Suchergebnisse

[abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] The rhetoric and the stylistics – the choice of text style, genre, and rhetorical devices – of Soviet badnews discourse is analysed in this paper. This discourse is represented by 193 reports regarding disasters,crimes, and violation of socialistic moral which were published in the daily paper Komjaunimo tiesa (eng.The Truth of the Komsomol) in 1970–1973. It was found that the bad news in the selection of official textsof this period distinguishes by a much lower register of Newspeak – unlike as in the articles of first pages,there is almost no pathos here, the militaristic metaphors are used in the text of the article only, but theycannot be seen in the headings. One of the main rhetorical devices is an irony, which is created by usingphraseology, jargon, famous quotes, dialogues, etc., – everything, which looks like a daily colloquiallanguage. The choice of text form which is more related to fiction than to journalism (essay, satire) maybe treated as one of the pretexts which justify in the eyes of the readers an idea of an author to write ina different language than it was ordinary in the context of ideologized press language of that period. Byusing the corresponding rhetoric, they believed to accomplish the propagandistic aim of these texts moreefficiently – to suggest an image of more safe, democratic, successful, and self-critical country than itreally was. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje tiriama sovietmečio blogųjų naujienų diskurso, kurį tyrime reprezentuoja 1970–1972 m. dienraštyje "Komjaunimo tiesa" paskelbti 193 pranešimai apie nelaimes, nusikaltimus ir socialistinės moralės pražangas, stilistika ir retorika – tekstų stiliaus, žanrų ir retorinių priemonių pasirinkimas. Nustatyta, kad to laikotarpio oficialių tekstų masyve blogosios naujienos išsiskiria kur kas žemesniu naujakalbės registru – skirtingai nei pirmųjų puslapių straipsniuose, čia beveik nėra patoso, militaristinės metaforos vartojamos tik straipsnio tekste, bet jų nematyti antraštėse. Viena pagrindinių retorinių priemonių – ironija, kuri kuriama pasitelkiant frazeologiją, žargoną, žinomas citatas, dialogus ir pan. – visa tai, kas primenakasdienę šnekamąją kalbą. Beletristikai nei publicistikai artimesnės tekstų formos (apybraižos, satyros) pasirinkimą galima traktuoti kaip vieną iš pretekstų, skaitytojo akyse pateisinusių autoriaus sumanymą rašyti kitokia kalba to meto ideologizuotos spaudos kalbos kontekste. Manytina, kad atitinkama retorika tikėtasi efektyviau įgyvendinti propagandinį šių tekstų tikslą – įteigti saugesnės, demokratiškesnės, sėkmingesnės, nei yra, ir savikritiškos šalies įvaizdį.

В данной статье автор рассматривает комсомол как объект политического контроля. В то же время учитывается, что антирелигиозные действия самого комсомола были составной частью политического контроля над повседневной жизнью советского человека, оказывали существенное влияние на формирование правил и запретов советского общества. Показано, что повседневная жизнь молодежи, в том числе самих комсомольцев, все шире и настойчивее вовлекалась в сферу влияния политического контроля. Определена зависимость модификаций повседневной жизни от общекультурного уровня партийных и комсомольских лидеров. ; The author considers Komsomol as an object of political control, at the same time takes into account that Komsomol anti-religious activity was a part of political control over the daily life of the soviet people, had a significant influence on the formation of the rules and prohibitions of the soviet society, shows that the daily life of young people, including Komsomol members, was increasingly and insistently becoming involved in the sphere of political control influence, and determines the dependence of daily life modifications on the party and Komsomol leaders' general cultural level.

Публикуемый фрагмент воспоминаний профессора А.И. Авруса посвящен периоду комсомольской юности мемуариста, роли и месте комсомольской организации в жизни советской школы и Саратовского университета в 1940-1950 годах. Основываясь на личных впечатлениях, автор рассказывает об участии комсомольцев в различных сферах университетской жизни: партийной, спортивной, культурной и хозяйственной. ; Published a fragment of Professor A.I. Avrus memories dedicated period of Komsomol youth memoirist, the role and place of the Komsomol organization in the life of the Soviet school and Saratov University in 1940-1950 years. Based on personal impressions, the author talks about the participation of members of the Komsomol in various areas of university life: political, sports, cultural and economic.

