Suchergebnisse

The Government of Canada and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) established the Integrated Disaster Risk Management (IDRM) Fund in February 2013. The Fund was created to advance proactive integrated disaster risk management measures on a regional basis within ADB's developing member countries in Southeast Asia, specifically, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar, the Philippines, Thailand, and Viet Nam. During its operation, the IDRM Fund funded 19 technical assistance projects with both a gender-focused approach to IDRM and that reflect regional solutions that produce cross-border disaster management. This publication discusses the lessons learned from and achievements of the IDRM Fund.

International audience Information given on flash floods in real time should undoubtedly correspond to the citizens needs as well as to the politics and the safety guidelines. To supply this objective, Numerical Social Networks (NSN) and smartphone applications could positively complete the official institutional system, especially by means of the dynamic nature of shared contents, and with the social interactions they support. Nonetheless, even if several countries (United States or Philippines for example) already use these systems to warn the population in case of future floods, and even if the French government launched a specific app the 2016 June 8th (namely SAIP), the French citizens and stakeholders do not always use them during the alert process. This is generally explained by the French protection system on individual data, the lack of validation over information shared by citizens in real time and by the technical locks the official services have to remove. Then this paper aims to address the benefits and limits from the use of NSN and smartphones during flood warnings in France, to discuss their place in relation to existing mechanisms and to identify research avenues that could be explored by scientists, going beyond a simple contextual opportunity. ; En cas d'alerte aux inondations, l'information en temps réel et sa diffusion à un large public sont des éléments cruciaux pour limiter les comportements à risque, détecter les premiers dommages ou préparer les acteurs locaux à gérer la crise. Pour répondre à un tel enjeu, les Réseaux Sociaux Numériques (RSN) et les applications smartphones apparaissent, de plus en plus, comme des solutions logicielles pouvant compléter, de façon positive, les dispositifs institutionnels, notamment grâce à la dynamique des contenus partagés et aux nombreuses interactions sociales dont ils sont le support. Alors que plusieurs pays (Etats-Unis, Norvège, Pays-Bas, Suède, Philippines) utilisent déjà ces outils, et même si le Ministère de l'Intérieur a lancé une application ...

This article wants to question the commonplace in explaining electoral behavior in the plebiscite that occurred in Colombia on October 2, 2016. As a result, it offers an alternative explanation based on the main guidelines of the perspective of the median voter and the "single peak preferences". From there it suggests that the tendencies of the vote for the "Yes", the "No" and the abstention can be explained better from the perceived utility on the tenor of the agreement that should be signed between the National Government of Colombia and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) guerrillas. In the same way, this article wants to explain the active role played by political parties in this process, suggesting that they behave rationally and, as Anthony Downs points out, all this demonstrates that, even in non-recurrent electoral processes such as plebiscites, these parties formulate their proposals and their ideas as a means to win votes. ; El presente artículo se propone cuestionar el lugar común en la explicación sobre el comportamiento electoral en el plebiscito en que se sometió a aprobación los acuerdos entre el gobierno colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP). En virtud de ello, ofrece una explicación alternativa basada en los principales lineamientos de la perspectiva del elector mediano y las preferencias de pico único. A partir de allí el texto sugiere que es plausible conjeturar que las tendencias del voto por el "Sí", el "No" y la abstención, se pueden explicar mejor a partir de la utilidad percibida sobre el tenor del acuerdo que debería firmarse entre el Gobierno nacional de Colombia y las FARC-EP. De la misma manera, se demuestra el papel activo que jugaron los partidos políticos en este proceso, comportándose racionalmente y, tal como señala Anthony Downs, evidenciando que, aún en procesos electorales no recurrentes tales como los plebiscitos, estas colectividades formulan sus propuestas y sus políticas como un medio para ganar votos.

