Suchergebnisse

In this article, we argue that a progressive approach to normative political theorizing should incorporate a conception of meaningful political change that is nonutopian (it conceives of advancements as gradual stages), large-scale (it involves the largest possible numbers of organized and unorganized social movements), and democratically emancipatory (it displays a commitment to breaking down the barriers that prevent individuals from feeling responsible for the direction of society). Bearing this in mind, such an approach should be organized around a cooperative effort between theorists and agents of change and should be oriented toward the collective construction of large-scale actionable proposals for social and political change here and now.

Humanitarian workers are increasingly becoming the victims of political violence, in part because the nations in which they work may be so relatively powerless that their people feel threatened by the presence of foreign aid workers. Because of the threat to aid workers as well as the political complexities of foreign aid (of which attacks on foreign aid workers are one symptom) "the bar needs to be very, very high" before humanitarian aid can be justified in terms of the violence that may await aid workers. Justifications that meet this standard include severe human rights violations, extensive loss of life & human suffering, & genocide. D. Knaff

An examination of the life & work of Frederic Bastiat (1801-1850) argues that, unlike most social thinkers, his libertarian views became increasingly radical as he aged & his most famous & radical work was written in the final two years of his life. An overview of his early life & his career as a legislator is followed by an exploration of his pre-elective writings; letters that responded to political issues of the day; & general writings in political economy. Special attention is given to his opinions about free trade, taxes, property, & government responsibility. The focus is on the evolution of his thinking from such early writings as. What Is Seen & What is Not Seen, which Bastiat wrote after his first election to the Assembly, up to his last two radical pamphlets, The Law ((1850), & Economic Harmonies (1850). Although his early views were libertarian, he later emerged as a "truly radical thinker, challenging the status quo of his day & exhorting everyone to embrace liberty.". References. J. Lindroth

"This book offers crucial perspectives on the utilization of online social networks in political discourse and how these alterations have affected previous modes of correspondence, highlighting key issues through theoretical foundations and pertinent case studies"--

We introduce the effect of the political regime in a model of North-South bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI), and test whether it matters for the nature of FDI inflows to emerging markets. Alternative political regimes in the host country may affect the incentive for foreign investors to implement horizontal rather than vertical FDI, if the political expropriation risk is different for the two kinds of investment. We test the model in a panel of 14 source countries and 24 host countries over 1992-2004, and find that autocracies are likely to receive relatively more FDI of the vertical type, while democracies are more likely to be associated with horizontal FDI inflows. ; We introduce the effect of the political regime in a model of North-South bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI), and test whether it matters for the nature of FDI inflows to emerging markets. Alternative political regimes in the host country may affect the incentive for foreign investors to implement horizontal rather than vertical FDI, if the political expropriation risk is different for the two kinds of investment. We test the model in a panel of 14 source countries and 24 host countries over 1992-2004, and find that autocracies are likely to receive relatively more FDI of the vertical type, while democracies are more likely to be associated with horizontal FDI inflows. ; Non-Refereed Working Papers / of national relevance only

Part I. Overcoming social, economic, and environmental challenges for the Americas and the world: how can science, technology, and innovation help find solutions? -- Part II. Sustaining international scientific cooperation among nations: why it matter -- Part III. Foundations of science diplomacy -- Part IV. Transition to sustainability -- Part V. International adaptation and resilience -- Part VI. Hydrodiplomacy -- Part VII. Science diplomacy in education -- Part VIII. Conclusions and resolutions.

This article argues that recent results of the cognitive sciences could make significant contributions to theological debates about free will, but they have been largely ignored by contemporary systematic and philosophical theologians. Recent work in cognitive psychology and moral psychology has to do with our intuitive and automatic patterns of reasoning in the domains of freedom and responsibility. This research will be relevant for many theological domains and has the potential to raise new issues and problems. The essay examines three such domains. First, the debate between intellectualist and voluntarist accounts of the will have been central in theology. Recent findings suggest that intellectualist accounts of the will have more intuitions on their side than has been previously assumed. Second, theologians have debated whether belief in free will is central for moral and political life. This question was pertinent during the Reformation when many of the reformers either rejected free will or presented truncated accounts of it. Recent results from moral psychology suggest that belief in free will has significant pro‐social and altruistic effects. Finally, the possible compatibility of divine determinism and free will is crucial for theological debates about sin, grace and God's providence. Recent psychological results point in the direction of affirming that while most humans have strong intuitions about the incompatibility of free will and divine determinism, these might be based on a false inference. Finally, some new counterintuitive challenges about the manipulativeness of God are raised against the divine determinist position. ; Peer reviewed

This paper analyses Nigerian citizen perception of (a) democracy and the economy; (b) the performance of their civilian government, and (c) extent of corruption in public institutions and by elected officials and public officers. It also examines the effects of corruption and governance performance on the approval of and trust in Nigeria's political institutions. The analysis is based on the round 2 version of the Afrobarometer survey and employs descriptive analysis, factor analysis, scale item reliability analysis as well as OLS multiple regression analysis. Key findings show that one-half of the respondents preferred a market economy while a third preferred a government-run economic system. More than two thirds preferred democratic governance, while more than one-half agreed that the national constitution expresses the values and hopes of the Nigerian people. Generally, findings show that trust in public institutions is low and that political approval and trust are primarily influenced by how government performs in the arenas of socio-economic management and civil rights protection.