The paper is devoted to the civic (communist) education of Soviet citizens in Soviet Ukraine of the second half of the 20th century. The process of formation of social and political values and aims system providing the legitimacy of the Party and Soviet regime is analyzed in the paper.Civic education took place during the process of socialization of the individual through the system of social relations and education. Political socialization was directed by the Party and state bodies, had a communist-oriented outlook and was practically reduced to ideological education. Formation of communist consciousness began in kindergarten, continued in the first classes of «Little Octobrists», pioneer detachments, Komsomol camps.The main task of the Soviet school was to impart the sense of civic duty of the communism builder to the students. Forming of ideological conviction and communism morality was an integral part of the educational process and was combined with atheistic and internationalist education. Much attention was paid to the training of the feelings of Soviet patriotism based on the heroic history of the Party, its leaders, the heroic deeds of pioneers, Komsomol members, and red commanders during the Civil and World War II.In the Party, in its middle and upper ranks, the cycle of political socialization completed. The «moral code of the communism builder» included a class assessment, political approach, and formation of communist ideology values – democracy, equality, public ownership, internationalism. Communitarianism, high awareness of civic duty, and an inseparability of personal interests with a state need were cultivated.Officially approved holidays with mass demonstrations, the media, literature and the arts, films and television were widely used for political propaganda, the formation of communist ideology and political identity. The party education system contributed significantly to the formation of communist worldviews and values of Soviet workers.Despite the generally deceitful aims, the membership in mass children and youth organizations, together with other types of education and training, contributed to the identification of workers with the existing socialism social order, the development of collectivism feelings, national solidarity, and pride in the greatness of Soviet State. ; Представлена общая модель организации гражданского (коммунистического) воспитание в советской Украине второй половины ХХ в. Анализируется процесс формирования у советских граждан системы социально-политических ценностей, установок, обеспечивающих легитимность партийно-советской системы. Внимание акцентировано на процессе политической социализации, происходившей на протяжении всей жизни. Доказано, что политическая социализация была направлена партией и государственными органами, имела коммунистически ориентированную мировоззренческую направленность и практически была сведена к идеологическому воспитанию. ; Представлено загальну модель організації громадянського (комуністичного) виховання у радянській Україні другої половини ХХ ст. Аналізується процес формування у радянських громадян системи соціально-політичних цінностей, установок, що забезпечували легітимність партійно-радянської системи. Увагу акцентовано на процесі політичної соціалізації, що відбувалася впродовж всього життя. Доведено, що політична соціалізація була скерована партією та державними органами, мала комуністично-орієнтовану світоглядну спрямованість і практично була зведена до ідеологічного виховання.

В статье на основе неопубликованных архивных материалов, среди которых имеются и документы первичных комсомольских организаций, рассматривается участие комсомола Дальнего Востока в реализации наиболее драматичного мероприятия политического руководства Советского Союза коллективизации сельского хозяйства. Выявлено, что комсомол, являвшийся единственной легальной молодёжной организацией, активно использовался властью для решения всевозможных хозяйственно-политических задач. Помимо прочего комсомольские организации были вовлечены в создание обобществлённого сельскохозяйственного производства, а также в наступление на зажиточные элементы деревни. Комсомольской молодёжи в образовании коммун и необоснованном раскулачивании зачастую отводилась роль непосредственного исполнителя, уполномоченного применять принудительные меры в отношении несогласных. С одной стороны, молодые комсомольцы сами являлись частью крестьянского мира, с другой вынужденно противопоставляли себя ему, ведь именно ВЛКСМ, как помощник и резерв коммунистической партии, должен был принять самое активное участие в коренном переустройстве деревни. Деятельность комсомольской организации в период коллективизации вызвала многочисленные противоречия, которые возникали между крестьянством и комсомольцами, а также внутри самого союза молодёжи. Часть комсомольцев действительно стала опорой партийно-государственной политики, направленной на коллективизацию сельского хозяйства. Однако были и те, кто принял сторону крестьянского сопротивления, выразив несогласие с проводимыми преобразованиями. ; The article basing on the unpublished archive materials and documents of the primary Komsomol organisations examines the participation of the Komsomol of the Far East in realization of the most dramatic event of political administration of the Soviet Union collectivization of agriculture. It is revealed that the Komsomol being the only legal youth organization was actively used by authorities for solving all possible economic and political problems. The Komsomol organizations were involved into socialized agricultural production as well as into the attack of well-to-do farm-style elements. The Komsomol youth had a role of direct executives in the creation of the communes and groundless dekulakization which were authorized to use coercive measures towards those who disagreed. On the one hand, the young Komsomol members were a part of the farming world; on the other hand, they had to oppose themselves forcedly because the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League as the helper and the reserve of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had to take active part in the radical village transformation. The activity of the Komsomol organization during collectivization provoked contradictions between peasantry and the Komsomol members as well as inside the youth association. A part of the Komsomol members were support of the party and state policy towards collectivization of its agricultural sector. Nevertheless, there were others who took a side of peasant resistance expressing dissent from the reforms.