Jamaat-e-Islami Hind is the most influential Islamist organization in India today. Founded in 1941 by Syed Abul Ala Maududi with aim of spreading Islamic values in the subcontinent, Jamaat and its young offshoot, the Student Islamic Movement of India or SIMI, have been watched closely by Indian security services since September 11. In particular, SIMI has been accused of being behind terrorist bombings. This book is the first in-depth examination of India's Jamaat-e-Islami and SIMI, exploring political Islam's complex relationship with democracy and providing a rare window into Islamist trajectory in a Muslim-minority context. Irfan Ahmad conducted extensive ethnographic fieldwork at a school in the town of Aligarh, among student activists at Aligarh Muslim University, at a madrasa in Azamgarh, and during Jamaat's participation in elections in 2002. He deftly traces Jamaat's changing position in relation to India's secular democracy and the group's gradual ideological shift toward religious pluralism and tolerance. Ahmad demonstrates how the rise of militant Hindu nationalism since the 1980s, evident in the destruction of the Babri mosque and widespread violence against Muslims, led to SIMI's radicalization, its rejection of pluralism, and its call for jihad. Islamism and Democracy in India argues that when secular democracy is responsive to the traditions and aspirations of its Muslim citizens, Muslims in turn embrace pluralism and democracy. But when democracy becomes majoritarian and exclusionary, Muslims turn radical--Publisher's description

Автор представляет новое направление в развитии политической науки в современной России GR: технологии взаимодействия с властью. Джи-ар исследованиями в России занимаются несколько научных центров, задача которых выработать стратегические коммуникационные механизмы взаимоотношения общества и власти. В статье подчеркивается, что заметной особенностью отечественной GR-деятельности является низкая степень ее инсти-туционализации. Многие каналы коммуникации (в том числе наиболее эффективные) носят неформальный характер, что искажает общую картину восприятия властью общественного мнения. В статье отмечается факт заметного стремления власти в России контролировать информационное поле, что также негативно сказывается на коммуникациях власти и общества. Для формирования более ясной картины GR-деятельности анализируются механизмы, часто применяемые в России. Выделяются несколько наиболее эффективных и часто используемых в России способов выстраивания отношений с властями. Представлен анализ прямых форм лоббистской деятельности, подразумевающих наличие непосредственного контакта группы влияния с «точкой доступа», а именно: воздействие через предоставление экспертной информации институтам власти, участие бизнесменов в заседаниях комитетов и комиссий при парламенте и исполнительных ведомствах, разработку готовых законопроектов и их дальнейшее продвижение. Рассматриваются технологии деятельности экспертных сообществ в Российской Федерации. Роль экспертного сообщества в GR автор предлагает определять с двух позиций: как стейкхолдера, который включительно может являться субъектом GR, и как технологии GR. В статье подчеркивается актуальность формирования цивилизованной модели взаимоотношений «бизнес-власть», являющейся сердцевиной джи-ар отношений, в результате чего Российская Федерация получит более стабильный механизм формирования экономических оснований развития политической системы ; The author presents a new direction in the development of political science in modern Russia GR: technologies of interaction with power. GR researches in Russia are engaged in several centers, whose task is to develop strategic communications mechanisms in the relationship of society and power. The article emphasizes a noticeable feature of the GR-activity in contemporary Russia is its low degree of institutionalization. Many channels of this communications (including the most effective) have informal character that distorts the overall picture of public opinion power perception. The article notes a fact of discernible desire in Russia to control information field and that also affects negatively the communications between society and authorities. For a clearer picture of GR-activity in Russia the author has analyzed its mechanisms commonly used in Russia. This paper presents an analysis of direct forms of lobbying activities, implying on the existence of direct contact pressure group with «AP», namely exposure through the provision of expert information institutions. Also, the author tell us about different forms of GR-activity in Russia such as participation in meetings of committees and commissions in the Parliament and executive departments, formulation of the finished bills and their further promotion. The article discusses the technology of expert communities' activities in the Russian Federation, the role of expert community in GR. The author proposes to define it with two positions: as a stakeholder, that inclusively may be a subject of GR and also as a technology of GR. The article underlined the urgency of forming a civilized relationship model «business-power», which is the core of the GR relations with the result that the Russian Federation will get more stable mechanism of forming economic grounds for the development of the political system

