Suchergebnisse

According to the Assyrian sources, Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 BCE) went on campaign to the West to quell a rebellion in 701 BCE. During his campaign he conducted a pitched battle against the forces of Egypt and Kush and won the war. However, according to the Biblical narrative the Assyrians suffered an enormous defeat by the angel of God. Furthermore, the Kushite ruler who came to the aid of the Judean forces was Tirhakah (=Taharqa), King of Kush, who ascended the throne of Egypt-and-Kush only eleven years later, in 690 BCE.How then, can we explain the mentioning of Taharqa in the biblical account? Is the information that he was present in the events of 701 BCE an anachronism or is it historically reliable? Can his role in the events be determined? Who won the war – Sennacherib, King of Assyria or Taharqa, King of Kush (and his ally, Hezekiah, King of Judah)? Did Sennacherib conduct two campaigns against the Levant, as some have suggested? The purpose of this article is to address these questions.

Te-uman (664-653 BC) or Tepti-Huban-Inšušinak I is a Neo-Elamite king of the Hubanid dynasty. His reign is known for its anti-Assyrian policy, which led to the one of the best-documented military confrontations between Assyria and Elam in the 1st millennium BC, i.e. the battle of Til-Tuba (563 BC).

Te-uman (664-653 BC) or Tepti-Huban-Inšušinak I is a Neo-Elamite king of the Hubanid dynasty. His reign is known for its anti-Assyrian policy, which led to the one of the best-documented military confrontations between Assyria and Elam in the 1st millennium BC, i.e. the battle of Til-Tuba (563 BC).

This dissertation concerns the ways in which the ritualized materials and ritualized practice of the Neo-Assyrian temple, through their culturally valued and prioritized visual and experiential characteristics, created and marked the special status and divine aspect of the house of a god, differentiating this built environment within the Neo-Assyrian landscape and making it fit for a god. In the study ritual is not approached as a distinct entity, but rather as a characteristic of contrasting practice, that is, as a strategic mode of acting that inflects the practice itself and the associated materials, drawing on Catherine Bell's notions of ritualization. Contributing further to the discussion are such concepts as materiality, agency, phenomenology, visuality, and performance. In order to reconstruct ritualized practice and material interaction in the temples, the physical, aesthetic, and sensory features of the architectural, non-portable, and portable works of art stand at the forefront of the discussion. This study also reinserts active agents into the discussion of material culture and practice in Neo-Assyria, and brings the temple itself, as well as the vast collection of materials housed therein, into this discussion. Complementing the material culture is a study of the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions and correspondence, administrative records, ritual instructions, and omen collections. These texts were written in Akkadian, the official language of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, on an assortment of material culture, ranging from clay tablets and prisms to stone statues and wall reliefs. This comprehensive, analytical, and interdisciplinary approach to the Neo-Assyrian temple built environment offers a means of accessing previously unrecognized and under appreciated characteristics of the Neo-Assyrian imperial elite that produced and used these spaces, reevaluating notions of culturally meaningful practice, the role of material and architecture in such acts, culturally valued sensorial experiences, social relations, and the place of ritualized performance within the larger social network. The experiential dimensions of the raw materials and crafted works of art from the temple manifest a prioritization by the Neo-Assyrian elite for what was seen: the brilliance, texture, and polychromatic qualities of this built environment acted as both sign and substance; yet the stimulation of additional senses, such as touch and smell, was also of import. The material and textual evidence from the temple also demonstrates the ways in which this built environment controlled and isolated spheres of practice that served critical functions in the dynamics of the Neo-Assyrian royal court, in particular in the relationships between the king and the scholarly elite. The temple served as a mediating point between the king and the ummânus —scholarly experts and skilled craftsmen—and both with the gods. The variability of these relationships materialized in the developments of the temple during the Neo-Assyrian period, the attitudes and preferences of particular kings toward scholarly knowledge and the gods finding expression in their temple work and practice. Moreover, the king's relationship with the temple differentiated this space from the Neo-Assyrian royal palace. Though constructed using the same raw materials and personnel as part of royal building projects, the palace's prioritization of the king—in both material culture and practice—illustrates a different inflection of ritualization for a royal dwelling place of Neo-Assyria. The outcomes of this study of the Neo-Assyrian temple make an important contribution to the ongoing dialogues in art historical, material culture, post-colonial and globalization studies regarding the role of material worlds and ritualizing activity in social and political arenas. The textual and material evidence from the Neo-Assyrian temple makes an argument for recognizing degrees of ritualization as an element of ritual theory and practice; for acknowledging meaningful variations in the individual's experience; and for appreciating the variability that results from discrete preferences and attitudes, as characteristics of ritualized practice alongside culturally-grounded traditions and rules. The ritualizing power of the materials and practices explored in this study acted to constitute the divine nature of the temple, a sign of its status as the house of a god in Neo-Assyria. The outcomes of this study therefore also lend themselves to the larger discussion of the house-owner relationship—in Neo-Assyria and beyond—and the formative role of the latter in conferring and displaying status.

