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""Mel Goodman has spent the last few decades telling us what's gone wrong with American intelligence and the American military. he is also telling us how to save ourselves."--Seymour M. Hersh, The New Yorker "Whistleblower at the CIA offers a fascinating glimpse into the secret, behind-the-scenes world of U.S. intelligence. Melvin A. Goodman's first-person account of the systematic manipulation of intelligence at the CIA underscores why whistleblowing is so important, and why the institutional obstacles to it are so intense. At its core it's an invaluable historical expose, a testimony to integrity and conscience, and a call for the U.S. intelligence community to keep its top leaders in check. Urgent, timely, and deeply recommended."--Daniel Ellsberg "In this fascinating and candid account of his years as a senior CIA analyst, Mel Goodman shows how the worst enemies of high quality intelligence can come from our own midst, and how the politicization of intelligence estimates can cause more damage to American security than its professed enemies. Whistleblower at the CIA is a must-read for anyone interested in the intricate web of intelligence-policymaking relations."--Uri Bar-Joseph, author of The Angel: The Egyptian Spy Who Saved Israel Melvin Goodman's long career as a respected intelligence analyst at the CIA, specializing in US/Soviet relations, ended abruptly. In 1990, after twenty-four years of service, Goodman resigned when he could no longer tolerate the corruption he witnessed at the highest levels of the Agency. In 1991 he went public, blowing the whistle on top-level officials and leading the opposition against the appointment of Robert Gates as CIA director. In the widely covered Senate hearings, Goodman charged that Gates and others had subverted "the process and the ethics of intelligence" by deliberately misinforming the White House about major world events and covert operations. In this breathtaking expose, Goodman tells the whole story. Retracing his career with the Central Intelligence Agency, he presents a rare insider's account of the inner workings of America's intelligence community, and the corruption, intimidation, and misinformation that lead to disastrous foreign interventions. An invaluable and historic look into one of the most secretive and influential agencies of US government--and a wake-up call for the need to reform its practices. Melvin A. Goodman served as a senior analyst and Division Chief at the CIA from 1966 to 1990. ...

Foreword: Sifting and wiinnowing in the "post-truth" era / Deepa Kumar -- Introduction / Andy Lee Roth and Mickey Huff -- The top censored stories and media analysis of 2016-17 / complied and edited by Andy Lee Roth: Widespread lead contamination threatens children's health, and could triple household water bills -- Over six trillion dollars in unaccountable Army spending -- Pentagon paid UK PR firm for fake Al-Qaeda videos -- Voter suppression in the 2016 Presidential election -- Big data and dark money behind the 2016 election -- Antibiotic resistant 'superbugs" threaten health and foundations of modern medicine -- The toll of US Navy training on wildlife in the North Pacific -- Maternal mortality a growing threat in the US -- DNC claims right to select Presidential candidate -- 2016: a record year for global internet shutdowns -- Law enforcement surveillance of phone records -- US quietly established new "anti-propaganda" center -- Right-wing money promotes model legislation to restrict free speech on university campuses -- Judges across US using racially biased software to assess defendants' risk of committing future crimes -- Shell understood climate change as early as 1991 and ignored it -- "Resilient" Indian communities struggle to cope with impacts of climate change -- Young plaintiffs invoke constitutional grounds for climate protection -- Rise in number of transgender people murdered -- Inmates and activists protest chemical weapons in US prisons and jails -- Seattle activist group leads first successful campaign to defund police -- Fossil fuel industry "colonizing" US universities -- Lawsuit against Illinois Department of corrections exposes militarization of law enforcement inside prisons -- Facebook buys sensitive user data to offer marketers targeted advertising -- Eight use of force policies to prevent killings by police -- Juvenile court fees punish children for their families' poverty -- Post-truth dystopia: fake news, alternative facts, and ongoing war on reality- junk food news and news abuse for 2016-17 / Nolan Higdon, Mickey Huff, and others -- Media democracy in action / introduction by Andy Lee Roth, with contributions by Rachael Jolley, Chase Palmieri, Mahsood Ebrahim, Julianne Rodriguez, Kevin Gosztola, Rania Khalek, and Gennie Gebhart -- The new American authoritarianism: how the corporate media normalized racism in 2016 / Nolan Higdon and Nicholas L. Baham III -- Trump universe / words by Adam Bessie and pictures by Peter Glanting -- Defamation as censorship in the social-media era: Who counts as a media defendant? / Elizabeth Blakey -- Still manufacturing consent: the propaganda model at thirty / Edward S. Herman -- Breaking through power: mass media blacks out the Super Bowl of citizen action / Ralph Nader.