The article is devoted to the formation of the system of professional education in the 1920s in Moscow and Moscow Province. The paper highlights the process of creating a system of Central and local authorities of special education. The characteristic of different types of educational institutions is given, statistical data are given. Special attention is paid to the rules of admission to educational institutions, were based on the principle of class selection. On the example of interaction between educational institutions and the Komsomol organisation the author shows the relationship of vocational education and the Communist party. Based on the analysis of the documents, the author concludes on the importance of the development of secondary vocational education in Moscow Region for the socio-economic development of the entire state.

When the Bolsheviks set out to build a new world in the wake of the Russian Revolution, they expected religion to die off. Soviet power used a variety of tools--from education to propaganda to terror—to turn its vision of a Communist world without religion into reality. Yet even with its monopoly on ideology and power, the Soviet Communist Party never succeeded in overcoming religion and creating an atheist society.A Sacred Space Is Never Empty presents the first history of Soviet atheism from the 1917 revolution to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Drawing on a wealth of archival material and in-depth interviews with those who were on the front lines of Communist ideological campaigns, Victoria Smolkin argues that to understand the Soviet experiment, we must make sense of Soviet atheism. Smolkin shows how atheism was reimagined as an alternative cosmology with its own set of positive beliefs, practices, and spiritual commitments. Through its engagements with religion, the Soviet leadership realized that removing religion from the "sacred spaces" of Soviet life was not enough. Then, in the final years of the Soviet experiment, Mikhail Gorbachev—in a stunning and unexpected reversal—abandoned atheism and reintroduced religion into Soviet public life.A Sacred Space Is Never Empty explores the meaning of atheism for religious life, for Communist ideology, and for Soviet politics.

In this paper cultural and educational measures of the Soviet/Russian state authorities and the Leninist Komsomol, aimed at the politicization of the multinational youth, have been considered.

В статье проанализированы решения центральных органов Коммунистической партии и Российского коммунистического союза молодежи 1918-1922 гг., которые привели к теоретическому обоснованию вхождения комсомола в советскую систему политического контроля. Показано, что с первых лет своего существования комсомол рассматривался не только как субъект, но и объект политического контроля в Советском государстве. ; The author analyzes the decisions of the Communist Party and the Russian Communist Youth League central bodies in 1918-1922, which led to the theoretical substantiation of Komsomol inclusion into the soviet system of political control, and shows that from the first years of its existence Komsomol was considered not only as a subject, but also as an object of political control in the soviet state.

The main object of this article is Anti-Soviet Resistance of Lithuanian Academic Youth in the 1950s and 1960s of 20th century. The Anti-Soviet resistance movement showed that young people in Lithuania didn't accept soviet authority and regime. They defined it as occupation power and fought for Lithuanian independence. This battle for independence was unarmed, but organized and non-organized. The main forms of organized Anti-Soviet resistance in Lithuania were: the formation of Anti-Soviet organizations and groups, the distribution of patriotic leaflets, painting patriotic slogans on the walls, doors and etc., raising national flags, remarking national and religious celebrations. The non-organized resistance, as well as organized resistance, had moral issues. If you agreed with soviet lifestyle and system, you had to make a compromise with yourself. Youths couldn't cope with propaganda and moral limitations which were ignited by the soviet regime and they tried to rebel through reaching for new Western music, fashion and other art forms. The escalating symbols of Western culture in soviet Lithuania were also forbidden and persecuted. The forms of youth resistance in Lithuania showed youth's reluctance in supporting the soviet regime and lifestyle. The most active members of academic youth in Lithuania participated in Anti-Soviet actions and Soviet government treated them as nationalists, Anti-Soviet elements. Moreover youngsters who distributed patriotic leaflets or painted patriotic slogans on the walls frequently didn't get a punishment, but they and some times their parents were instructed and prevented verbally by Soviet activists, Komsomol members. Generally young people were being sentenced to concentration camps for attending anti-soviet organizations or groups. These punishments were strict and the mark of previous conviction existed in the file during all soviet occupation period. This black mark in the file granted complexity of your life in soviet Lithuania and often a conflict with society. Finally Anti-Soviet Resistance of Lithuanian Academic Youth during 1950s and 1960s was inherent from all Lithuanian people Anti-Soviet resistance. A lot of young people were sentenced for being Anti-Soviet, but the most rebellious part of them never refused their patriotism and fight for freedom. This unarmed fight for freedom during 1950s and 1960s made the largest influence for further struggles in 1970s and 1980s till the independence of Lithuania was re-established.

