Suchergebnisse

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Since 1995, the James Irvine Foundation has invested more than $11 million to support the growth and development of Collaborative Regional Initiatives (CRIs) throughout the state—nonprofit organizations that engage key players from business, environmental, and a variety of other advocacy groups with players from local governments and public agencies to create improvements in their regions. CRIs work on issues ranging across transportation, land use, housing, and economic development. They work in a variety of ways from developing legislation to media campaigns to practical work on particular projects. All are directed at building civic capacity and filling in gaps where government does not or cannot act. Some CRIs have been in place for years; others are more recently formed. They represent experiments in regional governance. Recently, the Irvine Foundation tapped a team of Berkeley faculty to perform an assessment of the CRIs so the foundation can target its resources in order to make them effective and sustainable over time and assist them in producing valuable outcomes for their regions. City planning professor Judith Innes, who led the complex evaluation, teamed with city planning professors AnnaLee Saxenian, Karen Christensen, Karen Chapple and political science professor Judith Gruber to focus on the projects and programs that a sample of CRIs engage in, asking which are most successful and why. In particular, the researchers examined how variables like leadership, resources, diversity of participation, processes of dialogue and collaboration, and the ways problems have been framed contribute to the degree of success in each program. The work is designed to assist the CRIs with strategies to select and build the successes of their programs and to help them overcome obstacles and identify opportunities for effective work. Together the researchers published case studies of four major CRIs -- the Bay Area Alliance for Sustainable Communities, Joint Venture: Silicon Valley, the San Diego Dialogue and the Sierra Business Council -- as well as an analysis of regional workforce development collaboratives in California. The Bay Area Alliance for Sustainable Communities was formed to change the patterns and practices of land use in the San Francisco Bay Area to achieve a more compact, transit-friendly form of growth. The diverse group has worked toward this goal by creating a regional Compact or vision outlining the actions needed for a sustainable Bay Area, a Smart Growth Strategy/Regional Livability Footprint used to influence the regional population projections, and a regional indicators report. The group's one action project has been to bring investment into disadvantaged neighborhoods through their Community Capital Investment Initiative. The idea is that disadvantaged neighborhoods offer an untapped business opportunity if investors and developers can be assisted by knowledgeable community players; at the same time, such investments can be designed to provide community benefit. However, business's need for speed and secrecy in making investments and the community's need for transparency and thorough dialogue have created conflict. Both business and community players are learning to work together and are committed to making the effort productive and sustainable, but it remains a work in progress. Overall the Alliance's main outcomes, in addition to some building projects, have been to advance a regional discourse about smart growth and to help regional civic leaders representing the three E's (environment, economy and equity) to understand how each other's interests can be jointly met. According to Professor Innes, the primary reason the Bay Area Alliance has not achieved more lies in its choice of a large scale and complex problem—changing the region's institutions and land use patterns and ultimately making it sustainable. "This is what planners call a 'wicked' problem—where parameters are poorly defined, features are contradictory and changing, there are many players with differing goals and there exists no simple generic solution," she says. "The scope and complexity of BAASC's mission makes achieving their ambitions difficult."

The world currently faces important issues concerning climate change and environmental sustainability, with the wellbeing of billions of people around the world at risk over the next decades. Existing institutions no longer appear to be sufficiently capable to deal with the complexity and uncertainty associated with the wicked problem of sustainability. Achieving the required sustainability transformation will thus require purposeful reform of existing institutional frameworks. However, existing research on the governance of sustainability of sustainability transformations has strongly focused on innovation and the more 'creative' aspects of these processes, blinding our view to the fact that they go hand with the failure, decline or dismantling of institutions that are no longer considered functional or desirable. This doctoral dissertation thus seeks to better understand how institutional failure and decline can contribute productively to sustainability transformations and how such dynamics in institutional arrangements can serve to restructure existing institutional systems. A systematic review of the conceptual literature served to provide a concise synthesis of the research on 'failure' and 'decline' in the institutional literature, providing important first insights into their potentially productive functions. This was followed up by an archetype analysis of the productive functions of failure and decline, drawing on a wide range of literatures. This research identified five archetypical pathways: (1) crises triggering institutional adaptations toward sustainability, (2) systematic learning from failure and breakdown, (3) the purposeful destabilisation of unsustainable institutions, (4) making a virtue of inevitable decline, and (5) active and reflective decision making in the face of decline instead of leaving it to chance. Empirical case studies looking at the German energy transition and efforts to phase out coal in the Powering Past Coal Alliance served to provide more insights on (a) how to effectively harness 'windows of opportunity' for change, and (b) the governance mechanisms used by governments to actively remove institutions. Results indicate that the lock-in of existing technologies, regulations and practices can throw up important obstacles for sustainability transformations. The intentional or unintentional