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Internet is a real ecosystem. It grows, evolves and adapts to the needs of users in terms of communication, connectivity and ubiquity of users. In the last decade, the communication paradigm has shifted from traditional host-to-host interactions to the recent host-to-content model; while various wireless and networking technologies (such as 3/4G smartphones and networks, online media streaming, social networks, clouds, Big-Data, information-centric networks) emerged to enhance content distribution. This development shed light on scalability and energy efficiency issues which can be formulated as follows. How can we design or optimize such large scale distributed systems in order to achieve and maintain high-speed access to contents while (i) reducing congestion and energy consumption in the network and (ii) adapting to the temporal locality of users demand in a continuous connectivity paradigm? In this thesis we focus on two solutions proposed to answer this question: In-network caching and Power save protocols for scalability and energy efficiency issues respectively. Precisely, we propose analytic models for designing core cache networks and modeling energy consumption in wireless access networks. Our studies show that the prediction of the performance of general core cache networks in real application cases can be done with absolute relative errors of order of 1%–5%; meanwhile, dramatic energy save can be achieved by mobile devices and base stations, e.g., as much as 70%–90% of the energy cost in cells with realistic traffic load and the considered parameter settings. ; Internet est un véritable écosystème. Il se développe, évolue et s'adapte aux besoins des utilisateurs en termes de communication, de connectivité et d'ubiquité. Dans la dernière décennie, les modèles de communication ont changé passant des interactions machine-à-machine à un modèle machine-à-contenu. Cependant, différentes technologies sans-fil et de réseaux (tels que les smartphones et les réseaux 3/4G, streaming en ligne des médias, les ...

The theory of argumentation is based on the assumption thatarguments pervade and partly regulate all verbal exchanges. Thus, the idea isthat, to speak is like to act upon an addressee by modifying his representationof the surrounding world. Through carefully planned discourse, speakerschoose specific words to represent their views and opinions and convert theiraudience toward their preferred line of action. In principle, argumentation isused to handle the difference of opinion in a way that results in theacceptance of the arguer's standpoint by the addressee. This rhetoricalprocedure is especially applied in public persuasive discourse.The study of argumentation in the context of persuasive speech hasboth a linguistic and social value since it emphasizes the role ofargumentation to transmit concepts and ideas for understanding thepersuasive communication of today which seems to serve particular interests.In classical times persuasive argumentation was heightened to an art formand used for the common good. The paper will address issues related withargument and argumentation theories, the use of language andargumentation in persuasive discourse, the notion of strategic maneuveringintroduced in the pragma-dialectical theory which refers to the continualefforts made in all moves that are carried out in argumentative discourse tokeep the balance between reasonableness and effectiveness.It will particularly examine the use of argumentation as an instrumentthat aims to persuade by means of reasoning and effectiveness. The actorsinvolved in argumentative discourse are primarily interested in resolving thedifference of opinion effectively in favor of their case that serves theirrhetorical interests best.The paper will also deal with rhetorical tactics in fallaciousargumentation and the strategies of illusionist argumentation, where logicalreasoning can seem to be an argument, but in effect is an emotional maskthat serves as a persuasive technique. To evaluate the types, the nature andpower of arguments, examples and case studies will be examined from the political and media field since argumentation is a prominent element ofspeech used in these domains.

