Family farms are central to both contemporary changes and contradictions in agriculture. They have been, and are still, the crucible for a whole host of agricultural innovations and major revolutions. They form the social basis of most Southern countries and contribute to supplying their local, national and international markets. Paradoxically, however, they constitute the vast majority of poor rural households which are also in a situation of food insecurity worldwide. They sometimes operate using specialised, and highly artificialised, intensified models (agrochemicals and mechanisation). In this respect, they do not escape the questions and criticism directed to agriculture and its capacity to meet the contemporary and widely globalised challenges of climate change, food security, the increasing scarcity of fossil fuels, and the prevention of emerging diseases. But family farms also provide alternative production models to conventional intensification – sustainable agriculture models or new energy sources – which differentiates them from corporate farms and can bring solutions to the world's food, social and environmental challenges.
Promoting tropical forest sustainability among corporate players is a major challenge. Many tools have been developed, but without much success. Southeast Asia has become a laboratory of globalization processes, where the development and success of agribusiness transnationals raises questions about their commitment to environmental concerns. An abundance of literature discusses what determines the behavior of Asian corporations, with a particular emphasis on cultural factors. Our hypothesis is that financial factors, such as ownership structure, may also have a fundamental role. We analyzed the audited accounts of four major Asian agribusiness transnationals. Using network analysis, we deciphered how the 931 companies relate to each other and determine the behavior of the transnationals to which they belong. We compared various metrics with the environmental commitment of these transnationals. We found that ownership structures reflect differences in flexibility, control and transaction costs, but not in ethnicities. Capital and its control, ownership structure, and flexibility explain 97% of the environmental behavior. It means that existing market-based tools to promote environmental sustainability do not engage transnationals at the scale where most of their behavior is determined. For the first time, the inner mechanisms of corporate governance are unraveled in agricultural and forest sustainability. New implications such as the convergence of environmental sustainability with family business sustainability emerged.
Dans les territoires agricoles de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, pour inverser les logiques d'utilisation minières des ressources territoriales et pour favoriser la mise en place de pratiques agricoles plus durables, les collectivités locales s'interrogent sur la façon de réformer les règles d'usage des ressources. À travers l'expérience de l'élaboration d'une charte foncière dans une commune rurale du Burkina Faso, cet article propose ici une réflexion sur la façon de concilier les savoirs et usages locaux des agriculteurs avec les règles modernes, sur l'implication des acteurs locaux pour garantir le respect des règles et sur l'intérêt du dispositif pour renforcer l'association de l'agriculture et de l'élevage.
Extensive livestock farming was the driver of agricultural colonization and territorial structuring in the Amazon. Since 2008, Amazonian agriculture has been facedwith radical changes in Brazilian policies concerning agricultural land use and the preservation of forest areas. The very viability of livestock systems is threatened and there is thus an urgent need for feasible alternatives to enable the development of sustainable agriculture. Some alternatives are currently being tested by public extension services and private operators. The question is, can these alternatives really be considered as ecological intensification? Defined as ecologically friendly agricultural development, this new trend of intensification aims to reconcile cattle ranching and the protection of Amazon forest ecosystems.Our analysis, based on three contrastedmunicipalities in Para´ State, focuses on the points of view of different stakeholders in the livestock sector. Results showthe dominance of classical intensification among the alternatives envisaged, but it is an option that small family farmers cannot easily afford. Alternatives based on land sharing, which promotes agricultural production and environmental preservation on the same areas, are less well known and will require more coordination among local actors.
Protéger la forêt amazonienne, en réponse aux exigences internationales et à celles des environnementalistes nationaux, a conduit à encadrer l'exploitation forestière mais aussi à rechercher un "modèle de croissance agricole durable", moins gourmand en conversion de terres, notamment. Ces avancées permettent-elles d'affirmer que le Brésil est sur la voie de la "durabilité"-, et de quelle "durabilité" s'agit-il exactement ?
Le secteur de l'élevage est appelé à fournir viande et lait à une population croissante tout en limitant les atteintes à l'environnement. Pour relever ce défi, les études se multiplient afin d'identifier les systèmes les plus efficients du point de vue de l'environnement, et en particulier ceux qui recourent le moins aux ressources non renouvelables au regard de leur production. En 2006, un rapport de la FAO a ainsi pointé, outre les impacts sur l'environnement, la faible efficience des systèmes d'élevage, notamment des systèmes extensifs dans les pays en développement, dont la production alimentaire reste faible. Mettant en question ce rapport, une recherche récente conduite au Cirad dans quatre territoires démontre que des systèmes laitiers extensifs au Mali peuvent être plus efficients que des systèmes intensifs à La Réunion, et d'une efficience comparable à celle de systèmes semi-intensifs de l'Ouest de la France. Ce résultat a été obtenu avec la méthode Emergy, qui évalue, avec une même unité, toutes les ressources utilisées au regard de la production, alimentaire et non alimentaire. Cette méthode permet de mieux prendre en compte la complexité et la multifonctionnalité des systèmes d'élevage, notamment extensifs. L'Emergy offre un outil dont les décideurs gagneraient à s'emparer afin de construire des politiques d'élevage adaptées à chaque contexte, et répondre ainsi à la demande croissante de produits animaux.