destabilisation of the status quo may thus be required to enable healthy renewal within a system. This process required active and reflective management to avoid the irreversible loss of desirable institutional elements. Instruments such as 'sunset clauses' and 'experimental legislation' may serve as important tools to learn through 'trial and error', whilst limiting the possible damage done by failure. Focusing on the subject of scale, this analysis finds that the level at which failure occurs is likely to determine the degree of change that can be achieved. Failures at the policy-level are most likely to merely lead to changes to the tools and instruments used by policy makers. This research thus suggests that failures on the polity- and political level may be required to achieve transformative changes to existing power structures, belief-systems and paradigms. Finally, this research briefly touches on the role of actor and agency in the governance of sustainabilitytransformations through failure and decline. It finds that actors may play an important role in causing a system or one of its elements to fail and in shaping the way events are come to be perceived. Drawing on the findings of this research, this dissertation suggests a number of lessons policy makers and others seeking to revisit existing institutional arrangements may want to take into account. Actors should be prepared to harness the potential associated with failure and decline, preserve those institutional elements considered important, and take care to manage the tension between the need for 'quick fixes' to currently pressing problems and solution that maintain and protect the longterm sustainability of a system. ; Die Welt steht derzeit vor wichtigen Problemen im Zusammenhang mit dem Klimawandel und der ökologischen Nachhaltigkeit. In den nächsten Jahrzehnten ist das Wohlergehen von Milliarden Menschen auf der ganzen Welt gefährdet. Bestehende Institutionen scheinen nicht mehr in der Lage zu sein, mit der Komplexität und Unsicherheit umzugehen, die mit dem vertrackten Problem der Nachhaltigkeit verbunden sind. Um die erforderliche Nachhaltigkeitstransformation zu erreichen, müssen daher die bestehenden institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen gezielt reformiert werden. Die bestehende Forschung über die Steuerung der Nachhaltigkeit von Nachhaltigkeitstransformationen hat sich jedoch stark auf Innovation und die "kreativeren" Aspekte dieser Prozesse konzentriert und unsere Sicht auf die Tatsache geblendet, dass sie mit dem Scheitern, dem Verfall oder dem Abbau von Institutionen einhergehen, die nicht mehr als funktional oder wünschenswert angesehen werden. Diese Dissertation versuch daher, besser zu verstehen, wie institutionelle Zerstörung und institutioneller Verfall produktiv zu Nachhaltigkeitstransformationen beitragen können und wie eine solche Dynamik in institutionellen Arrangements zur Umstrukturierung bestehender institutioneller Systeme beitragen kann. Eine systematische Überprüfung der konzeptuellen Literatur diente dazu, eine präzise Synthese der Forschung über "Zerstörung" und "Verfall" in der institutionellen Literatur zu erstellen, die wichtige erste Einblicke in ihre potenziell produktiven Funktionen lieferte. Darauf folgte eine Archetypanalyse der produktiven Funktionen von Zerstörung und Verfall, die sich auf eine breite Palette von Literaturen stützte. Diese Forschung identifizierte fünf archetypische Wege: (1) Krisen, die institutionelle Anpassungen in Richtung Nachhaltigkeit auslösen, (2) systematisches Lernen aus Zerstörung und Verfall, (3) die gezielte Destabilisierung nicht nachhaltiger Institutionen, (4) die Umwandlung des unvermeidlichen Verfalls in eine Tugend und (5) aktive und reflektierende Entscheidungsfindung angesichts des Verfalls, anstatt ihn dem Zufall zu überlassen. Empirische Fallstudien, die sich mit der deutschen Energiewende und den Bemühungen um den Kohle-Ausstieg im Rahmen der Powering Past Coal Alliance befassten, lieferten weitere Erkenntnisse in (a) wie sich 'windows of opportunity' für Veränderungen effektiv nutzen lassen und (b) die verwendeten Governance-Mechanismen von Regierungen, um Institutionen aktiv zu entfernen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Bindung bestehender Technologien, Vorschriften und Praktiken wichtige Hindernisse für Nachhaltigkeitstransformationen aufwerfen kann. Die beabsichtigte oder unbeabsichtigte Destabilisierung des Status quo kann daher erforderlich sein, um eine gesunde Erneuerung innerhalb eines Systems zu ermöglichen. Dieser Prozess erforderte ein aktives und reflektierendes Management, um den irreversiblen Verlust wünschenswerter institutioneller Elemente zu vermeiden. Instrumente wie "Verfallsklauseln" und "experimentelle Gesetzgebung" können als wichtige Instrumente dienen, um durch "Versuch und Irrtum" zu lernen und gleichzeitig den möglichen Schaden durch Zerstörung zu begrenzen. Mit Fokus auf die Dimension dieses Themas, stellt diese Analyse fest, dass die Ebene, auf der Zerstörung auftritt, wahrscheinlich den Grad der Veränderung bestimmt, der erreicht werden kann. Zerstörungen auf Programm-Ebene ('policy level') führen höchstwahrscheinlich lediglich zu Änderungen der von den politischen Entscheidungsträgern verwendeten Instrumente und Mittel. Diese Forschung legt daher nahe, dass Zerstörung auf der Ebene der formellen Politik ('polity level') und auf politischer Ebene ('political level') erforderlich sein kann, um transformative Veränderungen bestehender Machtstrukturen, Glaubenssysteme und Paradigmen zu erreichen. Schließlich wird in dieser Studie kurz auf die Rolle von Akteuren und Agenturen bei der Steuerung von Nachhaltigkeitstransformationen durch Zerstörung und Verfall eingegangen. Es wird festgestellt, dass Akteure eine wichtige Rolle dabei spielen können, ein System oder eines seiner Elemente zum Scheitern zu bringen und die Art und Weise zu gestalten, wie Ereignisse wahrgenommen werden. Ausgehend von den Ergebnissen dieser Forschung schlägt die vorliegende Dissertation eine Reihe von Lehren vor, die politische Entscheidungsträger und andere, die bestehende institutionelle Regelungen überdenken wollen, in Betracht ziehen sollten. Die Akteure sollten darauf vorbereitet sein, das mit Zerstörung und Verfall verbundene Potenzial zu nutzen und die als wichtig erachteten institutionellen Elemente zu bewahren. Zudem müssen sie darauf achten, die Spannung zwischen der Notwendigkeit "schneller Lösungen" für derzeit drängende Probleme und Lösungen, die die Nachhaltigkeit eines Systems langfristig erhalten und schützen, zu bewältigen.