Part PART I THREE OVERVIEWS -- chapter 1 Martin Wight (1987), 'An Anatomy of International Thought', Review of International Studies, 13, pp. 221-27 -- chapter 2 Anne-Marie Slaughter Burley (1993), 'International Law and International Relations Theory: A Dual Agenda', The American Journal of International Law, 87, pp. 205-39 -- chapter 3 Deborah Z. Cass (1996), 'Navigating the Newstream: Recent Critical Scholarship in International Law', Nordic Journal of International Law, 65, pp. 341-83 -- part PART II IS INTERNATIONAL LAW, LAW? -- chapter 4 L. Oppenheim (1908), 'The Science of International Law: Its Task and Method', The American Journal o f International Law, 2, pp. 313-56 -- chapter 5 Anthony D'Amato (1985), 'Is International Law Really 2Law3?', Northwestern University Law Review, 79, pp. 1293-314 -- chapter 6 Hans J. Morgenthau (1940), 'Positivism, Functionalism, and International Law', The American Journal of International Law, 34, pp. 260-84 -- chapter 7, pp. 485-507 -- chapter 8 The View from the New Haven School of International Law -- chapter 9 Thomas M. Franck (1988), 'Legitimacy in the International System', The American Journal of International Law, 82, pp. 705-59 -- part PART III WHAT IS THE SOURCE OF LAW? -- chapter 10 Ideals and Things: International Legal Scholarship and the Prison-House of Language -- part PART IV WHO ARE THE PRIMARY ACTORS? -- chapter 11 Harold Hongju Koh (1996), 'Transnational Legal Process', Nebraska Law Review, 75, pp. 181-207 -- chapter 12 Martti Koskenniemi (1991), 'The Future of Statehood', Harvard International Law Journal, 32, pp. 397-410 -- part PART V IS INTERNATIONAL LAW NEUTRAL? -- chapter 13 Martti Koskenniemi (1990), 'The Politics of International Law', European Journal of International Law, 1, pp. 4-32 -- chapter 14 Feminist Re/Statements: Feminism and State Sovereignty in International Law -- chapter 15, pp. 1-80 -- part PART VI IS INTERNATIONAL LAW JUST? -- chapter 16 Thomas M. Franck (1989), 'Is Justice Relevant to the International Legal System?', Notre Dame Law Review, 64, pp. 945-63 -- chapter 17 David Armstrong (1999), 'Law, Justice and the Idea of a World Society', International Affairs, 75, pp. 547-61 -- part PART VII IS INTERNATIONAL LAW DEMOCRATIC? -- chapter 18 Fernando R. Teson (1992), 'The Kantian Theory of International Law', Columbia Law Review, 92, pp. 53-102 -- chapter 19 Susan Marks (1997), 'The End of History? Reflections on Some International Legal Theses', European Journal of International Law, 8, pp. 449-77.

chapter Encyclopedia Britannica, pp. 126-54 -- chapter 2 Robert P. George (1999), 'Recent Criticism ofNatural Law Theory', In Defense of Natural Law, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 31-82 -- chapter 3 Anthony J. Lisska (2008), 'The Metaphysical Presuppositions of Natural Law in Thomas Aquinas: A New Look at Some Old Questions', in Fulvio Di Blasi, Joshua P. Hochschild and Jeffrey Langan (eds), Virtue's End: God in Moral Philosophy of Aristotle and Aquinas, South Bend, IN: St Augustine's Press, pp. 67-83 -- chapter 4 Mortimer J. Adler (1942), 'A Question about Law', in Robert E. Brennan (ed.), Essays in Thomism, New York: Sheed &Ward, pp. 207-36,388--410 -- chapter 5 Alan Donagan (1969), 'The Scholastic Theory of Moral Law in the Modem World', in Anthony Kenney (ed.), Aquinas: A Collection a/Critical Essays, London: Macmillan, pp. 325-39 -- chapter 45, pp. 519-31 -- part PART IV NATURAL LAW AND NATURAL RIGHTS -- chapter 7 Michael P. Zuckert (1996-1997), 'Do Natural Rights Derive from Natural Law?', Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, 20, pp. 695-731 -- chapter 8 Joseph Boy le (2001), 'Fairness in Holdings: A Natural Law Account of Property and Welfare Rights', Social Philosophy and Policy, pp. 206-26 -- chapter 9 James Bernard Murphy (2005), 'Law's Positivity in the Natural Law Jurisprudence of Thomas Aquinas', The Philosophy of Positive Law: Foundations of Jurisprudence, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, pp. 48-116 -- chapter 10 Daniel Westberg (1994), 'The Relation between Positive and Natural Law in Aquinas', Journal of Law and Religion, 11, pp. 1-22 -- chapter 11 Gilbert Bailey ( 1941 ), 'The Promulgation of Law', American Political Science Review, 35, pp. 1059-84 -- chapter 12 John Finnis (1984--1985), 'The Authority of Law in the Predicament of Contemporary Social Theory', Journal of Law, Ethics and Public Policy, 1, pp. 115-3 7 -- chapter 13 John Finnis (1993-1994), 'Liberalism and Natural Law Theory', Mercer Law Review, 4 5, pp. 687-704 -- chapter 14 Nicholas Aroney (2007), 'Subsidiarity, Federalism, and the Best Constitution: Thomas Aquinas on City, Province and Empire, Law and Philosophy, 2 6, pp. 161-228 -- chapter 15 Patrick Halligan (1989), 'The Environmental Policy of Saint Thomas Aquinas', Environmental Law, 19, pp. 767-806 -- chapter 16 M. Cathleen Kaveny (1991), 'Toward a Thomistic Perspective on Abortion and the Law in Contemporary America', The Thomist, 55, pp. 343-96 -- chapter 17 Stephen R. Latham (1996-1997), 'Aquinas and Morphine: Notes on Double Effect at the End of Life', DePaul Journal of Health Care Law, 1, pp. 625--44.

