Suchergebnisse

Klappentext: Medien setzen auf stereotype Aussagen und Bilder. Gegenstand der Forschung sind medial vermittelte und konstruierte Stereotype allerdings erst seit einigen Jahrzehnten. Martina Thiele bietet einen Überblick über Geschichte, Theorien und Methoden der kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Stereotypen- und Vorurteilsforschung. Mittels Metaanalysen erhebt sie, welche Studien zu nationalen und ethnischen, religiösen und geschlechtlichen, beruflichen und Altersstereotypen vorliegen und welche politischen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen die Stereotypenforschung forciert oder verhindert haben. So wird ein Forschungsfeld konturiert, das von hoher praktischer Relevanz für Journalismus, Werbung und PR ist.

The U.S. Supreme Court ruling in United Automobile Workers versus Johnson Controls prohibits hiring policies that exclude fertile women from industries posing reproductive health risks to workers and fetuses. Many toxic substances that threaten the developing fetus also pose risks to adult male and female workers. Exclusionary employment policies are socially undesirable for the following reasons: they may lead to worse reproductive outcomes if the indirect effects of lower wages and less adequate health insurance in the alternative available jobs are considered. Second, the effect of such policies could damage the individual woman's overall well-being through its economic impact and her potential loss in autonomy. Third, occupational segregation into less hazardous but lower-paying jobs reinforces gender stereotypes that are restrictive to women. The Supreme Court ruling in the Johnson Controls case reaffirms the importance of the Civil Rights Act as both a shield against unfair treatment for individual women and a commitment to eradicate sexist attitudes and economic inequality throughout society.

This report examines the significance of ethnic representation in local, state and federal Australian governments and the role multiculturalism has played in effecting political participation. In exploring this relationship, four areas are considered: the history and policies of multiculturalism, the structural and cultural barriers to representation, the experience of local councils and the relevance of Non English Speaking Background (NESB) politicians in federal parliament. Multiculturalism was formally recognised by the Galbally Report commissioned by the Fraser government in 1978. As a concept, multiculturalism envisaged a more balanced approach to migrant integration, acknowledging Australia's presence as an immigrant nation. Since the 1980s successive Australian Labor Party (ALP) and Coalition governments have struggled to define multiculturalism's role within an Australian identity. The Coalition's transition to a more inclusive model of citizenship and values is reflective of the changing attitudes towards multiculturalism. Prime Minister Howard's characterisation of a unified Australia is a response to perceived public sentiment that frequently overlooks the relevance of non-Anglo Celtic cultures. In contrast state governments have taken a more equitable approach to people from culturally diverse backgrounds in public life as demonstrated by the ethnically diverse parliaments of New South Wales and Victoria. Unfortunately, ethnic organisations, particularly the Federation of Ethnic Communities' Councils of Australia (FECCA) have not served as peak advocacy bodies. FECCA's dependence on government funding has restricted its effectiveness as an ethnic lobby due to its lack of independence. Neither state nor national ethnic bodies have substantial policies for the promotion of ethnic political participation which correspondingly impacts on the level of representation. The right to political representation is a basic democratic entitlement of Australian citizenship, although for NESB persons the election process is complex. Popular theories of ethnic representation could be considered radical as they call for a restructure of government and have the potential to incite resentment within the community by granting additional rights to NESB persons. Barriers to representation are problematic as it is difficult to balance a person's cultural heritage with an ambiguous definition of Australian values. This is further compounded by the underlying prejudice which exists towards certain ethnic groups. On the other hand, structural barriers to representation, most notably voting systems, do not target ethnic persons but minorities in general. Options for reforming these barriers are limited although more can be done by major political parties to support NESB candidates. However, parties are not under any obligation to do this nor are they likely to pre-select NESB candidates in winnable seats due to public reticence and internal party competition. Successful pre-selection within major parties is likely to benefit second generation NESB persons whose social integration is generally more successful. Local councils provide the greatest opportunity for ethnic representation due to smaller geographic areas and concentrated cultural groups. Council areas with high NESB populations are likely to encourage ethnic participation as part of maintaining cultural inclusiveness. In New South Wales (NSW), legislation ensures councils are responsive to the interests of ethnic groups. While responses vary considerably, the interests of cultural groups within NSW are recognised at a formal council level. However, councils with a more comprehensive cultural platform are more likely to maintain diverse local governments. Federal ethnic representation is important for the maintenance of a diverse parliament although a limited NESB presence does not result in their isolation from the political process. Members of Parliament (MPs) in 'ethnic' seats, held largely by the ALP, are responsive at an electoral level to their constituents, although this equally requires cultural groups to engage with their representative. Communities within these seats often prefer non-NESB politicians as they are perceived to more fairly represent their views. Generally, it is irrelevant if an MP comes from a particular background as it is not a significant factor in ensuring positive representation. There is a challenge for NESB politicians to balance their ethnicity against their representational role as they are often assumed 'ethnic spokespersons' due to their background. While many NESB politicians are happy to adopt this role, this is not their fundamental purpose, which is to represent their electorate. In view of Australia's cultural and linguistic diversity it is hoped that parliament will reflect community demographics. This report acknowledges the responsiveness of politicians towards ethnic constituents. However it recognises the need for alternate mechanisms, particularly national organisations to play a more prominent role in ensuring the recognition of ethnic group opinion in parliament. The structural and cultural barriers that underpin federal and state legislatures are unlikely to change, increasing the need for ethnic community groups and local councils to foster political participation.