Nowadays, we notice that there is a correlation between the concepts of crisis and migration; the main problem is clearly the number of people risking or losing their lives through irregular routes because of the absence of alternatives. There is also a growing discrepancy between restrictive migration policies and the real demand for cheap migrant labor in Europe, as neither European nor African states have a much genuine interest in stopping migration because the economies of receiving and sending countries have become increasingly dependent on migrant labor and remittances, respectively (De Haas, 2008). Nevertheless, all the experts speak about the need to open new migratory channels to combat irregular migration and trafficking, in order to match the real demand for labor, and limit the effects of the large informal economies in Europe and the Maghreb. Europe's migration crisis has exposed shortcomings in the Union's asylum system. In western countries, political asylum is mainly a tool for humanitarian protection, but it also helps manage migratory flows. Accordingly, the same person could be viewed as a refugee in a country and as an economic migrant in another. The sole difference is that to refer to an individual as a migrant is to hold them in a state of transit. Some claim that the distinctions that are made between refugees and economic migrants are irrelevant since they do not take into account the stories of these individuals (Colombo, 2015). In contrast, digital culture has no consideration for boundaries and has allowed more people to acquire the information they need to access the global labor market. In our globalized and fluid society, social inclusion and migration have become indivisible. It is true that one can talk about social inclusion from several perspectives and not necessarily from the one of migration, but a fair social inclusion would enable people to move without recourse to irregular migration routes. On a broader perspective, social design could be the field of design supporting the aspirations of highly vulnerable population groups and the injustices they are subjected to: refugees and migrants are among these groups facing issues related to various segregations; work, education, healthcare,etc. During the last decade, design has increasingly been viewed as a problem-solving approach, which makes it central to innovation in general. This is also the case when dealing with wicked social problems. Terms like design thinking, human-centered design (HCD) and design for public policy are more and more used, especially when we talk about collaborative and inclusive approaches towards complex social issues. In fact, we have witnessed the emergence of several new fields of design linked to this social character with a particular enthusiasm for social innovation. Manzini (2015) insists on recognizing design as strategic in playing an essential role in triggering, supporting and scaling-up social innovation. What contribution can design make in this specific field? What is the designers' position concerning complex social problems that are often directly linked to a highly politicized issue like the one of migration? In this research Makers Unite was our primary case study. The project was initiated by "The Beach", a social design studio working principally with disadvantaged communities in Amsterdam. They promote Sustainsist Design, as the new playing field for designers. Thus, they developed an extensive knowledge on co-design based on "connectedness, localism, sharing, and proportionality" (Krabbendam and Schwarz, 2013). Through its story-sharing space, Makers Unite seeks to tackle both the social and environmental issues of the refugee crisis meeting the definition on Sustainist Design as a link between social and ecological sustainability. The project brings together both "newcomers" and local residents in co-designing enticing products and narratives, beginning with up-cycling life vests and boats accumulated on Greek island shores used as entry points to Europe and causing environmental problems. This would enable refugees to take their first steps in regaining their dignity, as it facilitates the identification of the abilities of newcomers and connects their skills with local experts in their respective fields. The Dutch context granted an idea, though a generic one, about the situation of migrants in a country of northern Europe to be compared to that of Italy as a perfect sample of the countries of southern Europe. In Parallel, a non-exhaustive outside-in research was also conducted through a series of spontaneous interviews with migrants, but also social workers in the asylum field. We attempted a kind of immersion to understand in a tangible way the issues that migrants face on a daily basis. The people we had the opportunity to meet were all different and each one had their own story. There was a wide range of profiles with different nationalities (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Morocco, Tunisia, Palestine, Senegal, Guinea etc.) backgrounds and levels of education. As explained, globalization has made mobility a necessity for both host and home countries, and now the Internet has facilitated this mobility, through platforms and applications of job matching for instance. But it remains very limited, sometimes even abstract, and the populations who need it most, alas, do not have access to it. Internet has also facilitated mobility for workers of a new kind; "digital nomads" that work remotely and do not need a fixed location. There are also storytelling platforms where "influencers" create content, stories with value that people read, like and share. Because each individual has his own story and each story deserves to be listened to and valued, how could these three types of services be linked? How can someone give value to their own story and skills? Does he/she necessarily have the skills to create content and share it? Does valuing the stories and skills of individuals prevent them from embarking on a perilous journey to provide a way out by finding work abroad?

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition.
Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism.
Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence.
Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things."
This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries. - Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor.
Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus.
Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme.
Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt."
Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

As the sun sets on the age of unlimited growth and consumption, the call for progressively robust, adaptive and integrated solutions to address 'wicked' environmental problems has ushered in a new paradigm that has fundamentally changed the practices of both science and management. Emphasis on collaborative, integrative and participative approaches has given rise to burgeoning science-practice-policy arrangements while necessitating new tools to support the implementation of increasingly demanding regulation. In the context of water resources, models have emerged as fundamental tools favoured by scientists and practitioners alike, owing to their ability to advance scientific understanding of water systems functioning, while at the same time supporting key decisions in the management, policy and planning of river basins. A wide range of modelling tools have been developed to study the numerous physical, chemical, and biological processes at work, on different spatial and temporal scales, with varying levels of complexity. At the same time, models provide practitioners with a practical tool for supporting 'evidence-based' policy by transposing complex problems into technical, 'manageable' solutions. Yet, their application in practice has proven far from proportional to the amount of time and resources that have been invested in their development.This thesis aims to elucidate the enduring divide between science, practice and policy in the context of a new paradigm of science and management through the lens of modelling tools and their role at the science-practice-policy interface. Using a qualitative approach, we draw from two empirical examples: the PIREN-Seine in France and the CRC for Water Sensitive Cities in Australia. While both share similar challenges, methods and objectives, the fundamental difference in their strategies and approaches offers a rich foundation for comparison. In doing so, we explore the driving forces, implications and potential consequences of the parallel paradigm shifts in science and management, focusing on three main aspects: 1/ the use and utility of modelling tools to support water management, policy and planning; 2/ the different modalities of addressing uncertainty in model-based decision support, and; 3/ the role of new science-practice-policy arrangements. By first retracing the history of production and use of modelling tools in both examples, we seek to understand the nuanced relationship between 'use' and 'utility', offering insight into influencing factors. Next, we turn to the question of uncertainty by analysing how researchers and practitioners reconcile the fundamental challenge of uncertainty in model-based decision support. Delving deeper into the complex, negotiated social process that comprises the decision-making context, we focus on the social construction of ignorance and its role in decision-making. Finally, we examine the macro-level changes brought about by the paradigm shift in science and management. Amidst these changes, we seek to understand the emergence and functions of 'boundary organisations' in this new epoch, and their role in the quest for robust, adaptive and sustainable solutions. ; À l'heure où les horizons d'une croissance et d'une consommation infinies sont remis en cause, les appels aux développements de solutions de plus en plus robustes, flexibles et intégrées pour gérer les problèmes environnementaux inédits ont conduit à l'avènement d'un nouveau paradigme, transformant de manière radicale les pratiques de la science et de la gestion. L'importance accrue accordée aux approches collaboratives, intégrées et participatives a soutenu l'essor d'arrangements entre science, pratique et politique, tout en rendant nécessaire la création de nouveaux outils pour accompagner la mise en œuvre d'une réglementation de plus en plus exigeante. Dans le contexte de la gestion des ressources en eau, les modèles sont apparus comme des outils cruciaux, plébiscités par des scientifiques et des praticiens, pour leur capacité à faire avancer la compréhension scientifique du fonctionnement des systèmes hydrologiques à renseigner les politiques publiques et la planification de l'eau dans les bassins versants. Une grande diversité d'outils de modélisation a été développée pour analyser les processus physiques, chimiques et biologiques à l'œuvre, à des échelles spatiales et temporelles diverses et avec des degrés de complexité variés. Par ailleurs, les modèles sont censés fournir aux praticiens des outils concrets au service de politiques fondées sur des faits scientifiques ('evidence-based policy'), en permettant de transposer des problèmes complexes en solutions techniques « gérables ». Pour autant, leur application pratique est loin d'être proportionnelle à l'investissement en temps et en ressources dédié à leur développement. Cette thèse vise à éclairer le fossé persistant entre science, pratique et politique dans le contexte d'un nouveau paradigme pour la science et la gestion, à travers le prisme des outils de modélisation et de leur rôle à l'interface science-pratique-politique. Nous utilisons une approche qualitative et nous nous appuyons sur deux exemples empiriques : le PIREN-Seine en France et le CRC for Water Sensitive Cities en Australie. Bien que les deux exemples partagent des défis, des méthodes et des objectifs similaires, la richesse de leur comparaison repose sur la différence fondamentale dans leurs approches et leurs stratégies.Ce faisant, nous explorons les moteurs, implications et conséquences potentielles des changements de paradigme parallèles à l'œuvre de la science et la gestion, en nous concentrant sur trois aspects : 1/ l'utilisation et l'utilité des outils de modélisation pour soutenir la gestion, la planification et les politiques publiques concernant les ressources en eau ; 2/ les différentes modalités qui permettent d'aborder l'incertitude dans l'aide à la décision reposant sur des modèles ; 3/ la signification ou la portée de nouveaux arrangements entre science, pratique et politique. En retraçant l'histoire de la production et de l'utilisation des outils de modélisation dans les deux exemples, nous cherchons tout d'abord à comprendre la relation nuancée entre « utilisation » et « utilité », en offrant un aperçu des facteurs qui les influencent. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à la question de l'incertitude en analysant la manière dont chercheurs et praticiens affrontent le défi fondamental de l'incertitude dans l'aide à la décision fondée sur les modèles. En considérant les processus complexes, socialement négociés, qui s'inscrivent dans le contexte de la prise de décision, nous nous concentrons sur la construction sociale de l'ignorance et sur sa fonction. Nous examinons enfin, à un niveau macro socio-économique, l'évolution des pratiques engendrée par le changement de paradigme dans la science et la gestion. Parmi ces changements, nous proposons une interprétation de l'émergence et des fonctions des « organisations frontières », et le rôle qu'elles sont amenées à jouer dans la recherche de solutions robustes, flexibles et durables.