This eye-opening volume examines ways in which religious institutions can be misused to mask illegal financial dealings, and steps law enforcement can take to combat these criminal activities. The chapters review legal rights and responsibilities of churches and the types of loopholes that can allow unscrupulous practices to flourish. This book offers local and global proposals for the study and practice of improving financial transparency for religious organizations, and assessing and curbing monetary crimes within their ranks. A sampling of criminal cases of financial wrongdoing by churches and temples spotlights the ingenuity involved in such scams as well as in the ongoing fight against them. Included in the coverage: Religious freedom in the U.S. and Brazilian constitutional orders Government regulation of religious organizations Criminal investigations and cases involving financial crimes practiced by and through religious institutions International religious activities and legal cooperation for repatriation of assets Payments through illegal and disguised means, and the misuse of churches, temples, and charitable organizations Proposals to improve the war against financial crimes within temples and churches Its unique subject matter and depth of information makes Churches, Temples, and Financial Crimes distinctly useful for professionals involved in efforts to curb this form of crime, particularly law enforcement personnel, prosecutors, and judges. Fausto Martin De Sanctisholds a Doctorate in Criminal Law from the University of São Paulo's School of Law (USP) and an advanced degree in Civil Procedure from the Federal University of Brasilia (UnB) in Brazil. He was a Public Defender in São Paulo from 1989-1990, and a State Court Judge, also in São Paulo, from 1990-1991, until he was appointed to the Federal Courts. He is currently a Federal Appellate Judge in Brazil's Federal Court for the Third Region, with jurisdiction over the states of São Paulo and Mato Grosso do Sul. He is also the Deputy Director of the Federal Judicial School and a member of the Portuguese Language Law Jurists Community (CJLP). Since 2013, he has been an Advisory Council Member for the Brazil-U.S. Legal and Judicial Studies Program at American University Washington College of Law. Judge De Sanctis was selected to handle a specialized federal court created in Brazil to exclusively hear complex cases involving financial crimes and money laundering offenses. He is a world known expert on this topic and has been invited to participate in programs and conferences both in Brazil as well as internationally. From April 2 to September 28, 2012, Judge De Sanctis was a fellow at Federal Judicial Center in Washington, DC.

When guns began firing again in Europe, why was it Ukraine that became the battlefield? Conventional wisdom dictates that Ukraine's current crisis can be traced to the linguistic differences and divided political loyalties that have long fractured the country. However this theory only obscures the true significance of Ukraine's recent civic revolution and the conflict's crucial international dimension. The 2013-14 Ukrainian revolution presented authoritarian powers in Russia with both a democratic and a geopolitical challenge. President Vladimir Putin reacted aggressively by annexing the Crimea and sponsoring the war in eastern Ukraine; and Russia's actions subsequently prompted Western sanctions and growing international tensions reminiscent of the Cold War. Though the media portrays the situation as an ethnic conflict, an internal Ukrainian affair, it is in reality reflective of a global discord, stemming from differing views on state power, civil society, and democracy.The Conflict in Ukraine: What Everyone Needs to Know explores Ukraine's contemporary conflict and complicated history of ethnic identity, and it does do so by weaving questions of the country's fraught relations with its former imperial master, Russia, throughout the narrative. In denying Ukraine's existence as a separate nation, Putin has adopted a stance similar to that of the last Russian tsars, who banned the Ukrainian language in print and on stage. Ukraine emerged as a nation-state as a result of the imperial collapse in 1917, but it was subsequently absorbed into the USSR. When the former Soviet republics became independent states in 1991, the Ukrainian authorities sought to assert their country's national distinctiveness, but they failed to reform the economy or eradicate corruption. As Serhy Yekelchyk explains, for the last 150 years recognition of Ukraine as a separate nation has been a litmus test of Russian democracy, and the Russian threat to Ukraine will remain in place for as long as the Putinist regime is in power. In this concise and penetrating book, Yekelchyk describes the current crisis in Ukraine, the country's ethnic composition, and the Ukrainian national identity. He takes readers through the history of Ukraine's emergence as a sovereign nation, the after-effects of communism, the Orange Revolution, the EuroMaidan, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the war in the Donbas, and the West's attempts at peace making. The Conflict in Ukraine is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the forces that have shaped contemporary politics in this increasingly important part of Europe.What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.

