in 2012 was model B, oriented exclusively towards direct payments, which are treated as a substitute for support for production and produce a relatively weak stimulus for sustainable development. Further calculations showed that these countries receive more than 80% of the pure political rents derived from the CAP. There is also a large variation between EU countries as regards agricultural income. The tax systems applied to agriculture, however, are very similar (with certain exceptions, such as the case of Poland). They incorporate taxes on income, assets and consumption (VAT). The Polish system is different in that it does not include a tax on income from agricultural production. Based on an evaluation of the tax systems applied to agriculture in selected EU countries, it is possible to identify countries having the most restrictive tax policies towards agriculture (Belgium, Portugal, Ireland, Spain) and those where such policies are less restrictive (the UK, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands). Taking account of the long-term surplus drainage from agriculture and the net equivalent subsidies (in exchange for specific actions relating to public goods), an estimate was made of the value of "pure" political rents for individual countries of the EU-27. The analysis carried out here points to the conclusion that agricultural interventionism in the EU requires a special conceptual approach, since it is not sufficient to simply treat all subsidies as political rents. The new approach proposed by the authors is necessary, as it provides an indication of how to improve the effectiveness of allocation of support for agriculture in individual EU countries. Quantification of the political rent in agriculture enables a more rational and socially appropriate distribution of assistance from the CAP in accordance with the goals set for agricultural policy in the new financial framework after 2014. Although the division of payment envelopes between member states has already been decided, since 2014 the CAP has gained flexibility in terms of the structure of both pillars and transfers between them. These matters remain in the hands of the governments of member states. Another issue is the aforementioned contribution of political rents to the gross receipts from agriculture in a given country (cf. Tables 3.12. and 3.13.). On average in the EU-27 this contribution is 13.63%, and although in the EU-12 it is slightly Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture 243 higher, and in the EU-15 somewhat lower than average, there are countries in which that value is exceeded almost twofold. Redefinition is required as regards the issue of social fairness in the determination of the sizes of national CAP envelopes. The calculations of political rents show that historical payments are neither a rational nor a just solution, because the structurally low profitability of agriculture in certain countries should be compensated for by a higher supply of public goods, and this is not happening. Perhaps countries with structurally inefficient agriculture should supply more public goods than they do at present, if they wish to maintain their current ratio of political rents to gross added value, or else subsidise their agriculture to a greater degree out of national funds. Part 4 of the book contains case studies. These demonstrate the applicative dimension of the paradigm of sustainable development and methods of evaluating the effectiveness of agricultural policy in supporting such development in rural areas. Naturally, the results of these studies are not representative for agriculture as a whole (at national or EU level). Nonetheless, they indicate a direction for discussion concerning the development of sustainable agriculture in theory and in practice, and provide methodological guidance. They develop a methodology for examining regional sustainable development, which enables not only a sustainability assessment, but also a comparison of synthetic indicators over the whole of the analysed period. Also a set of analytical models is proposed, which make possible not only a better management of human and material capital in firms in agricultural and food sectors, but also the identification of areas that need to be improved to enable these resources to be used more competitively. Among the detailed findings, the following are particularly striking: • The location-specific factor "type of rural area", based on land functions, is of key importance for land value in the SAPS. The area type determines whether particular use values, such as area or shape coefficient, and amenities, such as the possibility of building, as well as payments under agricultural policy, affect the land price. • There is a very large variation in land prices in the SAPS, and prices are strongly affected by speculation, which has driven the upward trend since the introduction of area payments in 2004. However, the impact of speculation is relatively small in areas with agrotouristic features. • Agricultural policy, in particular payments for public goods, has a very large significance (marginal effects) for the value of agricultural land compared with other parcel-level attributes of properties. • Payments for public goods are however capitalised in land prices only in peripheral areas. Elsewhere they fail to perform their role, and are even associated with the decapitalisation of the value of land. In particular, in 244 Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture agrotouristic areas these schemes should be complementary and not substitutive with respect to the multifunctional development of the countryside. Therefore, in most places at present, single area payment support is not a differentiating factor for land value, in view of its general availability and low requirements, and the other payments do not compensate for the opportunity costs related to alternative ways of deriving rent from land. • Similarly, support for agrotouristic activity did not have a significant effect on the level of income from agrotourism among the analysed farms. This was because interest in such support came from those farms that did not yet obtain relatively high amounts of income from agrotourism; and moreover the instrument was not of a universal nature, but required the fulfilment of specified conditions. It can be expected that the situation was similar throughout Poland. • The relationships between agriculture and agrotourism are symbiotic in nature. Their common plane includes both the income of farms engaged in agricultural and agrotouristic activity, and the support provided by CAP instruments. In consequence, the preliminary conclusion can be reached that direct subsidies favour the economic activation of farms in non-agricultural activity. • The instruments of the CAP can be expected to evolve to favour the creation of public goods at local authority level rather than the development of agrotouristic activity itself at farm level. A particularly striking aspect of the findings of these case studies is that they point towards a common problem: the idea of payments for public goods under agricultural policy is set forth as a leitmotif of the European agricultural model, but in practice the CAP does not succeed in valuing these goods accurately. Perhaps this value is too low compared with the funds allocated indirectly to support production and efficiency, perversely given the name "decoupled"? Hence, the idea remains more a declaration than reality. This conclusion is confirmed by the variation in pure political rents obtained by agriculture (one might say non-equivalent rents) between EU countries in 2004-2012: ranging from approximately 9% of value added by agriculture in the Netherlands, to over 95% in Ireland. Are such disproportions, which it is hard to justify by any objective criteria, acceptable from the point of view of social justice and common community ideology? Alluding to the hypothesis put forward at the outset: there is something called the European model for the development of agriculture, but it is implemented in a minority of EU countries. Their common denominator is that pure political rent, after taking account of public goods and market corrections, accounts for a similar proportion of agricultural income. ; National Science Centre ; Bazyli Czyżewski