Економічний розвиток останніх десятиліть показав, що те загальне, яке об'єднує всі ефективні ринкові економіки, – це стабільне інституціональне середовище, що забезпечує ефективну, міцну державу. Особливо актуальним це є для України. Інформаційною базою емпіричного дослідження слугувала створена авторами база показників за 2012-2019 рр. з визначення ефективності державного управління (Worldwide Governance Indicators), розрахунок яких здійснюється Всесвітнім банком за методикою Кауфмана Д. Крея А., Мастуриці М.; Індексу недієздатності держав (Failed States Index), Індексу глобальної конкурентоздатності (Global Competitiveness Index), Індексу економічної свободи (Index of Economic Freedom), Індексу легкості ведення бізнесу (Ease of Doing Business Index), Індексу сприйняття корупції (The Corruption Perceptions Index). При проведенні компаративного аналізу використовувалися інформаційні портали The World Bank Group; The Fund for Peace; Transparency International та The Global Competitiveness Report 2019 – Weforum – World Economic; DOING BUSINESS 2019 та інші Розглянуто основні проблеми та принципи формування сталого економічного розвитку з погляду інституціональної теорії. У статті обґрунтовано фактори, що впливають на вибір стратегії сталого розвитку, проаналізовано оптимальні стратегії щодо вирішення проблеми сталого та стабільного функціонування соціально-економічної сфери життєдіяльності суспільства. Результатом дослідження є спроба привернути увагу до тих показників модернізації інституціонального середовища України, що формують рейтинг країни у світовому співтоваристві, а саме: всесвітніх показників ефективності державного управління, індексу недієздатності держав, індексу глобальної конкурентоздатності, індексу економічної свободи, індексу легкості ведення бізнесу, індексу сприйняття корупції, що враховуються при інституціональному аспекті формування інституціонального середовища України ; In this article the elements of institutional environment development and strategies for solving the problem of stable functioning of social and economic sphere of life of society are considered, discussed and analyzed. The relevance of the study is an attempt to highlight the main indicators of modernization of the institutional environment of Ukraine. These indicators are: global index of the effectiveness of public administration, the index of incapacity of states, the index of global competitiveness, the index of economic freedom, the index of easiness of doing business, the index of acceptance of corruption. All these indicators are included in the process of formation of the institutional environment of Ukraine. The research is based on the methods of the empirical research:, observation, comparison, and, in addition, on the methods of content analysis. Results. The institutional environment provides the basis for the activity for the subjects of the socioeconomic system and also defines the vector of its development. The Global Competitiveness Index not only assesses the degree of competitiveness of a country, but also helps to see the real situation in the country. It shows its competitive advantages and problems that slow down economic development. The Index of Economic Freedom identifies the main problems of an optimal level of economic freedom. It shows that the higher the index of economic freedom leads to the higher level of welfare of the population. The Easiness of Doing Business Index assesses the «rules of the game». In other words, laws, regulations, and other government acts that have impact on reducing unprofitable and bankrupt businesses. This index, in addition, assesses the condition for facilitating for doing business in Ukraine. The Failed States Index helps to analyze Ukraine's ability to control the integrity of its territory, political, demographic, economic and social situation in the country The Corruption Perceptions Index is usually used in political and econometric studies to explain the effectiveness of government administration, economic development and the level of democracy in Ukraine. Moreover, it is used to reduce the corruption in government-business relations. The institutional environment in Ukraine continuously forming. This is why the analysis of some elements of the development of the institutional environment in Ukraine is necessary to identify the optimal strategy for solving the problem of stable functioning of social and economic sphere of life of society