This monograph uses the latest archaeological results from Mongolia and the surrounding areas of Inner Asia to propose a novel understanding of nomadic statehood, political economy, and the nature of interaction with ancient China. In contrast to the common view of the Eurasian steppe as a dependent periphery of Old World centers, this work views Inner Asia as a locus of enormous influence on neighboring civilizations, primarily through the development and transmission of diverse organizational models, technologies, and socio-political traditions. This work explores the spatial management of political relationships within the pastoral nomadic setting during the first millennium BCE and argues that a culture of mobility, horse-based transport, and long-distance networking promoted a unique variant of statehood. Although states of the eastern steppe were geographically large and hierarchical, these polities also relied on techniques of distributed authority, multiple centers, flexible structures, and ceremonialism to accommodate a largely mobile and dispersed populace. This expertise in 'spatial politics' set the stage early on for the expansionistic success of later Asian empires under the Mongols and Manchus.Inner Asia and the Spatial Politics of Empirebrings a distinctly anthropological treatment to the prehistory of Mongolia and is the first major work to explore key issues in the archaeology of eastern Eurasia using a comparative framework. The monograph adds significantly to anthropological theory on interaction between states and outlying regions, the emergence of secondary complexity, and the growth of imperial traditions. Based on this approach, the window of Inner Asian prehistory offers a novel opportunity to investigate the varied ways that complex societies grow and the processes articulating adjacent societies in networks of mutual transformation. William Honeychurch is an assistant professor at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. His research focuses on interregional interaction and the development of complex political organization, the rise of states and empires among nomadic peoples, and the construction and use of monumental landscapes. He has worked in Mongolia since 1991 and combines innovative survey techniques with habitation and mortuary excavation to recover the often sparse remains of ancient mobile communities. Along with colleagues from the Mongolian Institute of Archaeology, Dr. Honeychurch has carried out multi-year survey and excavation projects at the Mongolian sites of Egiin Gol, Baga Gazaryn Chuluu, and Delgerkhaan Uul in order to better understand the local foundations of steppe politics and lifeways. His research results have helped to shed light on the cultural and political importance of pastoral nomadic societies around the world.

Vor zwanzig Jahren hatte der französische Soziologe und Philosoph Bruno Latour konstatiert: »Wir sind nie modern gewesen«, und sich an einer »symmetrischen Anthropologie« jenseits der Trennung von Natur und Kultur versucht. Nun legt er sein zweites Hauptwerk vor, das dieses faszinierende Projekt mit einer »Anthropologie der Modernen« fortschreibt und den verschiedenen Existenzweisen von Wissenschaft, Technologie, Recht, Religion, Wirtschaft und Politik in der modernen Welt nachspürt. Ein großes Panorama der Modi moderner Existenz. Latour setzt für dieses Projekt bei der globalen Verflechtung aller Lebensbereiche an, die heute nicht zuletzt am Problem des Klimawandels sichtbar wird. Zugleich zeigt sich aber an diesem Problem auch, dass es verschiedene Handlungssphären gibt, die jeweils eigene Existenzweisen besitzen: Politiker, die sich mit dem Klimaproblem befassen, sind eben keine Wissenschaftler, die Klimaforschung betreiben, und Unternehmer orientieren sich zunächst an den Maßgaben der Wirtschaftlichkeit; wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse werden daher nicht einfach in politische und ökonomische Handlungen übersetzt. Dennoch sind für Latour diese verschiedenen Existenzmodi nicht unabhängig voneinander, sondern durchdringen einander und kreieren gemeinsam Probleme, die es in der Folge auch gemeinsam zu lösen gilt. Es bedarf daher einer neuen Form der »Diplomatie«, die zwischen den einzelnen Existenzweisen vermittelt. Nicht weniger als die Zukunft unseres Planeten steht auf dem Spiel und nicht weniger als eine solche diplomatische Vermittlung versucht dieses grundlegende und wegweisende Buch zu leisten. Auf dass wir endlich modern werden! Bruno Latour, geboren 1947 in Beaune, Burgund, Sohn einer Winzerfamilie. Studium der Philosophie und Anthropologie, von 1982 bis 2006 Professor am Centre de l'Innovation an der Ecole nationale supérieure de mine in Paris. Gastprofessor an der University of California San Diego, der London School of Economics und am historischen Seminar der Harvard University. Seit Juni 2007 ist Bruno Latour Professor am Sciences Politiques Paris und dem Centre de Sociologie des Organisations (CSO). Bücher Bruno Latours: Chroniques d'un amateur de science. Paris, Presses de l'Ecole des Mines de Paris, 2006. Les atmosphères de la politique - dialogue sur la démocratie. Les Empêcheurs, Paris 2006 (avec Philippe Descola, François Jullien, Gilles Kepel, Derrick de Kerckhove, Giovalli Levi, Sebastiano, Maffettone, Angelo Scola, Peter Sloterdijk, Isabelle Stengers, Adam Zagajewski). Making Things Public - Atmospheres of Democracy. MIT Press and ZKM Karlsruhe, Germany, 2005. Edited by Bruno Latour and Peter Weibel. Reassembling the Social - An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Oxford University Press, 2005. La Fabrique du droit. Une ethnographie du Conseil d'Etat, Paris, La Découverte, 2002. Jubiler ou les tourments de la parole religieuse, Les Empêcheurs-Le Seuil, Paris, 2002. Politiques de la nature. Comment faire entrer les sciences en démocratie. Paris, La Découverte, 1999. Paris ville invisible, Les Empêcheurs de penser en rond La Découverte 1998, (avec Emilie Hermant). Pandora's Hope. Essays on the Reality of Science Studies, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1999. La clef de Berlin et autres leçons d'un amateur de sciences, La Découverte, Paris, 1993. Aramis ou l'amour des techniques, La Découverte, Paris, 1992. Nous n'avons jamais été modernes - essai d'anthropologie symétrique, La Découverte, Paris, 1991. Science in Action, How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society, Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass., 1987. Les Microbes: guerre et paix, suivi de Irréductions, A.-M. Métaillé, Paris, 1984. Laboratory Life: the Social Construction of Scientific Facts, Sage, Los Angeles, Londres, 1979, (avec Steve Woolgar).