In all matters regarding climate change, the modern world presents complex challenges which highlight how investments in infrastructure have as of yet been inconclusive. Th e emission percentages calculated by relevant studies demonstrate the need for long-term investments in infrastructures, to ultimately reduce the impact on the environment and our health. To this end, in alignment with the principles expressed in the Paris Agreement – reducing global warming and incentivising a zero-emission transportation system – and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), these new infrastructures will require a structural change that can be guaranteed by multilateral development banks (MDBs), given their nature, especially within developing countries. 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Historically important urban areas are practically a significant entity, a rich reservoir of social and economic milieu and cultural inheritance. Though, it faces many problems due to the rapid growth of population and the steady increase in the new requirements. In addition, developing countries are commonly characterized by the highest density of inhabitants, agglomeration of industrial assets and production, social and technological infrastructure; dynamic informal economic sector under the shadow of its formal concentration. There seems to be immense similarities in the nature of the problems of the commercially important urban areas in general and of South Asian Cities in particular. Therefore, the study depends, to a large extent on accrued knowledge (theoretical) and experience (practical) gamed over the passage of time. Although like its neighboring countries, Bangladesh has witnessed an extraordinary social and economic development after its independents. This was mainly due to balanced socioeconomic development dependent on different sectors and the government has continuously strives to draw a balance between several social-economic and environmental factors and the development program which indicates an early courtesy towards sustainability and environmental protection. The pressure towards massive investment in development and economic progress was however higher and determined to a large extent its success in maintaining this equilibrium. As such, one has to address this important issue within the framework of urban sustainability. The essence of this study contribution to knowledge lies around the dissection of the decision making process around urban planning and development in Khulna city and proposed Boro Bazaar area (through problem and process analysis) and how it may be directed towards a more sustainable urban future with proposed urban revitalization planning proposals. Khulna city was developed as an average level industrial city since 1950s for its suitable location and the availability of raw materials. Between 1950s and 1960s, the city got importance as an industrial hub with many industries. In that period Khulna was the backbone of the East Pakistan's main foreign currency by these industries which were established besides river and developed it as a linear city along two big rivers - Rupsha and Bhairab. Previously Khulna was converted to a municipality beginning a formal township in 1884 during British regime and subsequently city was depending highly on river based trade market. Then city and trade market was developed around the river port locally named "Boro Bazaar" which means large market where trade activities were mostly distinguished by wholesale and retail shops. Still now as a city center and main financial hub the trade divisions in Boro Bazaar handle a huge amount of financial flow and provide both direct and indirect employment for the urbanites and generates revenue for the local government through income taxes and land taxes and leases the river port areas to export and import goods within the country and to the neighboring India (S.M. Reazul Ahsan, 2011). In addition, the international highway between India and Bangladesh, the divisional highways, railways, inter district water ways crossing over this area and their trade links make it highly potential and important for both national and international trade and commerce. However, because of these financial importance's, different redevelopment actions have been taking place to make it more efficient. But throughout the history this area has been developing in an unplanned way. Owing to its advantageous location, it eventually became the most congested sector in the city and almost impossible to provide better urban services for the existing community. Therefore, this study is basically concerned with the question of sustainability and revitalization of mixed use commercial environment in order to accommodate the present and future needs of its inhabitants and to preserve and conserve its traditional fabric with its different values. Consequently, different information's and approaches, from international, national and local levels, have been recognized are evaluated as well. Because both the urban sustainability and revitalization approaches have not been properly deployed or experienced in this area before, the study endeavors to develop understanding of urban sustainability and revitalization concepts and emphasizing not only on the development, but contemplates creative use and reuse of this mixed use commercial area and illustrates how these ideas are to accommodate the requirement and need of the contemporary society. For a comprehensive consideration this present study has progressed a suitable model for integrating and projecting the different factors which playing significant role in the process of sustainable urban revitalization planning, i.e. physical, economics, social, environment, culture and overall networks within the study area. Based on the theories, principles, strategies and the different approaches, which have been employed for the overall city the critical recommendations at policy level, have been listed out, in a comprehensive and a systematic manner, to guide the sustainable urban revitalization planning of the proposed Boro Bazaar area, that broadly focus on the following – Physical: Emphasis on conserving the symbolic values of existing built form and market areas, river side areas and activities and to recapture its historical and cultural importance even when they are adapted to new use. In addition, physical revitalization also concerns on those services and necessities that create pollution and emphasis of green and open spaces as well. Again focus on those services and requirements that will enhance the quality of life for all and also the provision of the features and amenities that would add the desirability for residential and commercial area. Economics: The economic viability and vitality are important factors in sustainable urban revitalization. This involves the exploration of the economic related opportunities from the existing commercial activities as resource for economic growth which will improve the overall income of inhabitants and facilitate the continuation of the process of revitalization. Social: Emphasis on the adjustment of the current priorities and requirements of the inhabitants in order to comply with future requirements and to involve the society in the process of sustainable urban revitalization planning agenda. Based on these recommendations and to illustrate its vitality, the study concludes with sustainable urban revitalization plans for stimulating economic and commercial positions, physical infrastructures, and social services and recreational activates. All these (principles, strategies, specific recommendations and revitalization plans) would be a ready reference to guide the sustainable urban revitalization planning for Khulna city in general and proposed Boro Bazaar area in particular. Finally, the study has progressed in a sequence of phases: identifying the main proportions of urban sustainability and revitalization planning that are relevant for this study. Then the study sequentially explained drawing out the history of urban development planning, including its main visions, objectives, policies, urban development targets, problems and challenges; carrying out the research using a triangulated methodology approach that consists of:chronological study of four tiers (urban strategy, structure plan, master plan and detail area plan) of city planning systems in Khulna city. These approaches were carried out by semi structured interviews of expert participants and the assessment of behavior and attitudes of the general public towards sustainability and revitalization planning through the use of questionnaires. Consequently, the problem analysis phase produced a list of problems, challenges, difficulties and present situations regarding study area and the process analysis phase produced a sustainable urban revitalization model that can be utilized in addressing the progress of urban development process and how it may be enhanced in the future within these areas.