In the 'poor' result achieved by Jean-Marie Le Pen in the 2007 presidential elections, many commentators saw the demise of the Front National. However, when asked by a journalist whether it was the end of her father's political career, Marine Le Pen smilingly replied: 'I don't think so. In any case, this is the victory of his ideas!' In this question and answer lies the whole story of the Front National and its impact on mainstream politics in the past two decades. First, Le Pen's defeat was exaggerated, the same way his victory had been in 2002. What Mondon argues in this paper is that the 2002 presidential elections did act as an 'earthquake' within French politics. However, this 'earthquake' did not trigger a tsunami of support for Jean-Marie Le Pen, but rather a tidal wave of misinformation and misunderstanding as to the real significance of the election results. By concentrating on the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections, Mondon highlights how this reaction led to the consecration of right-wing populist politics, best exemplified in the landslide election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. He also provides an insight into the slippery slope Sarkozy's government took after its election, leading to an extremely rightward-leaning 2012 presidential campaign and new heights for the Front National.

Racism is a worldwide matter that is based on the physical characteristics of people's division into different categories on which some people become superior and some inferior. Racism and ethnicity are usually considered as the same concepts while in fact ethnicity is a sub-class of racism. In every nation, there are some ethnic groups with the same origin and similar customs that may or may not be judged equally by the power-handler ethnic groups. An example of such country is Afghanistan which is severely an ethnic country. This study explores the social, cultural, and scientific investigations done on the people's races and ethnical characteristics by using Afghan types as examples. Racism is not the result of scientific observation, but it is due to the human differences that happened between 16th and 19th century when people began differentiating among themselves. This aspect of racism is well expressed by the American sociologist "Feagin". In his view, the natural superiority of some people over others is rejected. The novel The Kite Runner depicts the two major Afghan ethnical populations, Pashtun and Hazara, and their social, cultural, and religious conflicts. Accordingly, this article will try to examine the root of ethnic prejudices and oppression among the Afghan people in the novel and the reasons for their ethnic conducts are explained and analyzed based on the Feagin's denial of human difference. Moreover, by providing some evidence it is proved that the biological difference is just some excuses for the powerful section to gain their egotistic goals.

Die Studie vergleicht alltägliche Diskriminierungserfahrungen in unterschiedlichen Lebensbereichen sowie Reaktionsstrategien der Betroffenen entlang von Geschlecht, Rassismus, Behinderung, sexueller Orientierung, Gewicht und weiteren Merkmalen. Zusätzlich werden Einstellungen zu Antidiskriminierungspolitik dargestellt. Dabei zeigen sich starke Ähnlichkeiten zwischen Sachsen und anderen Bundesländern. Die Studie verweist auf rechtliche Schutzlücken sowie mangelnde Unterstützungsstrukturen für Betroffene und basiert auf einer Betroffenen- sowie einer sachsen- und bundesweiten Bevölkerungsbefragung. Das Buch richtet sich sowohl an Wissenschaftler:innen als auch an interessierte Praktiker:innen der Antidiskriminierungsarbeit.