Internet is a real ecosystem. It grows, evolves and adapts to the needs of users in terms of communication, connectivity and ubiquity of users. In the last decade, the communication paradigm has shifted from traditional host-to-host interactions to the recent host-to-content model; while various wireless and networking technologies (such as 3/4G smartphones and networks, online media streaming, social networks, clouds, Big-Data, information-centric networks) emerged to enhance content distribution. This development shed light on scalability and energy efficiency issues which can be formulated as follows. How can we design or optimize such large scale distributed systems in order to achieve and maintain high-speed access to contents while (i) reducing congestion and energy consumption in the network and (ii) adapting to the temporal locality of users demand in a continuous connectivity paradigm? In this thesis we focus on two solutions proposed to answer this question: In-network caching and Power save protocols for scalability and energy efficiency issues respectively. Precisely, we propose analytic models for designing core cache networks and modeling energy consumption in wireless access networks. Our studies show that the prediction of the performance of general core cache networks in real application cases can be done with absolute relative errors of order of 1%–5%; meanwhile, dramatic energy save can be achieved by mobile devices and base stations, e.g., as much as 70%–90% of the energy cost in cells with realistic traffic load and the considered parameter settings. ; Internet est un véritable écosystème. Il se développe, évolue et s'adapte aux besoins des utilisateurs en termes de communication, de connectivité et d'ubiquité. Dans la dernière décennie, les modèles de communication ont changé passant des interactions machine-à-machine à un modèle machine-à-contenu. Cependant, différentes technologies sans-fil et de réseaux (tels que les smartphones et les réseaux 3/4G, streaming en ligne des médias, les ...

The article analyses the most significant public debates related with food policy and consumption in Nicaragua. It focuses on three specific moments of Nicaraguan history: First, the period of the Somoza dictatorship, second the Sandinista revolution and third the neoliberal government of President Violeta Chamorro. In general, this paper reviews the perspectives of three groups: Nicaraguan governmental institutions and politicians, international organizations, and civil society.On the one hand, it explains hunger and malnutrition among the urban and rural poor; on the other hand it describes the forming of new consumption habits among the middle classes and elites, mainly in urban areas. The article is based on the reports of Nicaraguan government institutions, newspaper articles and studies of international organizations. ; En este artículo se analizan los debates públicos más significativos relacionados con la independencia alimentaria en Centroamérica y particularmente en Nicaragua; a partir de tres momentos históricos:cambiar el gobierno totalitario por la dictadura de los Somoza, el triunfo de la revolución sandinista y la llegada al poder de un gobierno neoliberal al mando de Violeta Chamorro. Se abordan las iniciativas de los grupos en el poder, la participación de los organismos internacionales y la respuestade la sociedad civil, en torno a los problemas derivados del hambre y la desnutrición en las clases bajas y las zonas rurales, así como la formación de nuevos hábitos de consumo en las clases media y alta, principalmente en los sectores urbanos. Lo anterior en función de definir los parámetros de una independencia alimentaria en las agendas políticas de la región, a partir de la década de 1980. La metodología consiste en una investigación bibliográfica y de fuentes periodísticas, así como el análisis de los informes emitidos por instituciones externas de bien social.

Abstract
Since the end of the cold war, the European Union's (EU's) global aspirations and capabilities have grown. This shift has seen the EU becoming an increasingly integral part of the international arena, both economically and politically. However, there has been a notable geopolitical shift in recent years towards the growing importance of Asia. New Zealand, geographically distant but traditionally culturally aligned with the EU, the nation that has traditionally enjoyed close economic, political and social relations with the EU but is increasingly focused on Asia, presents a unique perspective on this perceived realignment of power. This paper offers a unique perspective on the effectiveness of the EU's international outreach. Using international relations' 'small state theory' as an analytical tool, the paper draws on a series of longitudinal elite interviews conducted with New Zealand's political, economic, civil society and media elites over a decade. The paper qualitatively and quantitatively assesses whether the EU remains perceived as a relevant, important global actor in the eyes of New Zealand's elite. The paper makes a number of observations. Firstly, as a small state, New Zealand's foreign policy focus has tended to be preoccupied with economics and this preoccupation has meant a notable shift away from Europe. Second, although over the course of the interviews negative discussions about the EU's Common Agriculture Policy decreased, on the other hand there was increasingly less discussion about the EU's potential and a more concerted discussion about the importance of Asia to the New Zealand's economy and future. There are a number of reasons to account for this changing perception towards the EU,however, the internal friction currently facing the European Union and eurozone was consistently noted. Finally, although over time the interviewed elites believed that the EU's importance is diminishing, this acknowledgement was often made with regret.