As the sun sets on the age of unlimited growth and consumption, the call for progressively robust, adaptive and integrated solutions to address 'wicked' environmental problems has ushered in a new paradigm that has fundamentally changed the practices of both science and management. Emphasis on collaborative, integrative and participative approaches has given rise to burgeoning science-practice-policy arrangements while necessitating new tools to support the implementation of increasingly demanding regulation. In the context of water resources, models have emerged as fundamental tools favoured by scientists and practitioners alike, owing to their ability to advance scientific understanding of water systems functioning, while at the same time supporting key decisions in the management, policy and planning of river basins. A wide range of modelling tools have been developed to study the numerous physical, chemical, and biological processes at work, on different spatial and temporal scales, with varying levels of complexity. At the same time, models provide practitioners with a practical tool for supporting 'evidence-based' policy by transposing complex problems into technical, 'manageable' solutions. Yet, their application in practice has proven far from proportional to the amount of time and resources that have been invested in their development.This thesis aims to elucidate the enduring divide between science, practice and policy in the context of a new paradigm of science and management through the lens of modelling tools and their role at the science-practice-policy interface. Using a qualitative approach, we draw from two empirical examples: the PIREN-Seine in France and the CRC for Water Sensitive Cities in Australia. While both share similar challenges, methods and objectives, the fundamental difference in their strategies and approaches offers a rich foundation for comparison. In doing so, we explore the driving forces, implications and potential consequences of the parallel paradigm shifts in science and management, focusing on three main aspects: 1/ the use and utility of modelling tools to support water management, policy and planning; 2/ the different modalities of addressing uncertainty in model-based decision support, and; 3/ the role of new science-practice-policy arrangements. By first retracing the history of production and use of modelling tools in both examples, we seek to understand the nuanced relationship between 'use' and 'utility', offering insight into influencing factors. Next, we turn to the question of uncertainty by analysing how researchers and practitioners reconcile the fundamental challenge of uncertainty in model-based decision support. Delving deeper into the complex, negotiated social process that comprises the decision-making context, we focus on the social construction of ignorance and its role in decision-making. Finally, we examine the macro-level changes brought about by the paradigm shift in science and management. Amidst these changes, we seek to understand the emergence and functions of 'boundary organisations' in this new epoch, and their role in the quest for robust, adaptive and sustainable solutions. ; À l'heure où les horizons d'une croissance et d'une consommation infinies sont remis en cause, les appels aux développements de solutions de plus en plus robustes, flexibles et intégrées pour gérer les problèmes environnementaux inédits ont conduit à l'avènement d'un nouveau paradigme, transformant de manière radicale les pratiques de la science et de la gestion. L'importance accrue accordée aux approches collaboratives, intégrées et participatives a soutenu l'essor d'arrangements entre science, pratique et politique, tout en rendant nécessaire la création de nouveaux outils pour accompagner la mise en œuvre d'une réglementation de plus en plus exigeante. Dans le contexte de la gestion des ressources en eau, les modèles sont apparus comme des outils cruciaux, plébiscités par des scientifiques et des praticiens, pour leur capacité à faire avancer la compréhension scientifique du fonctionnement des systèmes hydrologiques à renseigner les politiques publiques et la planification de l'eau dans les bassins versants. Une grande diversité d'outils de modélisation a été développée pour analyser les processus physiques, chimiques et biologiques à l'œuvre, à des échelles spatiales et temporelles diverses et avec des degrés de complexité variés. Par ailleurs, les modèles sont censés fournir aux praticiens des outils concrets au service de politiques fondées sur des faits scientifiques ('evidence-based policy'), en permettant de transposer des problèmes complexes en solutions techniques « gérables ». Pour autant, leur application pratique est loin d'être proportionnelle à l'investissement en temps et en ressources dédié à leur développement. Cette thèse vise à éclairer le fossé persistant entre science, pratique et politique dans le contexte d'un nouveau paradigme pour la science et la gestion, à travers le prisme des outils de modélisation et de leur rôle à l'interface science-pratique-politique. Nous utilisons une approche qualitative et nous nous appuyons sur deux exemples empiriques : le PIREN-Seine en France et le CRC for Water Sensitive Cities en Australie. Bien que les deux exemples partagent des défis, des méthodes et des objectifs similaires, la richesse de leur comparaison repose sur la différence fondamentale dans leurs approches et leurs stratégies.Ce faisant, nous explorons les moteurs, implications et conséquences potentielles des changements de paradigme parallèles à l'œuvre de la science et la gestion, en nous concentrant sur trois aspects : 1/ l'utilisation et l'utilité des outils de modélisation pour soutenir la gestion, la planification et les politiques publiques concernant les ressources en eau ; 2/ les différentes modalités qui permettent d'aborder l'incertitude dans l'aide à la décision reposant sur des modèles ; 3/ la signification ou la portée de nouveaux arrangements entre science, pratique et politique. En retraçant l'histoire de la production et de l'utilisation des outils de modélisation dans les deux exemples, nous cherchons tout d'abord à comprendre la relation nuancée entre « utilisation » et « utilité », en offrant un aperçu des facteurs qui les influencent. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à la question de l'incertitude en analysant la manière dont chercheurs et praticiens affrontent le défi fondamental de l'incertitude dans l'aide à la décision fondée sur les modèles. En considérant les processus complexes, socialement négociés, qui s'inscrivent dans le contexte de la prise de décision, nous nous concentrons sur la construction sociale de l'ignorance et sur sa fonction. Nous examinons enfin, à un niveau macro socio-économique, l'évolution des pratiques engendrée par le changement de paradigme dans la science et la gestion. Parmi ces changements, nous proposons une interprétation de l'émergence et des fonctions des « organisations frontières », et le rôle qu'elles sont amenées à jouer dans la recherche de solutions robustes, flexibles et durables.