Agnieszka Balcerzak: »Es gibt keine Freiheit ohne die Zwerge!«: Das Kulturphänomen Orange Alternative und sein Wandel seit den 1980er Jahren in Polen
Mensur Bašić: Die Debatte um das Vertragswerk von Dayton und die postjugoslawische Erinnerungskultur
Björn Buß: Politischer Parallelismus in Mittel- und Osteuropa: Ergebnisse einer statistisch-vergleichenden Analyse
Ewa Dąbrowska: Steuerung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung in einer : undemokratischen institutionellen Ordnung. Sachpolitik oder Manipulation?
Hella Dietz: Niepokorni - die »Unbeugsamen«: Eine soziologische Analyse der Entstehung des Komitees zum Schutz der Arbeiter
Rosanna Dom: Sehnsucht nach der Sowjetunion. Die russophone Minderheit in Moldova
Nadja Douglas: »Entföderalisierung« als Faktor im Prozess des Demokratieabbaus : in der Russischen Föderation
Regina Elsner: Die Russische Orthodoxe Kirche - Stütze des neuen Autoritarismus?
Evgeniya Gataulina: The Role of Non-State Actors in Protecting the Rights of Orphans in the Russian Federation
Sonja Grimm and Lisa Maria Groß: Democracy Assistance, Conditionality and Supervision: EU Democracy Promotion on the Western Balkans
Denis Gruber: Lebensführung und Vulnerabilität frauengeführter Haushalte in Russland
Matthias Guttke: Justitia im Würgegriff der Exekutive: Probleme der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in der Ukraine
Konstantin Kaminskij: Stalin 2.0. Restalinisierung und Destalinisierung : in den russischen Massenmedien 2005–2011
Sören Keil: Democratization the European Way? : Zur Rolle der Europäischen Union in Bosnien-Herzegowina, Kosovo und Mazedonien
Eduard Klein: Die korrupte Universität: Über den Versuch, Korruption bei der Studienplatzvergabe : in Russland und der Ukraine erfolgreich zu bekämpfen
Janis Kluge: Über die Unsicherheit von Eigentumsrechten im Autoritarismus
Ina Kubbe: Politische Korruption in Europa
Robert Kusche: Die extreme Rechte in Russland
Iveta Leitane: Hypokrisie, Kommunitarismus und Autoritarismus in : den schwachen Demokratien des Postsozialismus
René Lenz: Bologna an die Wolga: deutsche Organisationen als Mittler zwischen : der Russischen Föderation und dem Europäischen Hochschulraum
Maria Lichtenegger: Stalin und der Große Vaterländische Krieg: Autoritarismus im russischen Kino seit 1991
Diana Lindner: Kollektive Identität und Spracheinstellungen der Mischsprachensprecher in Belarus
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Michael Mayer und Yury Ovseenko: Die Rückkehr des Autoritarismus in Russland aus Sicht der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Korruptionsprävention
Inna Melnykovska: Explaining the Dynamics of Post-Soviet Hybrid Regimes from the Perspective of : Political Economy: Business Clans and Institutional Change in Ukraine and Russia
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Adam Slaby: Nationalistisches agenda setting und dessen Einfluss auf die Qualität der Demokratie in der: Tschechischen Republik
Kateryna Stetsevych: Ukrainische Literatur und Politik: Analyse eines zwiespältigen Verhältnisses
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Maria Tagangaeva: Unter neuer Herrschaft? Burjatische Künstler heute
Alexander Vorbrugg: Zivilgesellschaft (regierbar) machen? Das Konzept der Zivilgesellschaft : in der Praxis einer deutschen politischen Stiftung in der Ukraine
Orsolya Vorzsák: Szekler Identitätskonstruktionen in Lehr- und Reisebüchern des 19. Jahrhunderts
Ruben Werchan: Belarus, Russland und der soziale Faktor
Susann Worschech: Imitierte Zivilgesellschaft zwischen Demokratisierung und Re-Autokratisierung
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Although small and not particularly peoples both Chechens and Palestinians became famous for suicide bomber attacks in recent years. This can - partly - be explained by the unrecognised collective traumas of the past.
Both Chechens and Palestinians experienced collective traumas in the 1940ties. The entire Chechen population wad deported by Josef Stalin to Kasakhstan, Kirgysia and Sibiria in February 1944 under the pretext of collaboration with the Third Reich. Those who survived were allowed to return in 1957 to Chechenya. Half of the Palestinian Arab population was expelled from Palestine in 1947/48, when fighting erupted between Jews and Arabs. The refugees were never allowed to return. The memory of the deportation/expulsion was kept alive. The founding traumas contributed to the development of Chechen and Palestinian nationalism. Chechens and Palestinians till today suffer from their collective traumas, which stayed unrecognised and therefore create psychological and political problems for the following generations - and for their adverseries. The phenomenon of the "closed circle of violence" created a phobic collective behaviour, which led for example Chechens to the illusionary declaration of independence in 1991. It also led to the individual overreaction of young Chechens or Palestinians, who became living bombs. The collective Trauma, if untreated, poses a threat to any peaceful political solution. - 1. Einleitung
Ausgehend von der Fragestellung, warum gerade bei Tschetschenen und Palästinensern der Selbstmordterrorismus in den letzten Jahren so populär geworden ist, analysiert die Autorin die Geschichte dieser beiden Völker. Einer der Gründe ist bisher wenig beachtet worden. Der Einfluss eines kollektiven Traumas, das als solches nicht anerkannt, behandelt und auch nicht einer politischen Lösung zugeführt wurde.