This paper examines the prevalence and relevance of looting for understanding the 2011 English riots. It begins by distinguishing these riots from previous British riots by arguing that although looting is by no means a new phenomena looting nevertheless became central to discussions, interpretations and recollections of the riots. The paper will explore public and media responses to the looting and will focus on the uses of looting as a means of identifying a feral underclass of people seen to be morally and culturally separate from mainstream society. By unpicking the relationships between looting and what currently stands for 'consumer culture', the paper will argue that looting is seen as the lowest common denominator of mob behaviour since its focus is deemed to be entirely apolitical. The paper will look towards current understandings of consumer culture to try to make sense of the looting. It will argue that whilst there is now a good deal of literature exploring the relationships between judgments of taste and the reproduction of existing class structures and barriers, there is virtually nothing examining the relationships between consumption and social exclusion. I will argue in this paper that exclusion is crucial in providing a comprehensive understanding of the looting. In particular, I suggest that Bourdieusian accounts of the effects of popular expressions of disgust at the looters can offer only a partial understanding of the looting, since they do not explain the strength of desire for consumer goods. In order to address this, the paper expands on cultural capital discourses by incorporating the concept of 'emotional capital' into the analysis. The paper concludes by arguing that we should not be surprised by the widespread looting that took place in August 2011 given that advanced consumer society is characterised by common feelings and emotions and that many of the looters were not part of the original riots but opportunists who took advantage of the lack of police presence.

A postmodern dimension of youth subcultures in Russia
This paper aims to present contemporary characteristics of youth subcultures which result from the concept of postmodern era. With this end in view, in the introduction some selected research positions have been analysed for which the reference point is the theory of postmodernism and contemporary changes within the culture. In the first place, the characteristics of postmodern period have been put forward which help to describe macrosocial and microsocial structures such as fragmentation, a loss in continuity in terms of time and space, a negation of tradition and authority, the information chaos, a multitude of behaviour patterns as well as moral systems. The systematization of selective distinctive features of postmodernity made it possible to analyse changes within the contemporary cultural movements of the youth in the further part of this paper. To some very crucial characteristics of postsubculture belong: the precedence of personal identity of man over the collective one, political indifference, the heterogeneity of style, and the lack of being authentic and original. The essential part of this study is to depict the Russian cultural specificity in relation to contemporary movements of the young having a cultural nature. The main presupposition is to treat the Russian subcultures as borrowed patterns the West through the process of "culture staging", for which the influence of the media and globalization is of great importance. On the other hand, changes in the contemporary environment of the young in Russia have been shown in such a way as to take into consideration the fact of dissimilarity arising from the eastern cultural impact and the domination of a monolithic culture in the period of the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the fact of the existence of the Russian "crisis awareness" in relation to social and political changes in the period of political system transformation has great weight.

L'elevata quota di lavoratrici nelle organizzazioni non profit potrebbe indurre a rite-nere le cooperative sociali un luogo ideale per la manodopera femminile, proprio perché in questo tipo di istituzioni le donne avrebbero maggiori possibilità di impiego e mag-giori opportunità di accedere a posizioni di potere organizzativo (data la peculiare natu-ra democratica che caratterizzerebbe tali istituzioni). Sebbene l'aumento della parteci-pazione femminile nel mercato del lavoro sociale abbia un impatto positivo sul tasso di crescita dell'economia, è stato dimostrato che la predominanza delle donne nel settore nonprofit non solo non riesce sempre a tradursi in un'attenuazione delle discriminazioni di genere in termini di carriera, retribuzione e accesso a ruoli di comando, ma rischia anche di implicare, tramite la mancata valorizzazione del loro apporto, la svalutazione economica dell'intero settore. I dati, infatti, confermano la presenza di potenti meccani-smi discriminatori rispetto al genere, tanto più sorprendenti quanto più si consideri l'elevata presenza di donne tra i lavoratori di queste organizzazioni.In Italia nel 2007 è emerso che il 74% della forza lavoro nel settore nonprofit era co-stituito da donne.Questo lavoro ha due obiettivi. In primo luogo (e per la prima volta nel contesto ita-liano), si propone di studiare le caratteristiche di questa composizione femminile della forza lavoro, utilizzando la banca dati ICSI 2007 (Indagine Cooperative Sociali Italia-ne); in secondo luogo, di analizzare il rapporto esistente tra differenziali salariale di ge-nere e segregazione.I principali risultati sono che anche nel settore non profit esiste un differenziale sala-riale di genere di circa il 16% in favore degli uomini (dato conforme alla media degli altri paesi europei); che esiste la segregazione femminile (orizzontale e verticale) e che questa spiega quasi interamente l'esistenza di questo differenziale salariale.