Економічний розвиток останніх десятиліть показав, що те загальне, яке об'єднує всі ефективні ринкові економіки, – це стабільне інституціональне середовище, що забезпечує ефективну, міцну державу. Особливо актуальним це є для України. Інформаційною базою емпіричного дослідження слугувала створена авторами база показників за 2012-2019 рр. з визначення ефективності державного управління (Worldwide Governance Indicators), розрахунок яких здійснюється Всесвітнім банком за методикою Кауфмана Д. Крея А., Мастуриці М.; Індексу недієздатності держав (Failed States Index), Індексу глобальної конкурентоздатності (Global Competitiveness Index), Індексу економічної свободи (Index of Economic Freedom), Індексу легкості ведення бізнесу (Ease of Doing Business Index), Індексу сприйняття корупції (The Corruption Perceptions Index). При проведенні компаративного аналізу використовувалися інформаційні портали The World Bank Group; The Fund for Peace; Transparency International та The Global Competitiveness Report 2019 – Weforum – World Economic; DOING BUSINESS 2019 та інші Розглянуто основні проблеми та принципи формування сталого економічного розвитку з погляду інституціональної теорії. У статті обґрунтовано фактори, що впливають на вибір стратегії сталого розвитку, проаналізовано оптимальні стратегії щодо вирішення проблеми сталого та стабільного функціонування соціально-економічної сфери життєдіяльності суспільства. Результатом дослідження є спроба привернути увагу до тих показників модернізації інституціонального середовища України, що формують рейтинг країни у світовому співтоваристві, а саме: всесвітніх показників ефективності державного управління, індексу недієздатності держав, індексу глобальної конкурентоздатності, індексу економічної свободи, індексу легкості ведення бізнесу, індексу сприйняття корупції, що враховуються при інституціональному аспекті формування інституціонального середовища України ; In this article the elements of institutional environment development and strategies for solving the problem of stable functioning of social and economic sphere of life of society are considered, discussed and analyzed. The relevance of the study is an attempt to highlight the main indicators of modernization of the institutional environment of Ukraine. These indicators are: global index of the effectiveness of public administration, the index of incapacity of states, the index of global competitiveness, the index of economic freedom, the index of easiness of doing business, the index of acceptance of corruption. All these indicators are included in the process of formation of the institutional environment of Ukraine. The research is based on the methods of the empirical research:, observation, comparison, and, in addition, on the methods of content analysis. Results. The institutional environment provides the basis for the activity for the subjects of the socioeconomic system and also defines the vector of its development. The Global Competitiveness Index not only assesses the degree of competitiveness of a country, but also helps to see the real situation in the country. It shows its competitive advantages and problems that slow down economic development. The Index of Economic Freedom identifies the main problems of an optimal level of economic freedom. It shows that the higher the index of economic freedom leads to the higher level of welfare of the population. The Easiness of Doing Business Index assesses the «rules of the game». In other words, laws, regulations, and other government acts that have impact on reducing unprofitable and bankrupt businesses. This index, in addition, assesses the condition for facilitating for doing business in Ukraine. The Failed States Index helps to analyze Ukraine's ability to control the integrity of its territory, political, demographic, economic and social situation in the country The Corruption Perceptions Index is usually used in political and econometric studies to explain the effectiveness of government administration, economic development and the level of democracy in Ukraine. Moreover, it is used to reduce the corruption in government-business relations. The institutional environment in Ukraine continuously forming. This is why the analysis of some elements of the development of the institutional environment in Ukraine is necessary to identify the optimal strategy for solving the problem of stable functioning of social and economic sphere of life of society

This article examines the role of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) and transnational civil society in pursing Extraterritorial Obligation (ETO) cases in Southeast Asia as a means to investigate human rights threatened by cross-border investment projects. Two large hydropower dams under construction in Laos submitted to NHRIs from Thailand and Malaysia, namely the Xayaburi Dam and Don Sahong Dam, are detailed as case studies. The article argues that the emergence of ETOs in Southeast Asia, and its future potential, is dependent upon the collaborative relationship between the NHRIs and transnational civil society networks. Whilst NHRIs are in positions of political authority to investigate cases, civil society also enable cases through networking, research, and public advocacy. Further institutionalization of ETOs is significant to emerging regional and global agendas on business and human rights, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights that both the Thai and Malaysian governments have expressed commitment to. However, in Thailand and its neighboring countries where investments are located there has been an authoritarian turn. Reflecting this, there are weakening mandates of NHRIs and reduced civil and political freedoms upon which civil society depends that challenges the ability to investigate and pursue cases. (ASEAS/GIGA)

