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We consider an economy where competing political parties alternate in office. Due to rent-seeking motives, incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimum level. Parties cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. We find that if the government cannot manipulate state variables, more intense political competition fosters a compromise that yields better outcomes, potentially even the first best. By contrast, if the government can issue debt, vigorous political competition can render a compromise unsustainable and drive the economy to a low-welfare, high-debt, long-run trap. Our analysis thus suggests a legislative tradeoff between restricting political competition and constraining the ability of governments to issue debt.

Abstract We theoretically investigate how political abstention among certain social groups encourages populist parties to enter the political stage, trying to absorb inactive voters. We design a two-stage game with two established parties and n voters who jointly determine a taxation policy. The electorate is divided into two groups, the advantaged and the disadvantaged. Voters' decisions on whether to participate depend on a party's tax rate proposal and on general party ideology. Effective political participation requires a certain amount of financial, social and intellectual resources to, for example, evaluate party programs or to engage in political discussion. As the disadvantaged are endowed with fewer resources, they lack political efficacy, resulting in less political participation. Consequently, the established parties propose a tax rate which is biased towards the preferences of the advantaged. The unused voter potential among the disadvantaged draws the interest of a populist challenger. To win support from the disadvantaged, the challenger party optimally proposes a respectively biased tax rate, which then works to polarize the political spectrum.Please confirm if the author names are presented accurately and in the correct sequence (given name, middle name/initial, family name). Author 1 Given name: [Kim Leonie] Last name [ Kellermann]. Also, kindly confirm the details in the metadata are correct.All correct.

As political scientists begin to incorporate biological influences as explanatory factors in political behavior, the need to present a methodological road map for utilizing biometric genetic theory and twin data is apparent. The classical twin design (CTD) remains the most popular design for initial examinations of the source of variance among social and political behaviors, and a vast majority of advanced variance components models as well as some molecular analyses are extensions of the CTD. Thus, it is appropriate to begin a series of works with the CTD and its most common variants. The CTD has strong roots in biometrical genetic theory and provides estimates of the correlations between observed traits of monozygotic and dizygotic twins in terms of underlying genetic and environmental influences. The majority of these analyses utilize SEMs of observed covariances for both twin types to assess the relative importance of these "latent" factors.

THE THEME I PROPOSE TO TREAT HERE RUNS LIKE A PARALLEL tributary to the mainstream of Giovanni Sartori's theme: 'We are living above and beyond our intelligence'. But while Sartori concentrates his attention on the pros and cons of 'political engineering' in the modern society, its feasibility and cost benefits, I concentrate on the question which can be summarily formulated as follows: 'can modern political judgment itself, i.e. before it sets political engineering, or indeed policy-making, in motion, comprehend (in the double meaning of the expression) the issues upon which it should be exerted in their individual esotericism and in their collective array?' But before starting to examine this question, I must make a few caveats.

There is more to modern 'political religions' than political ritual and religious semantics, as is normally assumed with regard to National Socialism and other totalitarian regimes. Ideologies and political style do matter, but they do not provide the answer as to how 'dead certainty' was achieved about the ultimate mission. The terror of the revolutionary 'furies' and the 'sacrifice' of national revivalism provide a historical trajectory for the proposition that in the modern world it is not the violence that is in the religion, but the religion that is in the violence. Fundamentalist violence - from the Holocaust to the attacks of September 11 2001 - must therefore be seen as the touchstone for an economy of the sacred in a secularized world. Thus, the 'morality of violence' (Sorel, 1990) feeds into acts of political terrorism and genocide not just by way of legitimation but also as a proof of the transcendent quality of political violence itself. 1 Illustration, 65 References. (Original abstract - amended)

Technisches Verständnis und Einstellung zu innenpolitischen Fragen.

Themen: Einstellung zu technischen Innovationen in der Landwirtschaft;
technisches Verständnis; Konservatismus; Fatalismus; allgemeines
Vertrauen zu anderen; Selbstvertrauen; demokratisches Bewußtsein;
Einstellung zu Wahlen; Parteipräferenz; eigene politische Aktivitäten;
politische Probleme, die die Regierung lösen sollte; politisches Wissen
und Kenntnis führender Politiker; Einstellung zu einer kommunistischen
Regierung und zu einer Militärregierung; Beurteilung des Einflusses von
Interessengruppen auf die derzeitige Regierung; Mediennutzung;
Kinobesuch; eigene Reisen im Inland und ins Ausland; Besitz von
Schreibgerät und Fahrrad; Kastenzugehörigkeit; Religiosität; regionale
und soziale Mobilität; Schichtzugehörigkeit; Ausbildungsniveau;
Analphabetismus.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Konfession; Schulbildung; berufliche
Position; Haushaltseinkommen; regionale Herkunft; Mitgliedschaft.

The press and patronage: an exploratory operation / by Norman Ward -- The ballot in the British North American colonies / by John Garner -- The democratic process at work in Canadian federal elections / by J.M. Beck -- Group interests in Canadian politics / by S.D. Clark -- Early socialism in Canada / by P.W. Fox -- The political ideas of J.W. Dafoe / by M.S. Donnelly -- The paradox of power in the Saskatchewan C.C.F., 1944-1961 / by Evelyn Eager -- Thevolution of territorial government in Canada / by R.G. Robertson -- Interprovincial co-operation in Canada / by J.H. Aitchison -- Legislative power to implement treaty obligations in Canada / by W.R. Lederman -- Political retrospect / Hugh McD. Clokie

A brief chronicle of experimental research in political science is presented, based on an empirical analysis of 217 published experiments from 10 major scholarly journals. Different subject areas where experimental designs have been employed are identified, dated, & analyzed. Four dimensions are defined that characterize these experiments: level of analysis, experimental environment, assumptions concerning rationality, & the nature of the experimental stimulus. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 73 References. Modified HA

Suggests that while micro hypotheses make sense, macro hypotheses are difficult to interpret because they cannot be derived from any plausible theory about human motivation. (Abstract amended)

Southeast Asia's strategic location at major sea-lanes of communication, its previous role as a theatre of super power rivalries, its neighbourhood to China & India, its increasing economic prosperity & its inherent political instability have secured the region unrelenting attention of political scientists. Yet, the region is politically, economically & culturally highly diverse & fragmented. This diversity is also reflected in research on the politics of the region. Southeast Asian politics -- more than any other Asian sub-region -- thus defies sweeping generalizations about the state of the art. However, a paper committed to identify new research trends can not do justice to the diverging research agendas in the region's different countries. It must search for common themes which are relevant for understanding the political dynamics of the region & at the same time enrich the general discourses of the discipline. While this amounts to the squaring of the circle, the following sections nevertheless try to pinpoint where political scientists have made innovative contributions & where lacunae exist. It starts with a few general observations on recent trends in the study of Southeast Asian politics & then proceeds to international relations & comparative politics, two major sub-disciplines of political science. It focuses, albeit not exclusively, on regionalism & democratization as the dominant themes in the post-Cold War period. The paper concludes with a few proposals to improve the institutional context of (German) political scientists working on Southeast Asia. References. Adapted from the source document.