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Youth Forum. Retrieved from http://www.duniaremaja. jogjaprov.go.id/detilberita/14/1/Inilah-Organisasi-Paling-Nge-Hits-di-Yogyakarta,-YouthForum-DIYSkaar, N. R. (2009). Development of the adolescent exploratory and health risk behaviour rating scale(Unpublished dissertation). University of Minnesota, United Stated.Sofronoff, Dalgliesh, & Kosky. (2004). Out of options, a cognitive model of adolescent suicide and risk-taking. USA: Cambridge University Press.Stattin, H., & Kerr, M. (2000). Parental monitoring: A reinterpretation. Child Developmental, 71, 1072-1085.Survei Demografi dan Kesehatan Indonesia. (2013). Kesehatan reproduksi remaja. Badan Pusat Statistik. Jakarta: Indonesia.Tsai, K. M. (2013). Continuity and discontinuity in perceptions of family relationship from adolescence to young adulthood. Journal of Child Development, 84(2), 471-484.Turley, R. N. L., Desmond, M., & Bruch, S. K. (2010). Unanticipated educational consequences of a positive parent-child relationship. 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Our era is characterized by unprecedented global challenges that require a critical review and a reformulation of the principles of social and economic organization, particularly in the field of urban planning. The concentration of population in major conurbations, their growing segregation and their ecological footprint, stress the importance of adapting metropolitan institutions. Within this large field of research, this thesis focuses on the problem of inequalities of residential location and daily travel, and on the limits of public action to address these challenges. Thus, we develop the hypothesis that the accumulation of residential and travel handicaps constitute a form of social injustice that could be objectified by quantitative measures at a mesosocial level. The ethical corollary of this observation in terms of public action leads us to propose a complementary hypothesis. Indeed, mitigation of urban inequalities would require institutions having the capacity to coordinate various sectoral policies, with territorial coherence and in response to social demands. These two hypotheses are articulated in a dialectical argument that develops operative concepts and methodologies for the study of the right to the city, which we conceive as a synthesis of socio-economic and political empowerment. In particular, urban mobility is defined in this work as the interweaving practices of residential location and daily travel at the household level. This set of capabilities is necessary for the blooming of citizens, but the unjust connotation of differences measured by this kind statistics is difficult to demonstrate. Thus, the main objective of this thesis is the development and application of a methodology for quantitative analysis at the metropolitan level, capable to assert if there is or not an unfair limitation of urban mobility for a certain social group. With this purpose, we analyze four complementary indicators, each measuring a different dimension of space-time tradeoffs at household level. This are: the daily use of time, travel and housing efforts, accessibility to jobs and other destinations, and utility of urban mobility. In sum, simultaneous disadvantages among these measures would suggest that some social groups are deprived of adjustment mechanisms that would allow them to benefit from urban resources, what we qualify as being unfair. In particular, we show that the effect of social policies in Ile-de-France seems to be antagonized by the extension of its urban area, attaining levels of socio-spatial inequalities close to those observed in Greater Santiago, where redistributive mechanisms are extremely weak. This convergence emphasizes the importance of analyzing the limits of metropolitan governance systems to resolve such inequities. This issue is addressed by the observation of two recent public controversies, the implementation of Transantiago and the debates around the Grand Paris, and by the study of the evolution of planning instruments. This institutional analysis is based on a synthesis of the rules and resources of public action, and on interviews with experts and authorities. In both study cases and by different mechanisms, there would be failures of representation for vulnerable groups in the arenas of metropolitan governance, thus contributing to the widening socio-spatial inequalities. Finally, guaranteeing the right to the city in the Greater Santiago and the Ile -de- France would require complementary technical and policy innovations. These could be implemented in a mesosocial level, aiming for the improvement of urban mobility and political representation of vulnerable households, according to the specificities of each sub-metropolitan territory ; Notre époque est caractérisée par des enjeux globaux inédits qui exigent une critique et une reformulation des principes d'organisation socioéconomique, notamment dans le domaine de l'aménagement urbain. La concentration de la population dans des grandes agglomérations, leur ségrégation croissante et leur empreinte écologique, soulignent l'importance de faire évoluer les institutions métropolitaines. Au sein de ce vaste champ de recherche, cette thèse se concentre sur la problématique des inégalités de localisation et déplacements, et des limites de l'action publique face à ces enjeux. Ainsi, nous développons l'hypothèse que l'accumulation de désavantages de logement et déplacements constituerait une forme d'injustice sociale qui pourrait être objectivée par des mesures quantitatives à un niveau méso-social. Le corolaire éthique d'un tel constat, en termes d'action publique nous amène à proposer une hypothèse complémentaire. En effet, l'atténuation des inégalités urbaines nécessiterait d'institutions capables de coordonner diverses politiques sectorielles, avec cohérence territoriale et en réponse aux demandes sociales. Ces deux hypothèses s'articulent dans une dialectique qui développe des concepts et des méthodologies pour l'étude du droit à la ville, que nous concevons comme une synthèse de capacités socioéconomiques et politiques. En particulier, la mobilité urbaine est définie dans ce travail comme l'imbrication des pratiques de localisation résidentielle et de déplacements quotidiens, à niveau des ménages. Cet ensemble de capacités est nécessaire pour l'épanouissement des citoyens, mais la connotation d'injustice des différences statistiques est difficile à démontrer. Ainsi, le principal objectif de cette thèse consiste au développement et application d'une méthodologie d'analyse quantitative à l'échelle métropolitaine, qui permettrait d'affirmer s'il existe, ou pas, une limitation injuste de la mobilité urbaine de certains groupes sociaux. Avec cet objectif, nous analysons quatre indicateurs complémentaires, chacun mesurant une dimension différente des arbitrages spatio-temporels des ménages. Il s'agit de l'usage du temps quotidien, des efforts en transport et logement, de