Introduction: Security of the state: this is not only a prevention of provocations and sabotage, but above all a highly professional management, which ensures the social and economic development of the state, the well-being of the population, the improvement of our cities and villages, the defense capability and competitiveness of the country. Method. In order to achieve this goal, the following research methods were used: monographic, comparative (in the study of the reasons for the weakening of state security in Ukraine). System analysis allowed to characterize the main security problems of Ukrane. A dialectical approach was also used to study the phenomena and processes of the state, security and pre-election social and economic situation in the country.Objective: To determine the reasons for the decrease of the country's security and formation of ways of stabilizing the society and directions of strengthening of state security and implementation of state ideology, etc. Results: The study analyzed the state, security and pre-election socio-economic situation in the countries, analysis of the reasons for the weakening of the state security. the reasons and ways of stabilization of society are determined; proposals were made to strengthen state security, and suggested mechanisms for the implementation of state ideology, etc. Scientific novelty: The authors, based on the consideration of theoretical and practical approaches, developed and proposed a paradigm for identifying targeted anti-state activities and socio-economic dangers for the state and means for preventing social upheavals. Conclusions: It is proposed that, in order to prevent social upheaval, stop the decline in the level of the economy and the quality of life of the population, first of all, to take urgent measures to stop fighting in the East, to increase the responsibility for crimes against the people and the state; to strengthen the fight against corruption, to clean the administrative apparatus from corrupt, wicked people. It is proposed to make significant changes in the electoral legislation in order to qualitatively update the leadership of the state; to develop the state ideology, to strengthen propaganda and educational work in the state. The article outlines and proposes a paradigm for identifying targeted anti-state activities and socio-economic dangers for the state and means of preventing social upheaval . ; Введение: Безопасность государства: это не только предупреждение провокаций и диверсий, а в первую очередь высокопрофессиональное управление, за счет которого осуществляется обеспечение социально-экономического развития государства, благосостояние населения, благоустройство наших городов и сел, обороноспособность и конкурентоспособность страны. Методика. Для решения поставленной цели в работе использованы следующие методы исследования: монографический, сравнения (при изучении причин ослабления государственной безопасности в Украине). Системный анализ позволил предоставить характеристику основных проблем безопасности Украины. Также был использован диалектический подход к изучению явлений и процессов государственной, безопасности и предвыборной социально - экономической ситуации в стране. Цель: Определение причин снижения безопасности страны и формирования путей стабилизации общества и направлений усиления государственной безопасности и внедрения государственной идеологии и тому подобное.Результаты В исследовании проведен анализ государственной, безопасности и предвыборной социально - экономической ситуации в стран, анализ причин ослабления государственной безопасности .; определены причины и пути стабилизации общества; внесены предложения по усилению государственной безопасности и предложены механизмы внедрения государственной идеологии и тому подобное. Научная новизна: Авторами на основе рассмотрения теоретико-практических подходов разработаны и предложены парадигму выявления целенаправленной антигосударственной деятельности и социально-экономических опасностей для государства и средства предупреждения общественных потрясений. Выводы Предложен, что с целью предупреждения общественных потрясений, прекращение снижения уровня экономики и качества жизни населения, прежде всего, принять безотлагательные меры для прекращения боевых действий на Востоке, усилить ответственность за совершенные против народа и государства преступления; усилить борьбу с коррупцией, очистить управленческий аппарат от коррумпированных, нечестивых людей. Предложено внести существенные изменения в избирательное законодательство с тем, чтобы качественно обновить руководство государства; разработать государственную идеологию, усилить пропагандистско-воспитательную работу в государстве. В статье разработаны и предложены парадигму выявления целенаправленной антигосударственной деятельности и социально-экономических опасностей для государства и средства предупреждения общественных потрясений ; Вступ: Безпека держави: це не лише попередження провокацій та диверсій, а в першу чергу високопрофесійне управління, за рахунок якого здійснюється забезпечення соціально-економічного розвитку держави, добробут населення, благоустрій наших міст і сіл, обороноздатність та конкурентоздатність країни. Методика. Для вирішення поставленої мети у роботі використано такі методи дослідження: монографічний , порівняння (при вивченні причин послаблення державної безпеки в Україні). Системний аналіз дозволив надати характеристику основних проблем безпеки України. Також був використаний діалектичний підхід до вивчення явищ і процесів державної, безпекової та передвиборної соціально – економічної ситуації в країні. Мета: Визначення причин зниження безпеки країни та формування шляхів стабілізації суспільства й напрямів посилення державної безпеки та впровадження державної ідеології тощо.Результати: В дослідженні проведено аналіз державної, безпекової та передвиборної соціально – економічної ситуації в країн, аналіз причин послаблення державної безпеки.; визначено причини та шляхи стабілізації суспільства; внесено пропозиції щодо посилення державної безпеки та запропоновано механізми впровадження державної ідеології тощо. Наукова новизна: Авторами на основі розгляду теоретико-практичних підходів розроблено та запропоновано парадигму виявлення цілеспрямованої антидержавної діяльності та соціально-економічних небезпек для держави та засоби попередження суспільних потрясінь. Висновки: Запропоновано , що з метою попередження суспільних потрясінь, припинення зниження рівня економіки та якості життя населення, перш за все, вжити невідкладних заходів для припинення бойових дій на Сході, посилити відповідальність за скоєні проти народу і держави злочини; посилити боротьбу з корупцією, очистити управлінський апарат від корумпованих, нечестивих людей. Запропоновано внести суттєві зміни в виборче законодавство з тим, щоб якісно оновити керівництво держави; розробити державну ідеологію, посилити пропагандистсько-виховну роботу у державі. В статті розроблено та запропоновано парадигму виявлення цілеспрямованої антидержавної діяльності та соціально-економічних небезпек для держави та засоби попередження суспільних потрясінь