In 701 BCE Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 BCE), conducted a campaign against the Levant to subdue the kingdoms that had rebelled against Assyria upon the death of his father, Sargon II (721–705 BCE) in battle. Sennacherib's written and pictorial sources describe the subjugation of the Levantine kingdoms voluntarily or after a siege, while a pitched battle against the Egyptian and Kushite forces is presented as a great victory. The Biblical account in 2 Kings 18: 13-16 matches the description, while the Prophetic sources describe the defeat of the Assyrian host by the Angel of the Lord. Herodotus II 141 preserves a different version of the Assyrian defeat, where the Egyptian ruler petitioned his God, Hephaistos (i.e., Ptah), and was unexpectedly delivered by mice, who gnawed the weapons of the Assyrians and caused their hasty retreat. In this article, I intend to reassess the story, clarify some passages, and illuminate it from different directions. Finally, I will evaluate the question of relationship of Herodotus II 141 to the Bibiical narrative, the Greek influences, and the date of the described event.

This inquiry focuses on one life stage in the life cycle of ancient Babylonia and Assyria of the first millennium B.C., specifically, the age at first marriage for men and women. I will suggest some implications to be drawn for the household and family patterns resulting from probable age at marriage, and identify native terminology employed in reference to the life stage common for first marriage.

Մ.թ.ա. XIV դարի 2-րդ կեսից, կրկին վերելք ապրող Աշշուրի տիրակալները սկսեցին հանդես գալ «Արևի տակ տեղ փնտրելու» սկզբունքներով: Օրօրի հզորացող Աշշուրի հավակնոտ արքաները ձգտում էին մեծացնել իրենց երկրի սուբյեկտայնությունը և անդամակցել, այսպես կոչված, «արքայական եղբայրների ակումբին», որոնց թվին էին պատկանում Եգիպտոսը, Բաբելոնիան և Խեթական թագավորությունը: Այս փուլում Եգիպտոսի և Ասորեստանի շահերի բախում առկա չէր: Բաբելական ուղղությամբ խնդիրը կարծես հավերժական էր, իսկ Խաթթիի հետ հարաբերությունների կարգավորումը օրվա հարց էր դարձել: Այդ բոլորից զատ, Ասորեստանի առջև դրված խնդիրների կարգավորման համար մեծ նշանակություն ուներ արևմտյան ուղղությունը: Ասորեստանի ծավալումը դեպի արևմուտք ուներ երկու հիմնական բաղադրիչ՝ 1. տնտեսական՝ հումքի աղբյուրների և արևմուտքի առևտրական ուղիների վերահսկումը, 2. քաղաքական՝ խոշոր տերության կարգավիճակը: Հենց այս երկու բաղադրիչների իրագործման ճանապարհին էր, որ հատվում էին Ասորեստանի ու Խեթական թագավորության շահերը:
Со второй половины XIV века до н.э. вновь набиравшие силу правители Ассирии стали выступать по принципу «поиска места под Солнцем». Амбициозные цари растущей с каждым днем страны стремились стать субъектом ближневосточной международной политики и присоединиться к так называемому «клубу королевских братьев», в состав которого входили такие страны как Египет, Вавилония и Хеттское царство. На этом этапе между Египтом и Ассирией не было конфликта интересов. В Вавилонском направлении проблема стала вечной, а урегулирование отношений с Хатти стало насущным вопросом. Помимо всех других векторов большое значение для решения проблем, стоявших перед Ассирией, имело западное направление. Фактически, экспансия Ассирии на запад включала два основных компонента: 1. экономический – контроль над экономическими источниками сырья и торговыми путями запада; 2. политический – статус сверхдержавы. Именно на пути к реализации этих двух составляющих компонентов пересеклись интересы Ассирии и Хеттского царства.
From the 2nd half of the 14th century BC. the rulers of Assyria again gained strengthbased on the principle of "searching for a place under the Sun". The ambitious kings of the day-by-day growing country sought to become a Near-Eastern international subject and join the so-called "Club of Royal Brothers", which included Egypt, Babylonia and the Hittite kingdom. At this stage, there was no conflict of interest between Egypt and Assyria. In the Babylonian direction, the problem became eternal, and the settlement of relations with Hatti became the order of the day. In addition to all directions, the western direction was of great importance for solving the problems facing Assyria. In fact, Assyria's westward expansion had two main components: 1. economical: control of economic raw material sources and trade routes to the west, and 2. political: holding superpower status. It was on the way to the realization of these two components that the interests of Assyria and the Hittite kingdom intersected.