During the last decades in Brazil there has been a significant increase in hydrosocial conflicts due to the construction of large hydroelectric complexes, which involve qualitative and quantitative changes regarding access and ownership of water. It has opened a new period of accumulation and transformation of production relations through the commodification of this important resource. This extension of large projects of an extractivist nature in the Amazon region, especially from the end of the eighties from the last century, after the settlement of the so-called Washington consensus. This phenomenon led to a whole series of transformations in productive, reproductive and social relations, in order to provide mechanisms for regional and national integration, as well as for overcoming accumulation crises which came from the global scale. In the Brazilian case, these reforms undertaken in recent decades in the political, social, environmental, economic and legislative realms, have not meant a major change in the productive level of the world-economy scale, since the peripheral role in the country, initiated during the colonial period, continues to be maintained. But they have deepened their dependence through the extractivist development model, highlighting among other practices (such as the advance of the agricultural frontier, large soybean crops, the deployment of fracking to increase rents derived from the hydrocarbons, etc…) the large hydroelectric complexes located throughout the country's vast hydrographic basin. The main goal of this kind of new structures is to produce higher levels of energy, largely dedicated to the processing of aluminum, whose demand has increased exponentially in recent years in states such as China, among other BRICS. From all these hydroelectric structures, due to their importance and expansion over time, probably the one that stands out the most is the Belo Monte dam on the Xingú river, near to the city of Altamira. A multiplicity of actors are involved in this one (indigenous communities, fishing farmers, the State, Eletrobras, non-governmental organizations, indigenous confederations, construction companies, supranational institutions, etc.) whose dispute over access to water resources implies a modification of the configuration of the power relations that take place in the territory. Although it is true that its planning began in 1975, within the framework of the search for a better use of the country's hydroelectric potential, to boost economic development and energy sovereignty; the advances and setbacks in the settlement of the operation of the infrastructure have been delayed until today and probably will continue in the near future. This paper not only aims to analyze the spatio-temporal path of this controversial conflict. Furthermore, it proposes two additional objectives. On the one hand, the elaboration of a theoretical framework that combines the perspectives of the production of nature, the production of space and the construction of scale, which could be applied to the analysis of other environmental conflicts that take place in the global south. On the other hand, and consequently, through its use in the study of this particular case, it seeks to determine the strengths and weaknesses that it shows for its use in future similar works. Hitherto the most part of the works and papers related with this case study are focused in the contentious politics of social movements and communities to stop the development of the project. As well as a significant number of them mainly analyze the contradictions of PT through the Brazilian state regarding to the different social impacts of the dam. This article aims to go beyond and provide tools and categories to explain the practices, relations and structures which are involved this process. In view of this, a methodology based on bibliographic review and the use of both primary and secondary sources is proposed. Through this method, it is possible to obtain the set of practices, representations and relationships that shape the conflict itself. In turn, to achieve this end, the article is divided into four main parts. In the first one, it is exposed the articulation approach between the different categories and aspects of the theoretical gazes for their uses in the case study. In relation with the perspective of the production of nature, originally developed by Neil Smith, the categories of use value and exchange value are fundamental. These ones, through their dialectic within the production relations, modify through the pass of time the metabolism that takes place between nature and society itself, generating conflicts where these changes imply a clash between two modes of production. With this fact different values prevail over the environmental resources, whose access is sought to continue the process of social reproduction. In addition to this, the proposed framework take in count the categories of spatial practices, representations of space and spaces of representation, formulated by Henri Lefebvre, in order to explain how changes in power relations involve changes in the space in which they are inserted and vice versa. Furthermore, with the interscalar perspective proposed by several scholars that are mentioned, the possibility of explaining how phenomena and actors from different scales influence the local one during the long development of the conflict. Subsequently, in the second section of the paper, the