l'accessibilité aux emplois et autres destinations, et de l'utilité de la mobilité urbaine. Au total, des désavantages simultanés parmi ces mesures suggèrent que certains groupes sociaux sont privés de mécanismes d'ajustement qui leur permettrait de bénéficier des ressources urbaines, ce que nous qualifions d'injuste. Nous montrons notamment que l'effet des politiques sociales en Ile-de-France semble être confondu par l'extension de son aire urbaine, qui présente des niveaux d'inégalités socio-spatiales proches à ceux observés dans le Grand Santiago, où les mécanismes redistributifs sont très faibles. Cette convergence souligne l'intérêt d'analyser les limites des systèmes de gouvernance métropolitaine pour résoudre ce type d'iniquités. Cette question est adressée par l'observation de deux controverses publiques récentes, l'implémentation du Transantiago et les débats autour du Grand Paris, et par l'étude de l'évolution des instruments d'aménagement. Cette analyse institutionnelle est appuyée sur la synthèse des règles et ressources de l'action publique et sur des entretiens à des experts et autorités. Dans les deux cas d'étude et par des mécanismes différents, ils existeraient des défaillances de représentation des groupes vulnérables dans les arènes de gouvernance métropolitaine, ce qui contribuerait au creusement des inégalités socio-spatiales. Finalement, la garantie du droit à la ville dans le Grand Santiago et la Région Ile-de-France nécessiterait d'innovations techniques et politiques complémentaires. Celles-ci pourraient être implémentées dans un niveau méso-social, visant à l'amélioration des conditions de mobilité urbaine et de représentation politique des ménages vulnérables, selon les spécificités de chaque sous-territoire métropolitain

The article draws on the interrelations of manifestation, representation, and distribution on the basis of historical examples, cases of "Femen" and "Pussy Riot", and the analysis of actions of the art groups "Voina" and "Zmena". The paper maintains that contemporary persuasion is based on the political economy of images rather than on the semiotics and psychoanalysis of images. The creation, reproduction, and distribution of popular images as well as political ones depends more on the market needs and art/science of marketing than on power and representation. Monopolies and corporations of the media could dictate the content of representations and define consumption in the period of analogous paper media, as G. Debord wrote about it. However, multichannel and self-organising informational networks are based not on the dictat of the propaganda or commercial spectacle, but on the semi-free social distributions and creative consumption. Besides, the contemporary semantic value and the significance of public icons depend equally on the form and process of dissemination as well as on the artistic, original content. This means that the circulation of images and the accumulation of symbolical and, as a consequence, financial capital doesn't necessarily demand a special artistic value or developed aesthetic characteristics. Diminishing of artistry and targeting of protest actions in order to satisfy the desire of consumers are combined with both civic and commercial objectives. The synergy of civic and consumer interests, political activism and consumption in the media characterizes the contemporary political consciousness. Deterioration of art to the elementary street or labour art, adjustment of visuality in order to supply policy requirements and social networking needs blends with the growth of influence of digital technologies, the social and commercial distribution of reportages. The desire to watch the inspirational art as well as the political visions is supported and satisfied by the production and reproduction of special political events.The article considers two cases: the Ukrainian semi-commercial movement "Femen" and non-commercial art activists as well as the punck rock band "Pussy Riot" as two possible tactics in the contemporary protest movement. The aim of the article is to analyse various possibilities for protest art tactics in the contemporary media. The social movement "Femen", its sexism and declarative feminism, its conspicuous activism are an example of manufacturing protest events for political and commercial purposes, for consolidating the interests of corporative capital and civic society. On the contrary, "Pussy Riot" demonstrates manifestations independent of the corporative capital. They are very anarchistic and develop the protest street art. However, the problems of the distribution of art production involved the band into an active participation in the social media and into the creation of independent, communal circles of the circulation of images.Intentions of civic-consumer consciousness directly depend on the content of messages, artistic images and the possible euphoria affects that were disseminated in the digital internet spaces. It is the reason to re-evaluate the interrelations among their manifestation, representation, and distribution in the contemporary social media. The contemporary market oriented to the distribution dictates the demands for the reproduction of representations as also in the new media. If the propaganda is based only on the mass production of messages, its information is ineffective and doesn't correspond on the logic of the contemporary market research and control, on the process of visuality consumption. The stories about the popularization of the art groups "Voina", "Zmena" and especially "Pussy Riot" are examples of a well organized artistic protest in the political field and on the political arena with a different dependence on commercial corporations. Their activities cover the spheres of artistic manifestations, the digital market of the distribution and production of consumers' desires and euphoria. The distribution of protest art goes on in the civic political field, and the growth of the protest movement means the development of demands for protest art production. Creative and informational industries seek to delay mass euphoria and then to keep it in order to exploit the enthusiasm and energy of masses for commercial purposes. The purpose of visible and invisible industries is the accumulation of various forms of capital, but not specific moral or political ideals. Critical thinking and political leadership correspond to different narratives of visual scene and the logic of the mass distribution of the visible. Critical thinking and political leadership need artistic experiments in the streets and in the media as models for political behaviour and demands. Artistic examples help to create the diversity of political manifestations and representations, the multiplicity of the political field. The Ukrainian, Russian, Belorussian modern political protests use different tactics from semi-conformism with the official power up to the antagonistic negation of the government, from the semi-commercial "Femen" and its collaboration with the corporate media up to the completely autonomous and anarchistic "Pussy Riot". I think that all forms of artistic activism are acceptable for the development of free civic society, but they demand a critical perception and development. ; Straipsnyje, remiantis istoriniais pavyzdžiais, protesto grupių Femen ir Pussy Riot atvejais, meno grupių Voina ir Zmena veiklos analize, kalba­ma apie vaizdingų pranešimų manifestacijos, reprezentacijos ir skaitmeninio paskirstymo santykį. Meniškumo mažėjimas ir protesto akcijų rengimas sie­kiant bent iš dalies patenkinti politikos vartotojų geismus ir iš jų kylančius poreikius šiandien derinamas su pilietiniais ir komerciniais siekiniais vienu metu. Meniškumo supaprastėjimas iki elementaraus gatvės, darbininkiško meno, iki populiarių vaizdų pasiūlos, kuri kartu tenkina ir politikos paklau­są socialiniuose tinkluose, dera su didėjančia skaitmeninių technologijų ir pranešimų sklaida. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad ne tiek komunikaciniai veiks­mai, kaip manė J. Habermasas, kiek komercinis ir politinis juslumo ir este­zio paskirstymas – tai aprašė J. Ranciere'as, bei menamai laisvas vartojimas veikia vartotojiškas-pilietines nuostatas. Naujasis komunikacinis, vartotojiš­kas-pilietinis sąmoningumas priklauso nuo skaitmeninėje erdvėje platinamų turinio, kalbos, sukeliamos euforijos, kurią šiuolaikinės kūrybinės ir infor­macinės industrijos išlaiko, reprodukuoja komerciniais tikslais, o ne norėda­mas atitikti specifinius moralinius ar politinius idealus. Tuo galima paaiškinti Femen iš dalies antifeministinį elgesį, nuolatinį apsinuoginimą, komercinį bendradarbiavimą, kuris lemia pilietinį pasirinkimą. Kritinis mąstymas ir lyderystė masinio paskirstymo ir vartojimo atveju yra ne vieno ideologinio naratyvo išpažinimas ir kitų atmetimas, o keleto skirtingų pasakojimų ar vi­zualių siužetų atitikimas. Taip yra sukuriama laisvės, kritiškumo, revoliu­cingumo iliuzija. Kaip priešybė paskirstomajai-spektakliškai manipuliacijai nagrinėjami performatyvaus išcentrinimo ir skaitmeninio kūrybinio situacio­nizmo veiksmai, kuriuos iš dalies atitinka Pussy Riot atvejis. Vis dėlto Voina ir Zmena meno grupių veiklos analizė rodo, kad nekomercinis protestas, be kryptingo informacijos paskirstymo ir sąveikos su masine paklausa elektro­niniuose tinkluose, yra mažai efektyvus. Todėl straipsnio pabaigoje aptaria­ma pasipriešinimo taktika, apie kurią kalbėjo situacionistai (G. Debord'as, R. Vaneigeimas) ar postsituacionistai (J. Boudrillard'as), šiuolaikinio pa­skirstymo kritikai (J. Ranciere'as). Straipsnyje diskutuojama apie kūrybinių situacijų sudarymą ir nekomerciškumą naudojantis skaitmeninėmis erdvėmis ir komercinio paskirstymo analogais.

Our era is characterized by unprecedented global challenges that require a critical review and a reformulation of the principles of social and economic organization, particularly in the field of urban planning. The concentration of population in major conurbations, their growing segregation and their ecological footprint, stress the importance of adapting metropolitan institutions. Within this large field of research, this thesis focuses on the problem of inequalities of residential location and daily travel, and on the limits of public action to address these challenges. Thus, we develop the hypothesis that the accumulation of residential and travel handicaps constitute a form of social injustice that could be objectified by quantitative measures at a mesosocial level. The ethical corollary of this observation in terms of public action leads us to propose a complementary hypothesis. Indeed, mitigation of urban inequalities would require institutions having the capacity to coordinate various sectoral policies, with territorial coherence and in response to social demands. These two hypotheses are articulated in a dialectical argument that develops operative concepts and methodologies for the study of the right to the city, which we conceive as a synthesis of socio-economic and political empowerment. In particular, urban mobility is defined in this work as the interweaving practices of residential location and daily travel at the household level. This set of capabilities is necessary for the blooming of citizens, but the unjust connotation of differences measured by this kind statistics is difficult to demonstrate. Thus, the main objective of this thesis is the development and application of a methodology for quantitative analysis at the metropolitan level, capable to assert if there is or not an unfair limitation of urban mobility for a certain social group. With this purpose, we analyze four complementary indicators, each measuring a different dimension of space-time tradeoffs at household level. This are: the daily use of time, travel and housing efforts, accessibility to jobs and other destinations, and utility of urban mobility. In sum, simultaneous disadvantages among these measures would suggest that some social groups are deprived of adjustment mechanisms that would allow them to benefit from urban resources, what we qualify as being unfair. In particular, we show that the effect of social policies in Ile-de-France seems to be antagonized by the extension of its urban area, attaining levels of socio-spatial inequalities close to those observed in Greater Santiago, where redistributive mechanisms are extremely weak. This convergence emphasizes the importance of analyzing the limits of metropolitan governance systems to resolve such inequities. This issue is addressed by the observation of two recent public controversies, the implementation of Transantiago and the debates around the Grand Paris, and by the study of the evolution of planning instruments. This institutional analysis is based on a synthesis of the rules and resources of public action, and on interviews with experts and authorities. In both study cases and by different mechanisms, there would be failures of representation for vulnerable groups in the arenas of metropolitan governance, thus contributing to the widening socio-spatial inequalities. Finally, guaranteeing the right to the city in the Greater Santiago and the Ile -de- France would require complementary technical and policy innovations. These could be implemented in a mesosocial level, aiming for the improvement of urban mobility and political representation of vulnerable households, according to the specificities of each sub-metropolitan territory ; Notre époque est caractérisée par des enjeux globaux inédits qui exigent une critique et une reformulation des principes d'organisation socioéconomique, notamment dans le domaine de l'aménagement urbain. La concentration de la population dans des grandes agglomérations, leur ségrégation croissante et leur empreinte écologique, soulignent l'importance de faire évoluer les institutions métropolitaines. Au sein de ce vaste champ de recherche, cette thèse se concentre sur la problématique des inégalités de localisation et déplacements, et des limites de l'action publique face à ces