The main object of this article is Anti-Soviet Resistance of Lithuanian Academic Youth in the 1950s and 1960s of 20th century. The Anti-Soviet resistance movement showed that young people in Lithuania didn't accept soviet authority and regime. They defined it as occupation power and fought for Lithuanian independence. This battle for independence was unarmed, but organized and non-organized. The main forms of organized Anti-Soviet resistance in Lithuania were: the formation of Anti-Soviet organizations and groups, the distribution of patriotic leaflets, painting patriotic slogans on the walls, doors and etc., raising national flags, remarking national and religious celebrations. The non-organized resistance, as well as organized resistance, had moral issues. If you agreed with soviet lifestyle and system, you had to make a compromise with yourself. Youths couldn't cope with propaganda and moral limitations which were ignited by the soviet regime and they tried to rebel through reaching for new Western music, fashion and other art forms. The escalating symbols of Western culture in soviet Lithuania were also forbidden and persecuted. The forms of youth resistance in Lithuania showed youth's reluctance in supporting the soviet regime and lifestyle. The most active members of academic youth in Lithuania participated in Anti-Soviet actions and Soviet government treated them as nationalists, Anti-Soviet elements. Moreover youngsters who distributed patriotic leaflets or painted patriotic slogans on the walls frequently didn't get a punishment, but they and some times their parents were instructed and prevented verbally by Soviet activists, Komsomol members. Generally young people were being sentenced to concentration camps for attending anti-soviet organizations or groups. These punishments were strict and the mark of previous conviction existed in the file during all soviet occupation period. This black mark in the file granted complexity of your life in soviet Lithuania and often a conflict with society. Finally Anti-Soviet Resistance of Lithuanian Academic Youth during 1950s and 1960s was inherent from all Lithuanian people Anti-Soviet resistance. A lot of young people were sentenced for being Anti-Soviet, but the most rebellious part of them never refused their patriotism and fight for freedom. This unarmed fight for freedom during 1950s and 1960s made the largest influence for further struggles in 1970s and 1980s till the independence of Lithuania was re-established.

This article examines the emergence and subsequent development of ritual and memorial practices related to the commemoration of the dead participants in the Great Patriotic War in the USSR in the 1940s–1960s. The author demonstrates that the military ceremony that developed in 1941–1945 had a significant impact on the development of postwar commemorational rituals conducted by civilians near memorial buildings (guard of honour, pronouncing an oath, mourning salute). Further, the author considers the memorial innovations of the period of 1957–1968, which he calls "axial age," when a memorial canon which practically did not change throughout the late Soviet period formed and is still relevant; it included the cult of the Unknown Soldier, the cult of Eternal Flame, and Komsomol-pioneer posts No. 1, etc. Their appearance in Soviet realities and subsequent distribution was due to a combination of many internal and external factors, and the coincidence of the efforts of various actors — from the top officials of the state to ideological lower-level workers and teachers. Individual ritual forms could be borrowed from abroad but transformed and adapted to Soviet memorial culture. Reflecting on the popular concept of "inventing traditions" by E. Hobsbawm and based on the examples he analysed, the author shows that the possibilities of inventing rituals "from scratch" are very limited. In fact, there is a process of creative construction, considering the practices, scenarios, material, and symbolic objects already existing in national or foreign memorial culture. There is also the effect of "ritual synergy" when the spread of some rituals creates conditions for the appearance and development of others.