Introduction: Security of the state: this is not only a prevention of provocations and sabotage, but above all a highly professional management, which ensures the social and economic development of the state, the well-being of the population, the improvement of our cities and villages, the defense capability and competitiveness of the country. Method. In order to achieve this goal, the following research methods were used: monographic, comparative (in the study of the reasons for the weakening of state security in Ukraine). System analysis allowed to characterize the main security problems of Ukrane. A dialectical approach was also used to study the phenomena and processes of the state, security and pre-election social and economic situation in the country.Objective: To determine the reasons for the decrease of the country's security and formation of ways of stabilizing the society and directions of strengthening of state security and implementation of state ideology, etc. Results: The study analyzed the state, security and pre-election socio-economic situation in the countries, analysis of the reasons for the weakening of the state security. the reasons and ways of stabilization of society are determined; proposals were made to strengthen state security, and suggested mechanisms for the implementation of state ideology, etc. Scientific novelty: The authors, based on the consideration of theoretical and practical approaches, developed and proposed a paradigm for identifying targeted anti-state activities and socio-economic dangers for the state and means for preventing social upheavals. Conclusions: It is proposed that, in order to prevent social upheaval, stop the decline in the level of the economy and the quality of life of the population, first of all, to take urgent measures to stop fighting in the East, to increase the responsibility for crimes against the people and the state; to strengthen the fight against corruption, to clean the administrative apparatus from corrupt, wicked people. It is proposed to make significant changes in the electoral legislation in order to qualitatively update the leadership of the state; to develop the state ideology, to strengthen propaganda and educational work in the state. The article outlines and proposes a paradigm for identifying targeted anti-state activities and socio-economic dangers for the state and means of preventing social upheaval . ; Введение: Безопасность государства: это не только предупреждение провокаций и диверсий, а в первую очередь высокопрофессиональное управление, за счет которого осуществляется обеспечение социально-экономического развития государства, благосостояние населения, благоустройство наших городов и сел, обороноспособность и конкурентоспособность страны. Методика. Для решения поставленной цели в работе использованы следующие методы исследования: монографический, сравнения (при изучении причин ослабления государственной безопасности в Украине). Системный анализ позволил предоставить характеристику основных проблем безопасности Украины. Также был использован диалектический подход к изучению явлений и процессов государственной, безопасности и предвыборной социально - экономической ситуации в стране. Цель: Определение причин снижения безопасности страны и формирования путей стабилизации общества и направлений усиления государственной безопасности и внедрения государственной идеологии и тому подобное.Результаты В исследовании проведен анализ государственной, безопасности и предвыборной социально - экономической ситуации в стран, анализ причин ослабления государственной безопасности .; определены причины и пути стабилизации общества; внесены предложения по усилению государственной безопасности и предложены механизмы внедрения государственной идеологии и тому подобное. Научная новизна: Авторами на основе рассмотрения теоретико-практических подходов разработаны и предложены парадигму выявления целенаправленной антигосударственной деятельности и социально-экономических опасностей для государства и средства предупреждения общественных потрясений. Выводы Предложен, что с целью предупреждения общественных потрясений, прекращение снижения уровня экономики и качества жизни населения, прежде всего, принять безотлагательные меры для прекращения боевых действий на Востоке, усилить ответственность за совершенные против народа и государства преступления; усилить борьбу с коррупцией, очистить управленческий аппарат от коррумпированных, нечестивых людей. Предложено внести существенные изменения в избирательное законодательство с тем, чтобы качественно обновить руководство государства; разработать государственную идеологию, усилить пропагандистско-воспитательную работу в государстве. В статье разработаны и предложены парадигму выявления целенаправленной антигосударственной деятельности и социально-экономических опасностей для государства и средства предупреждения общественных потрясений ; Вступ: Безпека держави: це не лише попередження провокацій та диверсій, а в першу чергу високопрофесійне управління, за рахунок якого здійснюється забезпечення соціально-економічного розвитку держави, добробут населення, благоустрій наших міст і сіл, обороноздатність та конкурентоздатність країни. Методика. Для вирішення поставленої мети у роботі використано такі методи дослідження: монографічний , порівняння (при вивченні причин послаблення державної безпеки в Україні). Системний аналіз дозволив надати характеристику основних проблем безпеки України. Також був використаний діалектичний підхід до вивчення явищ і процесів державної, безпекової та передвиборної соціально – економічної ситуації в країні. Мета: Визначення причин зниження безпеки країни та формування шляхів стабілізації суспільства й напрямів посилення державної безпеки та впровадження державної ідеології тощо.Результати: В дослідженні проведено аналіз державної, безпекової та передвиборної соціально – економічної ситуації в країн, аналіз причин послаблення державної безпеки.; визначено причини та шляхи стабілізації суспільства; внесено пропозиції щодо посилення державної безпеки та запропоновано механізми впровадження державної ідеології тощо. Наукова новизна: Авторами на основі розгляду теоретико-практичних підходів розроблено та запропоновано парадигму виявлення цілеспрямованої антидержавної діяльності та соціально-економічних небезпек для держави та засоби попередження суспільних потрясінь. Висновки: Запропоновано , що з метою попередження суспільних потрясінь, припинення зниження рівня економіки та якості життя населення, перш за все, вжити невідкладних заходів для припинення бойових дій на Сході, посилити відповідальність за скоєні проти народу і держави злочини; посилити боротьбу з корупцією, очистити управлінський апарат від корумпованих, нечестивих людей. Запропоновано внести суттєві зміни в виборче законодавство з тим, щоб якісно оновити керівництво держави; розробити державну ідеологію, посилити пропагандистсько-виховну роботу у державі. В статті розроблено та запропоновано парадигму виявлення цілеспрямованої антидержавної діяльності та соціально-економічних небезпек для держави та засоби попередження суспільних потрясінь