2. Geschichte der Palästinenser und Tschetschenen
Im Zuge der Errichtung Israels im Unabhängigkeitskrieg 1948 verlor die Hälfte des palästinensischen Volkes - 750.000 Menschen - ihre Heimat. Unter der Führung von Jassir Arafat kämpften sie in den Jahrzehnten danach - mit Gewalt und am Verhandlungstisch - um einen eigenen Staat. Das Recht auf Rückkehr spielte dabei immer eine besondere Rolle. Die "Nakbah", die als Katastrophe empfundene Vertreibung 1948, wurde dabei Bezugs- und Angelpunkt mehrer Generationen von Flüchtlingen. Die Weigerung Israels, die Mitverantwortung für die Vertreibung der Palästinenser zu übernehmen und das kollektive Trauma der Palästinenser anzuerkennen - aus Angst vor einer Infragestellung des eigenen Staates - ist einer der Gründe, warum der Nahostkonflikt bisher nicht gelöst werden konnte.

Auch die Tschetschenen durften jahrzehntelang über die Deportation ihres Volkes nicht einmal sprechen. Hatte Josef Stallin sie erst unter dem Vorwand der Kollaboration mit Nazi-Deutschland deportiert, waren sie zwar nach seinem Tod in die Heimat zurückgekehrt, lebten dort aber jahrzehntelang weiterhin als "unzuverlässiges Volk". Das kollektive Trauma der Deportation konnte nur mündlich überliefert werden. Mit dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion brach der ungelöste Konflikt zwischen Tschetschenien und Russland sofort auf, das Land ging in blutigen Kriegen unter.

3. Zusammenfassung
Die kollektive Erinnerung ist in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten zu einem zentralen Forschungsthema geworden. Der vorsichtige Einsatz von in der Individualpsychologie gewonnenen Erkenntnissen in der Behandlung von kollektiven Traumata, um zu einer politischen Lösung zu kommen, ist eine Chance.
Das Studium historischer Fakten in Kombination mit den Erkenntnissen der Psychologie und Psychiatrie bietet die Basis für eine politische Lösung. Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass kollektive Traumata, die nicht behandelt werden, immer wieder, auch Generationen später, zu kollektiven Reaktionen führen können, die auf den ersten Blick irrational erscheinen. Die vielleicht radikalste Form des politischen Widerstandes, das Selbstmordattentat, ist dafür ein Beispiel.