Helmut Freydank und Barbara Feller veröffentlichen die Handkopien von 117 Keilschrifturkunden aus mittelassyrischer Zeit (vorwiegend aus dem 13. und 12. Jahrhundert v. Chr.) sowie einen Katalog der auf einigen der Tafeln abgerollten Siegel. Diese werden kategorisiert und beschrieben und durch Fotos und Zeichnungen dokumentiert. Etwa die Hälfte der Texte und Textfragmente kommen aus der einstigen Metropole Assur, sie entstammen einem Archiv, das sich in dem Teil des Assur-Tempels befindet, in welchem die regelmäßigen Opferlieferungen an die Gottheiten verwaltet und verarbeitet wurden. Die in Be

Front Matter -- Copyright page -- Dedication -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Tables -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- The Texts of the Synchronistic King List -- The Format of the Synchronistic King List -- The Composition of the Synchronistic King List -- The Purpose of the Synchronistic King List -- Conclusion -- Back Matter -- A List of Assyrian Kings -- A List of Babylonian Kings -- The Selected Synchronistic Kings of Assyria and Babylonia in the Lacunae of A.117 -- Bibliography -- Plates -- Index of Personal Names.

Few areas of the world have had such a profound effect upon history as that of the Near East. Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, the Hittite Empire, Phoenicia, Syria, ancient Israel and Judah, and the smaller kingdoms and states of the area interacted through three thousand years until Rome occupied almost the entire area. The Fertile Crescent is not a vast area, so the various civilizations and cultures were in frequent contact.

There have been many legends and traditions regarding the lost ten tribes of the Northern Kingdom of Israel. This book draws upon extensive discoveries and information published regarding the movement of the People of Israel and Judah from Davidic times to the dawn of the Hellenistic period. The author has tested the biblical records against archaeological evidence, testimony and inscriptions found in Syria, Assyria, Babylon and Persia. In very many cases the inscriptions excavated in these

Aus unterschiedlichen alten und neuen Land- und Reise-Beschreibungen anfangs in Niederländischer Sprache zusammgebracht Durch O. Dapper D. Anitzo aber ins Hochteutsche getreulichst übersetzet Von Johann Christoff Beern ; Nicht identisch mit VD17 39:133144U (dort ohne Privileg auf der Titelseite) ; Vort.: O. Dappers D. Mesopotamien, Babylonien, Assyrien, Anatolien oder Klein Asien, und Arabien. - Kupfert.: Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Assyria, Anatolia Et Arabia ; Vorlageform des Erscheinungsvermerks: Nürnberg, in Verlegung Johann Hoffmanns, Buch- und Kunsthändlers. Gedruckt daselbst bey Christian Sigmund Froberg. Anno M. DC. LXXXI. ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: Regensburg, Staatliche Bibliothek -- 999/2Hist.pol.603(3