enjeux. Ainsi, nous développons l'hypothèse que l'accumulation de désavantages de logement et déplacements constituerait une forme d'injustice sociale qui pourrait être objectivée par des mesures quantitatives à un niveau méso-social. Le corolaire éthique d'un tel constat, en termes d'action publique nous amène à proposer une hypothèse complémentaire. En effet, l'atténuation des inégalités urbaines nécessiterait d'institutions capables de coordonner diverses politiques sectorielles, avec cohérence territoriale et en réponse aux demandes sociales. Ces deux hypothèses s'articulent dans une dialectique qui développe des concepts et des méthodologies pour l'étude du droit à la ville, que nous concevons comme une synthèse de capacités socioéconomiques et politiques. En particulier, la mobilité urbaine est définie dans ce travail comme l'imbrication des pratiques de localisation résidentielle et de déplacements quotidiens, à niveau des ménages. Cet ensemble de capacités est nécessaire pour l'épanouissement des citoyens, mais la connotation d'injustice des différences statistiques est difficile à démontrer. Ainsi, le principal objectif de cette thèse consiste au développement et application d'une méthodologie d'analyse quantitative à l'échelle métropolitaine, qui permettrait d'affirmer s'il existe, ou pas, une limitation injuste de la mobilité urbaine de certains groupes sociaux. Avec cet objectif, nous analysons quatre indicateurs complémentaires, chacun mesurant une dimension différente des arbitrages spatio-temporels des ménages. Il s'agit de l'usage du temps quotidien, des efforts en transport et logement, de l'accessibilité aux emplois et autres destinations, et de l'utilité de la mobilité urbaine. Au total, des désavantages simultanés parmi ces mesures suggèrent que certains groupes sociaux sont privés de mécanismes d'ajustement qui leur permettrait de bénéficier des ressources urbaines, ce que nous qualifions d'injuste. Nous montrons notamment que l'effet des politiques sociales en Ile-de-France semble être confondu par l'extension de son aire urbaine, qui présente des niveaux d'inégalités socio-spatiales proches à ceux observés dans le Grand Santiago, où les mécanismes redistributifs sont très faibles. Cette convergence souligne l'intérêt d'analyser les limites des systèmes de gouvernance métropolitaine pour résoudre ce type d'iniquités. Cette question est adressée par l'observation de deux controverses publiques récentes, l'implémentation du Transantiago et les débats autour du Grand Paris, et par l'étude de l'évolution des instruments d'aménagement. Cette analyse institutionnelle est appuyée sur la synthèse des règles et ressources de l'action publique et sur des entretiens à des experts et autorités. Dans les deux cas d'étude et par des mécanismes différents, ils existeraient des défaillances de représentation des groupes vulnérables dans les arènes de gouvernance métropolitaine, ce qui contribuerait au creusement des inégalités socio-spatiales. Finalement, la garantie du droit à la ville dans le Grand Santiago et la Région Ile-de-France nécessiterait d'innovations techniques et politiques complémentaires. Celles-ci pourraient être implémentées dans un niveau méso-social, visant à l'amélioration des conditions de mobilité urbaine et de représentation politique des ménages vulnérables, selon les spécificités de chaque sous-territoire métropolitain

Tourism and activities it generates are combined with the territorial factor giving rise to the process of using the service in which, essentially, the delivery and consumption of tourism, an entity largely immaterial, are simultaneous in a geographical context chosen by the consumer and defined tourist destination. If clarification of the concept of tourism and tourism product was essential to explain to some extent the reasons for the offer (why tourism activities born and develop?), the opportunity to single out, among the various definitions that have been proposed in the literature, the characteristic features of the destination seems equally significant to get to the explanation of why management system offered (comprehensive and complex product). The basic questions are: What drives tourists to go from s place of habitual residence to a place in which the natural, environmental and cultural region are completely different from starting? What does turning a geographical place into a tourism destination? Because some tourists prefer certain destinations than the other? What is the impact of tourism in terms of territorial and urban mobility? The transport system can be considered a resource-generating competitive advantages? The framework of the article is represented by the Marshallian theory of industrial district which puts the land and its resources behind the development of the local system. It tries to overlay the framework VRIO (Value, Rarity, inimitably, Organization), derived from the Resource Based View, in determining whether a particular resource area can generate a sustainable competitive advantage and lasting. Stakeholder Theory is the framework that leads the analysis of the impact of tourism development policy on local businesses and the framework of Corporate Social Responsibility leads in environmental issues. Against this background, in this paper will be exhibited in the various contributions of the literature on tourism systems starting from the basic that tourist is a person who drives a process of spending a part of his income in a place other than in his habitual residence. The choice of the destination to enjoy the tourist facilities and carry out the complementary activities of consumption is the result of a complex decision-making process based on selection among alternative competitive solutions that are able to respond to a set of needs and aspirations to equal costs and level of services required. Then you will be taken into consideration of the manner in which a geographic location becomes a tourist destination and the way in wich the structural characteristics (accommodation services, catering, equipment) and infrastructure (accessibility geographical, social and economic) are able to express a point of "emotional" for tourists; the encounter between supply and demand is seen according to the post-Fordist framework of "Mutual Value" that drives the service process in tourism businesses and the way in which an assets (tangible and intangible) may be able to generate a competitive advantage in the market. Hereinafter the tourism phenomenon is related to the concept of territorial mobility to highlight the impact that it creates on environmental and urban planning, and the need to monitor and plan the phenomenon for structural and infrastructural adjustment of the territory in the way of sustainability. Finally will be exposed some cases of urban and extra-urban mobility in tourism according to a perspective that sees the urban and suburban transport a real resource (VRIO) generating competitive advantage for the local system. ; Il turismo e le attività