Torsten Bell tells us that populists are bad, M'Kay?Silvio Berlusconi may be dead, but Giorgia Meloni is running the show in Italy. Donald Trump wants back into the White House (it's cosier than jail), and are we really confident that arch-centrist Emmanuel Macron in France won't be followed by Marine Le Pen? Even the pope is worried about a libertarian former sex-coach taking power in Argentina.I raise this because it should encourage anti-populists to focus on addressing the bad economic outcomes that help drive populism. If you need further encouragement, it should come from recognising the scale of bad economic outcomes that follow populists actually coming to power.Those are all rightish, or at least arguably conservative, type populists. And while it's easy enough to disagree with some or all of the things they do/would like to do we're not sure that economic disaster can quite be pinned on any of them. So we thought we'd have a look at the source here. Which is this paper:A widespread academic view is that populist leaders are bad for the economy and "self-destruct" quickly. Influential work by Sachs (1989) and Dornbusch and Edwards (1991) on Latin American populism in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s identified a "populist cycle." Populist leaders generate a short-lived boom using expansionary fiscal policy that ultimately ends in an economic and political crisis.Rudi Dornbusch writing a paper on right wing populists sounds a bit odd to us so we looked at that paper too. To find that his two named examples were Garcia in Peru and Allende in Chile. So not really noting right wing, or conservative, at all.The middle paper, Bell's reference, actually talks of economic populism as being the thing that goes wrong. Also known as spending all the money in one fell swoop because it's gonna be great, this new society with its new economics. So, Chavez/Maduro, Mugabe, and so on. Or, if we were to survey recent British politics, Jeremy Corbyn and his Magic Money Tree (courtesy Richard J Murphy). That's the sort of populism that ordains economic disaster. The researchers find that having a populist leader hits a country's GDP per capita and living standards by about 10% over 15 years as the economy turns inward, institutions are undermined and risks are taken with macroeconomic policy.Well, yes, it's a good warning. But possibly a good idea to be a little more specific over what is being warned about? It's not actually populism at all, it's fiscal incontinence.

This article will present the evolution of alternative care provision in the Maldives. The Maldives is a small island nation located in the Indian Ocean, with a population of around 530,000. Since the signing and ratification of the UNCRC in 1991, there have been many improvements in children's lives; for example, progress has been made in school attendance, improved child literacy rates and infant mortality has been reduced significantly. However, the country still faces several challenges in terms of child welfare, including internal child trafficking, child abuse, neglect and child marriage. There are currently 187 children living apart from their families in alternative care, which accounts for 0.02% of children in the country. The predominant form of alternative care provision remains institutional, which is typified by large numbers of children cared for by relatively low numbers of care staff. The article will explain, how historically, when a child was unable to remain with their parents, informal kinship care was the predominant form of provision. Often this would result in grandmothers, aunts and the wider family/kinship groups looking after children. However, with the establishment of a large reformatory school Islaahiya in Male Atoll in 1979, residential care was created as an option for boys who were described as having behavioural issues. It remained a key alternative care provider in the country until it closed in 2013. In 2004, the state-run institution Kudakudhinge Hiya was established to care for 45 boys and girls from 0 to 9 years old. Then in 2016 with the support of the Qatar Foundation, the state built another institution Fiyavithi, which still cares for 80 children under 13 years of age. The article will conclude with an overview of the most recent developments in the Maldives' alternative care system. It will highlight how the Child Rights Protection Act (2019) has sown the seeds of care reform with primary legislation enacting regulations for family-based provision. This has formalised the previously established foster care panel that was set up in 2012. There are now 18 registered formal foster carers across the Maldives who are caring for 16 children. Furthermore, in 2020 whilst waiting for the growth in foster care, the state government started to shift from large-scale institutions by establishing nine smaller institutions, located across the atoll, each caring for no more than 25 children. The ministry has also embarked on processes of family reunification. The article will critically discuss these developments, highlight the challenges experienced during these recent reforms and provide key messages for policy and practice going forward.