Les agricultures familiales sont au coeur des transformations mais aussi des contradictions contemporaines de l'agriculture. Elles ont été et sont toujours le creuset d'innombrables innovations ainsi que des grandes révolutions agricoles. Elles forment la base sociale de la plupart des pays des Suds et contribuent à l'approvisionnement de leurs marchés locaux, nationaux et internationaux. Néanmoins, elles constituent, de manière paradoxale, la grande masse des ménages ruraux pauvres et en situation d'insécurité alimentaire à l'échelle mondiale. Elles opèrent parfois selon des modèles intensifiés (agrochimie et motorisation), spécialisés et très fortement artificialisés. À ce titre, elles n'échappent pas aux questions et critiques adressées à l'agriculture et à sa capacité à répondre aux défis contemporains et largement mondialisés du changement climatique, de la sécurité alimentaire, de la raréfaction des ressources fossiles, de la prévention des maladies émergentes. Mais, les agricultures familiales sont également porteuses de modèles de production alternatifs à l'intensification conventionnelle - modèles d'agriculture durable ou nouvelles sources énergétiques - qui les différencient des agricultures de firmes et qui peuvent apporter des solutions aux défis alimentaires, sociaux et environnementaux de la planète.
Increasing food security while respecting global ecosystems and human societies will be one of the major challenges of the coming decades. Agricultural supply chains are potentially powerful tools for rethinking production and food supply patterns. They are currently under pressure to include sustainability in their corporate strategy. In this context, both industry and policy makers require methods to systematically evaluate both the impact and the provision of services by supply chains to ecosystems and societies. This thesis proposes a conceptual framework to measure the progress of a supply chain in terms of its contribution to the sustainable development of the territory in which it operates. The framework includes a strategic analysis of the territory for the collective identification of issues and possible measures for technical and organizational improvement. The framework encourages the quantification and spatial differentiation of effects with a view to inter-territorial equity. The different stakeholders involved suppliers, competitors, the industrial environment and the community, should be included in the analysis. Applying strategic management theories, the number of stakeholders to include can be reduced to focus the analysis on the stakeholders that would be most affected by improvement measures. The framework can incorporate many available evaluation methods in the literature, such as life cycle assessment and the effects method, after some methodological adjustments. In each analysis, the most relevant methods are selected depending on the issues identified in the territory concerned. The conceptual framework was used to assess the effects of the main poultry supply chain in Reunion Island. Several scenarios for improvement and growth were explored to assess the prospects for progress of the supply chain towards sustainability. The effects of the activities of the supply chain on its stakeholders were calculated using two assessment methods: environmental life cycle assessment and the effects method. The results showed that in Reunion Island, the farms and the electricity supply are responsible for the majority of environmental impacts at the territorial scale, while at the global scale, environmental impacts result primarily from the production of maize, soybean and rice and the supply of electricity. Most of the social - economic impacts of the supply chain occur with in the territory, which relies heavily on services, generating local employment and strong support for rural communities. The results of the analysis also highlight the required trade - offs between reducing environmental impacts and increasing the social and economic benefits of the supply chain. The proposed conceptual framework remains to be thoroughly evaluated in other supply chains. Agricultural supply chains take very different forms in the world today and their effects on territories have not been sufficiently evaluated. The widespread implementation of a systematic conceptual framework could remedy this situation.