Целью статьи является анализ сведений о «революционных крестинах», которые практиковались в послереволюционный период в Башкирии, как и в других регионах России, они были направлены на формирование советской обрядности взамен традиционной.Метод и методология проведения работы. Историко-сравнительный анализ позволяет выявить последствия политики молодой советской власти по внедрению новой обрядности. Комплексный анализ – изучить революционные крестины вкупе с другими обычаями того времени как череду общественно-политических мероприятий, направленных на унификацию этнических и конфессиональных обычаев, формирование советской общности и советской культуры.Источниками для изучения революционных обрядов в Башкирии стали публикации в газетах «Власть труда» и «Красная Башкирия». (В архивных документах упоминания единичны.)Результаты. Выявлено, что новый обычай назывался также «новые крестины», «коммунистические крестины», «красные крестины», «октябрины», «звездины», «крестины по-красному». Он представлял собой (наряду с красной свадьбой, комсомольским рождеством, комсомольским курбан-байрам и другими праздниками того времени) общественно-политическое мероприятие – собрание работников и (или) членов партии, комсомола, профсоюза, женсовета, других общественных организаций с лекциями о новом быте, задачах молодежи, вреде религии. На торжестве чествовались молодые родители, а новорожденный до совершеннолетия получал «культурное шефство» и «идейное воспитание». Революционные крестины (как и другие новые праздники) в Башкирии стали проводиться осенью 1923 года, постепенно внедряясь в быт разных народов (русские, башкиры, татары, чуваши и др.), расширяя ареалы распространения (кантоны республики). Во второй половине 1920-х гг. прессой они перестают пропагандироваться в силу смены политического курса страны.Область применения результатов – в образовательном процессе и научно-исследовательской работе. ; The purpose of the article is to analyze the information about the "revolutionary christenings" that were practiced in the post-revolutionary period in Bashkortostan, as in other regions of Russia, and were aimed at the formation of Soviet rituals in place of the traditional.Methodology. The historical-comparative analysis makes it possible to reveal the consequences of the policy of the young Soviet government for introducing a new ritual. Complex analysis – to study revolutionary christenings, coupled with other customs of the time as a series of socio-political events aimed at the unification of ethnic and confessional customs, the formation of Soviet community and Soviet culture.Results. It was revealed that the new custom was also called "new christenings", "communist christenings", "red christenings", "octobrinas", "zvezdiny". It was (along with the red wedding, Komsomol Christmas, Komsomol kurban-bairam and other holidays of that time) socio-political event – a meeting of workers and (or) party members, the Komsomol, the trade union, the military commissariat, the women's council, other public organizations with lectures on a new life, the tasks of youth, the harm of religion, at which young parents were honored, and the newborn was given "cultural patronage" until majority. Revolutionary christenings (as well as other red holidays) in Bashkiria began to be held in the autumn of 1923, gradually introducing themselves into the everyday life of different peoples (Russians, Bashkirs, Tatars, Chuvashs, etc.), expanding the distribution areas (cantons of the republic). In the second half of the 1920s. they cease to be propagated by the press because of a change in the political course of the country.Practical applications – 'in the educational process and research work.

Выявляя роль политических проверок, проводимых в комсомольских организациях 1920-х гг., в системе советского политического контроля, автор показывает, что они были нацелены на выяснение степени лояльности молодежи Советской власти. Обращается внимание на всеохватность и непредсказуемость содержания политпроверок. Вся система политучебы, по мнению автора, и после введения политпроверок оставалась малоэффективной: у большинства комсомольцев отсутствовали реальные политические знания. ; Revealing the role of political inspections, which were carried out in Komsomol organizations of the 1920s in the soviet political control system, the author shows that they were intended to clarify the degree of young people's loyalty to the soviet power, pays attention to the inclusiveness and unpredictability of political inspections content, and concludes that the whole system of political education after the introduction of political inspections remained ineffective, the majority of Komsomol members did not possess real political knowledge.

Данная статья посвящена анализу роли организаций ВЛКСМ в развертывании стахановского движения в рамках отдельно взятого региона Кировской области (Кировского края) с момента возникновения движения (август 1935 г.) до начала Великой Отечественной войны (июнь 1941 г.). В тексте статьи приведены архивные свидетельства об участии комсомольцев в организации стахановских рекордов, статистические данные о процентной доле членов ВЛКСМ в общей массе стахановцев Кировской области, а также сведения о комсомольском рейде «Легкой кавалерии» в поддержку стахановского движения. В статье также показывается, что роль и место комсомольских организаций в развитии стахановского движения в заявленный период находились в прямой зависимости от политических процессов, протекавших в Советском Союзе в то время. ; This article analyzes the role of the Komsomol organizations in the deployment of the Stakhanovite movement within a given region Kirov Region since the beginning of the movement (August 1935) to the beginning of the Great Patriotic War (June 1941). The text of the article shows the archival evidence on participation in the Komsomol organization Stakhanovite records, statistical data on the percentage of the members of the Young Communist League in the total mass Stakhanovite Kirov region, as well as information about the Komsomol raid "of the Light Cavalry" in support of the Stakhanovite movement. The article also shows that the role and place of the Komsomol organizations in the development of the Stakhanovite movement in the stated period was directly dependent on the political processes taking place in the Soviet Union at that time.