analysis of the spatio-temporal development of the conflict is carried out, from the beginning of project planning, through the modifications carried out by the different governments, the changes in the positions of the actors, the different law resolutions, the granting of licenses and so on, until today. Thirdly, the role of hegemonic actors in advancing the construction of the hydroelectric complex is explained and detailed, for which it is not only important to analyze the different representations and narratives carried out by different governments with respect to the project of Belo Monte, but also how state hydroelectric companies (Eletrobras and Eletronorte) are affected by the entrance of foreign capital, changing over time the spatial practices that are carried out, as well as the different positions of the institution responsible for the granting of environmental licenses to allow the dam activity (IBAMA). At the end, in the last part, the same operation is made but with the subordinate actors involved, which basically would be the local and foreign non-governmental organizations, as well as the communities of indigenous, peasant and fishermen of the locality. For them, the river fundamentally supposes a use value insofar as it is used as a source of resources and transportation to maintain pre-capitalist production relations on which they are sustained. Obviously, these activities have a low exchange value produced through its limited technology to harvesting and fishing, that finally are destined for local trade. The main results which can be highlighted are related with how this dam in particular, and the different hydroelectric projects in general along the region, allow to extend spatially an economic integration through the deployment of new relations of production and mechanisms for accumulation. These ones suppose an appearance of new use values, exchange values and values that clash against the previous ones thus producing the social struggle in the local scale around the dam. Furthermore, the frameworks of the scale and the production of social space show as useful theories for its application to future cases of environmental conflicts, meanwhile the production of nature framework shows some difficulties in order to use some of its categories for the case study. ; Durante las últimas décadas en Brasil se ha producido un incremento significativo de los conflictos hidrosociales a causa de la construcción de grandes complejos hidroeléctricos. Esta extensión de grandes proyectos de carácter extractivista en la región amazónica, sobre todo a partir de finales de la década de los años ochenta del siglo pasado, han conllevado todo un conjunto de transformaciones en las relaciones sociales, productivas y reproductivas, de cara avanzar en mecanismos para la integración regional y nacional, así como para la superación de crisis de acumulación propias de la escala global. Entre todos, por su trascendencia y dilatación en el tiempo, probablemente el que más destaca es el de la represa de Belo Monte en el río Xingú, próximo a la ciudad de Altamira. En él se ven involucrados una multiplicidad de actores (comunidades indígenas, campesinos, pescadores, el estado, Eletrobras, constructoras, instituciones supranacionales, etc) cuya disputa por el acceso a los recursos hídricos supone una modificación de la configuración de las relaciones de poder que se dan en el territorio. Este artículo, además de analizar el recorrido espacio-temporal de dicho conflicto, se propone dos objetivos adicionales. Por un lado la elaboración de un marco teórico, que conjugue las perspectivas de la producción de la naturaleza, la producción del espacio y la construcción de la escala, que pueda ser aplicado al análisis de conflictos ambientales que tienen lugar en el Sur Global. Por otro lado, y en consecuencia, a través de su empleo en el estudio de este caso particular, determinar las fortalezas y debilidades que presenta para su uso en futuros trabajos similares. De cara a ello se plantea una metodología basada en la revisión bibliográfica y el uso tanto de fuentes primarias como secundarias, mediante las cuales se puedan extraer y analizar el conjunto de prácticas, representaciones y relaciones que dan forma al conflicto en sí mismo. A su vez, el artículo se divide en cuatro partes principales: el planteamiento de articulación entre las distintas categorías y aspectos de los planteamientos teóricos para su uso en el estudio de caso; el análisis del desarrollo espacio-temporal del conflicto, desde el inicio de la planificación del proyecto hasta día de hoy; en tercer lugar se explica y detalla el papel de los actores hegemónicos en el avance de la construcción del complejo hidroeléctrico; y en última instancia se lleva a cabo la misma operación pero con los actores subalternos implicados. De entre los resultados obtenidos, destaca cómo este proyecto a nivel particular, y los macroproyectos hidroeléctricos en general en la región, han sido fundamentales para la integración económica en el marco de la extensión de las relaciones de producción capitalistas y los mecanismos para la acumulación a través de la realización del plusvalor, derivando resistencias ante este proceso de extracción. Así mismo, la perspectiva interescalar y la de la producción del espacio muestran potencialidades como marco para el estudio de conflictos ambientales, mientras que el de la producción de la naturaleza lo hace de manera parcial.