Doktorgradsavhandling i Sosialt arbeid ; Aims: The overall aim of this thesis was to explore the phenomenon of assessment in child protection by comparing two different assessment practices, the Norwegian and the English. Additional aims have been to generate knowledge by interpreting findings from the perspectives of professionals and parents who have experienced assessment, and to contribute to identify central aspects of the use of professional judgement in child protection assessments. The guiding research questions throughout this thesis have been: what mechanisms are at play in assessments in the two contexts, and what seem to constrain and support fruitful assessment practices? Additionally, what can we learn from each other (Norway-England) in terms of such practices? A "Critical Realist" approach has been applied as an overarching perspective throughout this thesis. Methods: The data source for this study consists of interviews with social workers and parents from Norway (Bergen) and England (Bristol), together with assessment reports from both countries. This is an in-depth study with a qualitative approach, including interviews with 14 social workers regarding their perspectives on practice, analyzed by means of thematic content analysis. Additionally, 11 interviews with parents were undertaken, who had been assessed by social workers following child protection concerns, analyzed by means of thematic narrative approach. Furthermore, a total of 31 assessment reports (which were not linked to the family cases), were analyzed through textual content analysis. Results: When analyzing the professionals` experiences (Paper 1) three main themes emerged: 1.Assessment framework, 2. Professional judgements, and 3. Contextual factors. The main findings show that the social workers in Norway and England experienced their respective assessment framework quite differently. Specifically, social workers in Norway presented professional judgement as a core element of assessing in child protection, but looked for more structured ways to make good judgements. However, they were concerned about increases in bureaucracy in the assessment process, resulting in more paperwork and less time spent with families. The social workers in England were proud of their "triangle" model for assessment and the general thoroughness in the system, but they longed for more trust to use professional judgement in assessment, and more resources to meet the needs of families after assessment. Differences between the two groups were discussed in the light of contextual factors, with special focus on the concept of accountability: How does the government in each country restrict and/or support the professional judgement of social workers when assessing in child protection? Differences were found in national accountability approaches, with the English authorities turning to structural accountability strategies by controlling and reducing the space for professional judgement through structures and procedures, and the Norwegian authorities on the other hand using a more epistemic accountability approach by supporting, rather than restricting, the room for professional judgements through resources in terms of staff and education. The parents' experiences (Paper 2) resulted in two overarching themes of "emotions" and "power" in assessment practice. When asked about their opinions of the current assessment framework, families in both countries talked more about feelings than about framework and procedures. The parents` experiences of assessment were similar in both countries. First and foremost they experienced strong emotions in a stressful situation: anxiety, frustration, powerlessness, but also relief. However some differences were identified in the way social work is acted out according to the national assessment framework and policy context. The English framework and procedures seemed to contribute to provide clarity with regard to process and power within the system. The Norwegian assessment practice was characterized by professional judgement accompanied by more resources, which seems to enable helpful decisions from the family's point of view. However, this heavy reliance on professional judgement within relationships was also viewed by parents as social workers' having informal power. Paper 3 is a theoretical analysis of the different characteristics illustrated by Norway and England regarding the role of professional judgement in child protection assessments. This paper explores and discusses the different ways in which professional judgement is understood and addressed in each system. Acknowledging child protection as a "Wicked problem"(in terms of complexity), a model of Grounded Professional Judgement is proposed, based on notions of epistemic responsibility and accountability to support the exercise of professional judgement in situations of uncertainty. Thismodel occupies a middle position between those currently reflected in the assessment systems in the English and Norwegian context. Retaining a commitment to the use of professional judgements, the model nonetheless provides a structure within which a judgement can be exercised more rigorously, transparently and in a way that can be called to account. In this way, Grounded Professional Judgement may provide a counterbalance to the potential idiosyncrasies of decision making, and avoids professional judgement being elevated to a point where it is beyond challenge or critique. At the same time, in systems where the space for professional judgement has been reduced at the expense of increased procedure and bureaucracy, it would provide a framework within which professional judgement can be "reclaimed" by social workers and built back in to practice. Conclusions: Assessment frameworks in child protection seem to be of importance for all those involved in assessment practice. Experiences from Norway and England can be used as illustrations of different stances on a continuum where different assessment frameworks and practices include diverse framing of the problems. Heavy reliance on assessment structuresmay restrict the room for professional judgements (as seen in England), whilst lack of mandatory assessment structures implies heavy reliance on professional judgement (as seen in Norway). The pitfalls on both ends of this continuum imply that a middle-position might be most fruitful in assessment; the main question is where to find the balance between the two. It also appears fruitful to support assessments by systemic factors, eg enough resources in terms of staff, education and interventions, together with constructive public debate. From the families` point of view, the "right" balance involves clarity of the assessment process and power issues, and provision of tailored services and interventions after assessment.