da esso generate si combinano con il fattore territoriale dando luogo al processo di fruizione del servizio turistico caratterizzato essenzialmente dalla contestualità dell'erogazione e del consumo di un'entità in buona parte immateriale in un contesto geografico scelto dal consumatore e definito destinazione turistica. Se la chiarificazione del concetto di turismo e di prodotto turistico è risultata essenziale per spiegare in un certo senso le ragioni dell'offerta (perché nascono e si sviluppano le attività turistiche?), altrettanto significativa sembra l'opportunità di enucleare, tra le varie definizioni che sono state proposte nella letteratura specialistica, gli elementi caratteristici della destinazione turistica per arrivare alla spiegazione delle ragioni del management del sistema di offerta (prodotto complesso e globale). Le domande di fondo sono: Cosa spinge i turisti a partire dal luogo di abituale dimora per recarsi in una località che presenta caratteristiche naturali, ambientali e culturali completamente diverse dalla regione di partenza? Cosa fa trasformare un territorio in una destinazione? Perché alcuni flussi turistici prediligono determinate destinazioni rispetto alle altre? Quale è l'impatto sul piano della mobilità territoriale ed urbana? Il sistema dei trasporti può essere considerato una risorsa generatrice di vantaggi competitivi per una destinazione turistica? Il framework dell'articolo è rappresentato dalla teoria marshalliana del distretto industriale che pone il territorio e le sue risorse alla base dello sviluppo del sistema locale. Ad esso si tenta di sovrapporre il framework VRIO (Valore, Rarità, Inimitabilità, Organizzazione), derivato dalla Resource Based View, per stabilire se una determinata risorsa del territorio, nel caso di specie il sistemi di trasporto urbano ed extraurbano, può generare un vantaggio competitivo sostenibile e duraturo. Per l'analisi delle problematiche dell'impatto sul territorio delle politiche di sviluppo turistico e del Destination Management è utile il riferimento alla Stakeholder Theory ed un approccio Corporate Social Responsability (CSR). Date queste premesse, nel paper vengono esposti i vari contributi della letteratura specialistica sui sistemi turistici partendo dall'assunto di base che il turista è un soggetto che attiva un processo di spesa di parte del suo reddito in un luogo diverso dalla sua abituale dimora. La scelta della destinazione in cui fruire dei servizi turistici e svolgere le attività collaterali di consumo è il frutto di un processo decisionale complesso basato sulla selezione competitiva tra soluzioni alternative che siano in grado di rispondere ad un insieme di bisogni ed aspirazioni a parità di costi e di livello di servizi richiesti. Successivamente viene preso in esame il modo con cui una località geografica diviene destinazione turistica e come le caratteristiche strutturali (servizi di alloggio, ristorazione, accessori) ed infrastrutturali (accessibilità geografica, sociale ed economica) possano essere in grado di esprimere un richiamo "emozionale" per il turista; l'incontro tra domanda ed offerta viene visto in un'ottica postfordista secondo il framework "Mutual Value" che assegna un ruolo fondamentale alla componente dei servizi presente nell'offerta di vendita dei beni (materiali ed immateriali) per generare un vantaggio competitivo sul mercato. In prosieguo il fenomeno turistico viene messo in relazione al concetto di mobilità territoriale per evidenziare l'impatto che esso genera sul piano ambientale ed urbanistico e la necessità di monitorare il fenomeno e pianificare le azioni di adeguamento strutturale ed infrastrutturale del territorio nella direzione della sostenibilità. Infine verranno esposti dei casi di mobilità urbana ed extraurbana di tipo turistico secondo una prospettiva che vede il trasporto urbano ed extraurbano una vera e propria risorsa (VRIO) generatrice di vantaggio competitivo per il sistema locale.

Il turismo e le attività da esso generate si combinano con il fattore territoriale dando luogo al processo di fruizione del servizio turistico caratterizzato essenzialmente dalla contestualità dell'erogazione e del consumo di un'entità in buona parte immateriale in un contesto geografico scelto dal consumatore e definito destinazione turistica. Se la chiarificazione del concetto di turismo e di prodotto turistico è risultata essenziale per spiegare in un certo senso le ragioni dell'offerta (perché nascono e si sviluppano le attività turistiche?), altrettanto significativa sembra l'opportunità di enucleare, tra le varie definizioni che sono state proposte nella letteratura specialistica, gli elementi caratteristici della destinazione turistica per arrivare alla spiegazione delle ragioni del management del sistema di offerta (prodotto complesso e globale). Le domande di fondo sono: Cosa spinge i turisti a partire dal luogo di abituale dimora per recarsi in una località che presenta caratteristiche naturali, ambientali e culturali completamente diverse dalla regione di partenza? Cosa fa trasformare un territorio in una destinazione? Perché alcuni flussi turistici prediligono determinate destinazioni rispetto alle altre? Quale è l'impatto sul piano della mobilità territoriale ed urbana? Il sistema dei trasporti può essere considerato una risorsa generatrice di vantaggi competitivi per una destinazione turistica? Il framework dell'articolo è rappresentato dalla teoria marshalliana del distretto industriale che pone il territorio e le sue risorse alla base dello sviluppo del sistema locale. Ad esso si tenta di sovrapporre il framework VRIO (Valore, Rarità, Inimitabilità, Organizzazione), derivato dalla Resource Based View, per stabilire se una determinata risorsa del territorio, nel caso di specie il sistemi di trasporto urbano ed extraurbano, può generare un vantaggio competitivo sostenibile e duraturo. Per l'analisi delle problematiche dell'impatto sul territorio delle politiche di sviluppo turistico e del Destination Management è utile il riferimento alla Stakeholder Theory ed un approccio Corporate Social Responsability (CSR). Date queste premesse, nel paper vengono esposti i vari contributi della letteratura specialistica sui sistemi turistici partendo dall'assunto di base che il turista è un soggetto che attiva un processo di spesa di parte del suo reddito in un luogo diverso dalla sua abituale dimora. La scelta della destinazione in cui fruire dei servizi turistici e svolgere le attività collaterali di consumo è il frutto di un processo decisionale complesso basato sulla selezione competitiva tra soluzioni alternative che siano in grado di rispondere ad un insieme di bisogni ed aspirazioni a parità di costi e di livello di servizi richiesti. Successivamente viene preso in esame il modo con cui una località geografica diviene destinazione turistica e come le caratteristiche strutturali (servizi di alloggio, ristorazione, accessori) ed infrastrutturali (accessibilità geografica, sociale ed economica) possano essere in grado di