The many headlines focusing on 'land grabbing' have distracted attention from the role that access to water plays in underpinning the projected productivity of foreign direct investment in acquisition of agricultural land in developing countries. This paper identifies questions that arise about the explicit and implicit water requirements for irrigation in agricultural projects on land that is subject to such foreign investment deals. It focuses particularly on land acquisition in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where, for savanna ecosystems that cover some two thirds of the region, rainfall uncertainty is the principal constraint to increased agricultural productivity. The paper argues that, even where land acquisition deals do not specify irrigation, choice of location and/or crop type indicates this is invariably an implicit requirement of projects. It is arguable that private investment in water infrastructure (e.g. for water storage) could provide wider benefits to neighbouring small-scale producers, thus reducing the risk inherent in much of African agriculture. However, it is also possible that foreign investment may compete with existing water use, and some land deals have included provisions for priority access to water in cases of scarcity. Empirical studies are used to identify the mechanisms through which large-scale land investments influence water availability for smaller-scale land users. The paper concludes that, although effects on water resources may constitute one of the main impacts of land deals, this is likely to be obscured by the lack of transparency over water requirements of agricultural projects and the invisibility of much existing local agricultural water management to government planning agencies.

21st century aid is more diverse and, in unprecedented ways, more reflective of the needs of the countries it is intended to serve. Significant changes in the aid landscape have meant less dominance by traditional, western-led institutions and governments, and new opportunities for other players to emerge with their own resources to help identify and address global challenges. In this context, Asia has become both a generator of huge development resources and an incubator for new ideas and practices. At the same time, practices and institutions which have been longstanding in the west are taking new direction in Asia, changing the way development cooperation is understood and delivered.

This country gender assessment for Kazakhstan builds on a previous assessment published in 2006, as well as on experience gained by Asian Development Bank in support of gender equality and women's empowerment in Kazakhstan. This country gender assessment for Kazakhstan builds on the previously published country gender assessment, as well as on experience gained by Asian Development Bank (ADB) in support of gender equality and women's empowerment in Kazakhstan. Since ADB published its last country gender assessment in 2006, the Government of Kazakhstan has enacted important national policies promoting gender equality, followed by action plans and national programs dedicated to specific issues affecting women.

This country gender assessment for Kazakhstan builds on a previous assessment published in 2006, as well as on experience gained by Asian Development Bank in support of gender equality and women's empowerment in Kazakhstan. This country gender assessment for Kazakhstan builds on the previously published country gender assessment, as well as on experience gained by Asian Development Bank (ADB) in support of gender equality and women's empowerment in Kazakhstan. Since ADB published its last country gender assessment in 2006, the Government of Kazakhstan has enacted important national policies promoting gender equality, followed by action plans and national programs dedicated to specific issues affecting women.

National audience The political, economic and social situation in developing countries is difficult when almost all, for over 20 years, have implemented very important reforms based on structural adjustment plans initiated by the IMF and financed by projects supported by major international donors (multilateral or bilateral). Of these, 50 have been identified by the World Bank as having such a low level of development, coupled with such a high debt ratio, that they are likely to benefit from the so-called HIPC initiative. The priority objective of the HIPC initiative is poverty reduction. In this context, the school appears to be instrumentalised from a perspective which may seem to be very much utilitarianistic, since the aim is primarily focused on its external effectiveness. However, in the four chapters of this text, we will try to understand the margins of freedom available to existing governments in relation to the demands of major donors. Are these public policies under influence? Is there a limitation of initiatives, de-accountability of single thinking export policy from the most industrialised countries? ; National audience La situation politique, économique et sociale des pays en développement est difficile alors que pratiquement tous, depuis maintenant plus de vingt ans, ont mis en oeuvre des réformes très importantes élaborées en fonction des plans d'ajustement structurel initiés par le FMI, et financées par des projets soutenus par les grands bailleurs de fonds internationaux (multilatéraux ou bilatéraux). Parmi ces pays, cinquante et un ont été identifiés par la Banque mondiale comme présentant un niveau de développement tellement faible, associé à un taux d'endettement tellement élevé, qu'ils sont susceptibles de bénéficier de l'initiative dite PPTE (Pays Pauvres Très Endettés). L'objectif prioritaire de l'initiative PPTE concerne la réduction de la pauvreté. Dans ce cadre l'école paraît instrumentalisée dans une perspective qui peut sembler étroitement utilitariste, car la finalité est d'abord ...