Literature has historically played an important role as witness-bearer to the incidents of mass violence that formed an intrinsic part of modernity in the 20th century - especially when other forms of documentation have been scarce or missing altogether. But today, when the media and new information and communication technologies give us immediate access to almost all dramatic events in the world, there is less incitement for literature to assume that role. More than just supplementing authentic testimonies, literary fantasy can however also be an important corrective, as demonstrated by the two cases of Argentina during the military dictatorship (1976-82) and South Africa during Apartheid (Hemer 2012a). The transition processes were in both countries supported by systematic investigations of the state violence, in Argentina the CONADEP (1983-84), in South Africa the TRC (1995-98), arguably the two to date most influential Truth Commissions, with a crucial impact on cultural production.Many, if not most, of the books and films that were produced in the aftermath of the truth commissions served a redemptive purpose, in the name of national reconciliation (South Africa), or in order to absolve the general public from complicity (Argentina). Rather than opening up for discussion, the mainstream cultural production sealed the new, official history. Yet literature – more than any other medium or art form - did also play a proactive role in the transition process, displaying public lies and self-deceptions, and deconstructing prevailing myths rather than forging new identities. The most effective literary approaches to the present past were, in the Argentinean case, in fact the opposite of witness literature, working the void of experience and often deploying the curious tense of the future past.In parallel with my interrogation of 'fiction' and 'truth' from a writer's perspective, which in the end brought me to the cross-roads of Literature and Anthropology and resulted in a dissertation in Social Anthropology ...

Literature has historically played an important role as witness-bearer to the incidents of mass violence that formed an intrinsic part of modernity in the 20th century - especially when other forms of documentation have been scarce or missing altogether. But today, when the media and new information and communication technologies give us immediate access to almost all dramatic events in the world, there is less incitement for literature to assume that role. More than just supplementing authentic testimonies, literary fantasy can however also be an important corrective, as demonstrated by the two cases of Argentina during the military dictatorship (1976-82) and South Africa during Apartheid (Hemer 2012a). The transition processes were in both countries supported by systematic investigations of the state violence, in Argentina the CONADEP (1983-84), in South Africa the TRC (1995-98), arguably the two to date most influential Truth Commissions, with a crucial impact on cultural production.Many, if not most, of the books and films that were produced in the aftermath of the truth commissions served a redemptive purpose, in the name of national reconciliation (South Africa), or in order to absolve the general public from complicity (Argentina). Rather than opening up for discussion, the mainstream cultural production sealed the new, official history. Yet literature – more than any other medium or art form - did also play a proactive role in the transition process, displaying public lies and self-deceptions, and deconstructing prevailing myths rather than forging new identities. The most effective literary approaches to the present past were, in the Argentinean case, in fact the opposite of witness literature, working the void of experience and often deploying the curious tense of the future past.In parallel with my interrogation of 'fiction' and 'truth' from a writer's perspective, which in the end brought me to the cross-roads of Literature and Anthropology and resulted in a dissertation in Social Anthropology ...

Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Doctorado interinstitucional en Derecho ; The Mexican authoritarian presidency was transformed following the loss of the parliamentary majority party President in Congress in 1997 and the alternation of the Presidency of the Republic raised in 2000, in a party-without it you are bounded in the Political Constitution of the Mexican United States citizens suffer especially media participation for questioning, and challenging partidocráticas endorse behaviors that affect governance in the country. It is not unknown to the author that the Mexican Constitution provides a number of safeguards that allow citizens to freely associate for lawful purposes, express, demonstrate and make claims to authority. Nevertheless, in our Constitution is not in force figures to encourage the active participation of citizens in decision-making which although powers of authority, have a high impact on the community. Consistent with what was stated, supra, the political parties represented in Congress, from 2000, have served as an obstacle to initiatives of the Federal Government and the adoption of legislative items necessary for the country, involving legal reforms , privileging, in many cases, the interests of their political parties or groups, without taking into account what is the opinion of the public about it. Proof of this is the removal of the Electoral Federal Electoral Institute of Directors and, in time, the designation of who should hold such a request; Televisa ; El presidencialismo autoritario Mexicano se transformó, a raíz de la pérdida de la mayoría parlamentaria del Partido del Presidente en el Congreso de la Unión en 1997 y de la alternancia en la Presidencia de la República suscitada en el año 2000, en una partidocracia sin que ésta se encuentre acotada en la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos máxime que los ciudadanos adolecen de medios de participación que permitan cuestionar, avalar e impugnar las conductas partidocráticas que afectan la gobernabilidad ...

Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Facultad de Filosofía. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Filosofía de la Cultura ; We study the Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) as a process of medicalization articulated and legitimized by diverse participants (policymaker's health, pharmaceutical, media, consumers, etc.). Following Foucault we think the medicalization as a biopolitical government exercise. From this perspective, medicalization is a life management and what is pursued is the maintenance and care. Here the medical field comes to occupy a central role in establishing both standards, unlike ideal behaviors, health and welfare parameters that become active regulation that devices such as prevention, risk control, the farmacologización of behavior, etc. Taking into account the above, are also analyzed approaches of the neuropsychiatric model signed by the Secretary of Health of Mexico about the risks associated with the likely evolution of undiagnosed and medicated ADHD. We argue that the management and control operation of life that unfolds in prevention practices and risk signaling is permeated by a climate of social insecurity, fear and distress (characteristic of biopolitical exercise), to what may be threatening. Insecurity and uncertainty generate not only an acceptance of precautionary practices are established on ADHD, but they are assimilated as inevitable. ; Se estudia el Trastorno por Déficit de Atención e Hiperactividad (TDAH) como un proceso de medicalización articulado y legitimado por diversos participantes (encargados de las políticas de salud, industria farmacéutica, medios de comunicación, consumidores, etc.). Pensamos la medicalización desde la analítica foucaultiana del poder, como un ejercicio biopolítico de gobierno. Desde esta perspectiva la medicalización es una gestión de la vida y lo que se persigue es su mantenimiento y cuidado. Aquí el campo médico viene a ocupar un lugar central en tanto instaura normas, diferencia comportamientos ideales, parámetros de salud ...

The constant teaching, cultural, research and business activity at the University of Alicante generates a large volume of high newsworthy information, part of which is disseminated through the media. In this sense the Diario Información, as the largest newspaper in circulation in the province of Alicante, not only collects and publishes these news events but also allows the teaching and research activities can be openly spread on its pages. Voluntarily or involuntarily, the resulting contents, their format and theme, while providing information on the role of multidisciplinary activities of the University of Alicante, project an image of the organization, which can have influence on the rearders' perception and the reputation of its condition in the social, political, economic and cultural spheres. Therefore, this flow of information is able to have influence on public's opinion as on the intangible value of the brand of the university. This article attempts to analyze the content about the University of Alicante spread by Diario Información in order to determine their characteristics and find out if these statements contribute to create on the reader a positive image of the institution. It also aims to verify the ability of the UA to generate a significant and interesting journalistic content for both the newspaper in question and for receiving public thereof. ; La constante actividad docente, cultural, investigadora y empresarial de la Universidad de Alicante genera un gran volumen informativo de alto interés periodístico, parte del cual se difunde a través de los medios de comunicación. En este sentido el Diario Información, como periódico impreso de mayor tirada de la provincia de Alicante, no sólo recoge y publica todos estos sucesos noticiosos sino que también permite que la actividad docente e investigadora pueda divulgarse abiertamente en sus páginas. El contenido resultante, por su formato y temática, además de informar sobre la labor multidisciplinar de la Universidad de Alicante, proyecta, voluntaria ...