esprimere un richiamo "emozionale" per il turista; l'incontro tra domanda ed offerta viene visto in un'ottica postfordista secondo il framework "Mutual Value" che assegna un ruolo fondamentale alla componente dei servizi presente nell'offerta di vendita dei beni (materiali ed immateriali) per generare un vantaggio competitivo sul mercato. In prosieguo il fenomeno turistico viene messo in relazione al concetto di mobilità territoriale per evidenziare l'impatto che esso genera sul piano ambientale ed urbanistico e la necessità di monitorare il fenomeno e pianificare le azioni di adeguamento strutturale ed infrastrutturale del territorio nella direzione della sostenibilità. Infine verranno esposti dei casi di mobilità urbana ed extraurbana di tipo turistico secondo una prospettiva che vede il trasporto urbano ed extraurbano una vera e propria risorsa (VRIO) generatrice di vantaggio competitivo per il sistema locale. ; Tourism and activities it generates are combined with the territorial factor giving rise to the process of using the service in which, essentially, the delivery and consumption of tourism, an entity largely immaterial, are simultaneous in a geographical context chosen by the consumer and defined tourist destination. If clarification of the concept of tourism and tourism product was essential to explain to some extent the reasons for the offer (why tourism activities born and develop?), the opportunity to single out, among the various definitions that have been proposed in the literature, the characteristic features of the destination seems equally significant to get to the explanation of why management system offered (comprehensive and complex product). The basic questions are: What drives tourists to go from s place of habitual residence to a place in which the natural, environmental and cultural region are completely different from starting? What does turning a geographical place into a tourism destination? Because some tourists prefer certain destinations than the other? What is the impact of tourism in terms of territorial and urban mobility? The transport system can be considered a resource-generating competitive advantages? The framework of the article is represented by the Marshallian theory of industrial district which puts the land and its resources behind the development of the local system. It tries to overlay the framework VRIO (Value, Rarity, inimitably, Organization), derived from the Resource Based View, in determining whether a particular resource area can generate a sustainable competitive advantage and lasting. Stakeholder Theory is the framework that leads the analysis of the impact of tourism development policy on local businesses and the framework of Corporate Social Responsibility leads in environmental issues. Against this background, in this paper will be exhibited in the various contributions of the literature on tourism systems starting from the basic that tourist is a person who drives a process of spending a part of his income in a place other than in his habitual residence. The choice of the destination to enjoy the tourist facilities and carry out the complementary activities of consumption is the result of a complex decision-making process based on selection among alternative competitive solutions that are able to respond to a set of needs and aspirations to equal costs and level of services required. Then you will be taken into consideration of the manner in which a geographic location becomes a tourist destination and the way in wich the structural characteristics (accommodation services, catering, equipment) and infrastructure (accessibility geographical, social and economic) are able to express a point of "emotional" for tourists; the encounter between supply and demand is seen according to the post-Fordist framework of "Mutual Value" that drives the service process in tourism businesses and the way in which an assets (tangible and intangible) may be able to generate a competitive advantage in the market. Hereinafter the tourism phenomenon is related to the concept of territorial mobility to highlight the impact that it creates on environmental and urban planning, and the need to monitor and plan the phenomenon for structural and infrastructural adjustment of the territory in the way of sustainability. Finally will be exposed some cases of urban and extra-urban mobility in tourism according to a perspective that sees the urban and suburban transport a real resource (VRIO) generating competitive advantage for the local system.

Using cross-country and panel regressions, this article investigates how gender inequality in education affects long-term economic growth. Such inequality is found to have an effect on economic growth that is robust to changes in specifications and controls for potential endogeneities. The results suggest that gender inequality in education directly affects economic growth by lowering the average level of human capital. In addition, growth is indirectly affected through the impact of gender inequality on investment and population growth. Some 0.4-0.9 percentage points of differences in annual per capita growth rates between East Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East can be accounted for by differences in gender gaps in education between these regions.

From 2004 to 2012, Zambia experienced a combination of good economic policies and high rates of growth not seen since the early years after its independence. While growth was mainly driven by rising copper prices, other factors contributed to Zambia's ability to take advantage of this growth. The international debt relief programs in 2004-2005 almost eliminated public debt and provided the fiscal space for selective, high-priority investments and expanded social programs. The privatization of the copper mines brought new investment in rehabilitation and expansion of production. The period also saw a substantial expansion of primary education and progress in dealing with the most pervasive public health problems. These positive developments set the stage for Zambia to tackle its pervasive poverty. In practice, however, sustained growth over the period has led to little poverty reduction, especially in rural areas of the country. The Bank Group and other donors provided critical support at the beginning of the evaluation period, when Zambia's debt level became unsustainable. The Bank provided substantial support for capacity development and better functioning institutions. The Bank's efforts to strengthen public administration and improve governance met with some partial successes in enhanced audit and procurement capacity, and the achievement of Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative compliance. However, despite nearly a decade of implementation, the Integrated Financial Management Information Systems (IFMIS), is still only partially operational. Further, the Zambian government has not followed through on its positive discourse regarding decentralization of government authority.