Throughout its history, Finland's relations with Russia have generally been determined by Russian attempts to secure control over the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region. In medieval times, it was mainly about the control of trade routes, especially between Novgorod, and Western Europe and Byzantium. After the founding of the new city of St. Petersburg by Peter the Great in 1703, the rulers of Russia were faced with the problem of ensuring security to that city. From a Russian point of view, it became vitally important to gain control over lands on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea. When Finland became a Russian province in 1809, it seemed that the Baltic security dilemmas of Russia had fi nally been resolved. However, the collapse of Tsarist Russia in 1917 changed that particular situation. Finland became independent, and Russia's border moved east to the outskirts of St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd during World War I). For the leaders of the Soviet Union, which had replaced the Romanov Empire, World War II provided an opportunity to try to regain lost Finnish territories. Although the Red Army did not manage to conquer Finland, during two wars (occurring between 1939–1940 and 1941–1944), the post war settlement saw the Soviet-Finnish border shift back westwards. Finland also had to reckon with the requirements of the USSR's security policy and make it a priority of its own foreign policyAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Finland modified its policy of neutrality and adopted a doctrine of non-alignment that has remained in place to this day. However, the increase of tensions in international relations in recent years, due to Russia's aggressive foreign policy threatening its neighbours, has forced Finnish statesmen to rethink their country's security policy. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Finland, together with Sweden, decided to apply for NATO membership. The ratification procedure is ongoing. The aim of this paper is to analyse, in a longer historical perspective, what Finland's place was as regards the Russian and Soviet security policy, from Peter the Great to our times. The methodological approach refl ects the chronology of events which have occurred in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region in the last 300 years. They are described to provide readers with necessary facts, and create the background for conclusions on the reasons for the Russian/Soviet policy towards Finland and, in a broader sense, the northern coasts of the Gulf of Finland.

It is noted that in the absence of any archival service in Belarus until the autumn of 1922, its functions were performed by Belarusian State University (BGU) opened in October 1921. Rector V.I. Picheta, who was at the same time the head of the department of the General Archives Administration of the RSFSR, headed the Archival Commission at the Academic Center of the People's Commissariat of Education of the BSSR and brought forward the issue of the need for founding an archival journal in Belarus. The second time, they returned to that idea in the early 1930s, thanks to the initiative of A.R. Iodko, the head of the archival service of Belarus. However, even then the planned quarterly "Arhiu Savetskay Belarusi" was not established either. It was only in the context of the changed socio-political situation in the USSR after 1956, that the Information Bulletin of the Archival Administration of the Internal Affairs Ministry of the BSSR (the Scientific Information Bulletin of the Archival Administration attached to the BSSR Council of Ministers) started appearing. In 1961, being a small-circulation departmental publication, the Bulletin stopped being published with the 12th issue. At the end of 1991, when Belarus gained a state sovereignty, the journal "Belaruskaya Minuushchyna", one of the founders of which was the State Archives of the Republic of Belarus, began to appear in the republic. In 1993-1998, 29 issues came out. On its basis in 1999, the journal "Arhivy i Spravavodstva" was founded with a publication frequency of once every two months. The founder of the journal is the Department of Archives and Records Management of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Belarus; it is published with the assistance of BelNIIDAD and BelNITsED. Significant scientific additions to the journal are the "Belaruski Arheagrafichny Shtogodnik" published since 2000 (23 issues have appeared) and the collection of scientific reports and articles "Arhivaryus" published since 2001 (20 issues have appeared). The first one is issued under the auspices of the Archaeographic Commission of the Department for Archives and Records Management, the second one is prepared by the NIAB. Since 2020, BGAMLI has been publishing the almanac "Autograph" (3 issues have been published). In conclusion, the article states that there is a significant archive-archaeographic base of periodicals and ongoing publications in the archival industry of Belarus, and they contribute to the improvement and development of archival science, archaeography, document management, as well as to the practical activities in the field of archiving and office work in the country.

The article is devoted to the scientific expertise of human development projects in the North in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet periods of the institutional transformation of Russian society. Despite the fact that its official goal was the further development of the Soviet project among the peoples of the North, in essence, the researchers, in alliance with the authorities, searched for a balance between the mobilization (planned) and market strategies for the development of the Arctic and the North. The purpose of the article is to introduce into wide scientific circulation the results of research in the circumpolar zone of the RSFSR, carried out by ethnosociologists of the Novosibirsk Scientific Center (NSC) from 1982 to 1991 and later. The relevance of this work is brought to life by the desire of the state that emerged in 2010 to use market institutions in the implementation of plans for the development of the polar zone of the Russian Federation. This paper presents materials on the activities of the Regional Interdepartmental Commission for the Coordination of Comprehensive Socio-Economic, Medical, Biological and Linguistic Research on the Problems of the Development of the Peoples of the North, established in 1981 on the basis of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The tasks and functions of the Commission are described in detail. Among the key issues of its activities were the problems of labor and employment of the peoples of Siberia, the preservation of the traditional economy and native language, mass education and access to social benefits, the development of transport infrastructure and quality housing. Although the focus of the Commission's work remained the study of the situation of the indigenous peoples of the North and Siberia, these problems were considered in a wide range of issues of developing the national economy, gaining access to the social benefits of late socialism in the paradigm of 'the flourishing and rapprochement of nations'. With the liquidation of the Commission in the early post-Soviet period, researchers focused on studying the consequences of radical market reforms in the interethnic communities of the North of Siberia: the archaization of everyday practices, the decline in the living standards of the population, and the revitalization of ethnic self-organization structures. It is concluded that in future 'northern' projects, it is necessary to combine the mobilization and market strategies for the development of the Arctic.