Tese de doutoramento, Linguística (Linguística Inglesa), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2013 ; The current spread of English is closely associated with the acknowledgement of the language as a world lingua franca, having the processes of globalization and internatialization different implications for various communities, largely depending on the specific history, politics, culture, and language policy of the country. In Russia, such unprecedented spread, most frequently attributed to the status ensured to speakers of English in social, cultural, and economic spheres, manifests itself in a range of domains such as education, workplace, media, entertainment, advertising, creative and identity domains. In use both as a foreign language and, more widely, as a lingua franca, English in Russia builds links to the international community, and serves as a language of expression of national and cultural identity, being related to many Englishes, including such local varieties as Russian English, Runglish and/or Ruslish, depending on the level of proficiency of its users and the situation involved. This dissertation examines the presence of English in the particular national context of Russia by focusing on three generations of Russian users of English. The findings of the empirical research bring to the surface the attitudes towards the presence of English, its usages, models, variation, as well as its prospects in the national context. This survey suggests the need for significant readjustments in theoretical research, applied linguistics, and English teaching. Such changes include the reappraisal of the native versus non-native dichotomy, the notions of "standard" and "variation", and domains of language use. In English language teaching, the reorientation involves the study of English in various contexts, teaching awareness and acceptance of other varieties besides standard ones, the shift from the monolingual to the pluricentric approach in language instruction, and the emphasis on the acquisition and ...

Die Replik auf die fünf Kommentare zu meinem Beitrag verdeutlicht zunächst den Theorierahmen, den ich zur Analyse urbaner sozialer Bewegungen im Kontext neoliberaler Stadtpolitik benutzt habe, weil dieser offensichtlich zu einigen Missverständnissen geführt hat. Diese theoretische Konzeption von Neoliberalisierung impliziert auch eine Vorstellung von dem Prozess, in dem das neoliberale Projekt überwunden werden könnte, die hier etwas genauer dargelegt wird. Sodann setzt sich die Replik mit der im Aufsatz selbst zu kurz gekommenen diskursiven Dimension der städtischen Proteste auseinander. Während der Aufsatz lediglich beispielhaft an einem (von vielen möglichen) Beispiel(en) von Konflikten und entsprechenden Widerständigkeiten aufgezeigt hat, inwiefern es produktiv sein kann, aktuelle Bewegungskonflikte im gesellschaftspolitischen Kontext (der neoliberalisierenden Stadt) zu verorten, verweist die Replik auf zwei neuere Forschungsrichtungen, die den medialen Vermittlungen weniger stark aufsitzen als bisherige Ansätze - und die sicherlich ausgebaut werden müssen, aber dem hier benutzten Theorieansatz in keiner Weise widersprechen. Der letzte Teil der Replik greift die Frage der Subjekte und Subjektivitäten der Bewegungsakteure, die in mehreren Kommentaren thematisiert wurde, und ihre Konsequenzen für den Brückenschlag zwischen 'klassischen' städtischen Bewegungen und sog. 'Urban Outcasts' bzw. 'Stimmlosen' auf. ; The reply to the five comments starts with a clarification of the theoretical framework I used to analyze urban social movements in the context of neoliberal urban politics, as this seems to have created some misunderstandings. This conception of neoliberalization includes a concept of the process in which the neoliberal project might be transcended, which is described in a bit more detail here. Next, the reply deals with the discursive dimension of urban protests as the article did not thematize this. While the article could deal with just one (of many possible) example(s) of conflicts and respective resistance, in order to show how contextualizing contemporary movement conflicts within urban politics may be productive, the reply points to two recent strands of research that do not depend on media selectivity as much as previous research frames -- and which certainly need to be extended, but which dovetail nicely with the theoretical framework used here. The final section of the reply takes up the issue of the subjects and subjectivities of the movement actors raised by various comments, and suggests their implications for building bridges between 'classic' urban movements and the so-called 'urban outcasts' seen as 'voiceless.'