This report explores the drivers (both direct and indirect) of deforestation and forest degradation and discusses the political, economic and social opportunities and constraints that will influence the design and implementation of REDD+ in Laos. The government of Laos has long sought to curb deforestation and forest degradation, and the country is receiving considerable international attention and support to implement REDD+. However, agricultural expansion, the development of industrial tree plantations, and large hydropower, mining and infrastructure projects continue to result in deforestation, with shifting cultivation and selective logging (legal and illegal) largely blamed for forest degradation. At the same time, indirect drivers of deforestation and forest degradation are rooted in a national agenda of economic growth, characterized by incentives for foreign and domestic investment in forest management and timber harvesting. As a result, Laos is becoming an important resource frontier for transnational capital and large-scale land and natural resource investments. The consequent intensification of competition for resources poses a challenge not only for forest governance, but also for the development of REDD+ policies and initiatives. In an examination of the institutions and policies defining Laos� forestry sector and REDD+, the report reflects on lessons to be learned from past forestry and economic development policies. The government of Laos has demonstrated strong political interest in REDD+, but REDD+ implementation faces major obstacles, particularly unclear carbon rights and weak governance, with the latter attributable to poor local capacity, weak coordination among stakeholders, and minimal involvement by local communities and civil society. The report makes several recommendations for achieving effective, efficient and equitable outcomes of REDD+ in Laos: capacity building of administrative and technical staff, especially at the subnational level; clarification and harmonization of land-use planning and land allocation processes; and stronger monitoring and law enforcement in areas under high threat of deforestation and forest degradation. Furthermore, an accountable and transparent mechanism for sharing the benefits of REDD+ across levels and fully accountable consultation processes must be implemented, with the participation of not only elite and powerful actors such as domestic and foreign businesses but also local groups and civil society.
This article deals with the transfer of environmental service's concept in agricultural policies in France. It is based on a document and literature review and on semi-directive interviews conducted from September 2009 to April 2010 with 62 key stakeholders in the French agriculture sector.The notion of environmental services and ecosystem services has been gathering strength since the 1970s and has been popularized with the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment in 2005. Yet the concepts appeared late in France. Until 2003 France was arguing for the idea of multifunctionality in agriculture. The concept came on the national political scene from 2005. At the same time the idea was spreading in the farming world that agriculture renders environmental services. Agricultural circles are concerned with environmental services rather than ecosystem services, and the idea gathered steam in 2008 and 2009 with publications and symposiums on the subject by the agriculture ministry. Although there is no explicit reference to environmental services or payments for environmental services (PES) in French laws and regulations governing agricultural provisions, the ES concept was introduced in legal renditions of the commitments made under the French Grenelle environment agreement and they feature prominently in the discussions towards the CAP reform in 2013. The growing prevalence of the PES idea in French and European debates on agriculture (CAP-2013) seems to herald a renewal of agri-environmental provisions in France. ; Cet article traite des modalités d'importation de la notion de service environnemental dans les politiques agricoles en France. Le travail est basé sur une analyse bibliographique et sur des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés de septembre 2009 à mai 2010 auprès de 62 représentants des institutions du monde agricole en France.Née dans l'univers anglo-saxon, et popularisée à l'occasion du Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005), la notion de SE est apparue tardivement en France, qui lui y est restée longtemps ...
With an estimated average loss of around 13 million hectares per year between 2000 and 2005 – 7.3 million hectares if reforestation is taken into account, according to FAO –, tropical deforestation is a major source of greenhouse gas emissions. At around 4.4 to 5.5 GtCO2 per year (the latter including peat forest degradation) according to the latest estimates, these emissions account for about 12 to 15% of annual anthropogenic CO2 emissions (from 8 to 20% taking into account the considerable uncertainties in the deforestation and degradation estimates). Moreover, tropical deforestation has a devastating impact on biological diversity, since tropical forests contain over two thirds of the 250 000 higher plants known to scientists. At present, emissions caused by deforestation in developing countries are regulated neither by the Framework Convention on Climate Change nor by the Kyoto Protocol. However, the issue of "avoided deforestation" is expected to be one of the difficult areas of the 15th Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (Copenhagen, December 2009), which will propose a post-Kyoto "climate" regime. Is the solution a market mechanism to "reward" actors or a fund to finance reforms that tackle the causes? The debate is open.
Avec une perte estimée à environ 13 millions d'hectares en moyenne par an entre 2000 et 2005 - 7,3 millions d'hectares, en prenant en compte les reboisements, selon la FAO -, la déforestation tropicale constitue une source majeure d'émission de gaz à effet de serre. De l'ordre de 4,4 à 5,5 Gt CO2 (ce dernier chiffre incluant la dégradation des tourbières) par an selon les dernières estimations, ces émissions contribueraient à 12-15 % des émissions annuelles anthropiques de CO2 (de 8 à 20 %, en tenant compte des incertitudes qui affectent les estimations de la déforestation et de la dégradation). De plus, la déforestation tropicale a des effets dévastateurs sur la diversité biologique, les forêts tropicales contenant plus des deux tiers des quelque 250 000 plantes supérieures connues des scientifiques. Actuellement, les émissions dues à la déforestation dans les pays en développement ne sont réglementées ni par la Convention cadre sur les changements climatiques ni par le protocole de Kyoto. Toutefois, la question de la " déforestation évitée " devrait constituer l'un des dossiers délicats de la quinzième conférence des parties à la convention Climat (Copenhague, décembre 2009), qui doit proposer le régime " climat " post-Kyoto. Mécanisme de marché " récompensant " les acteurs, ou fonds permettant de financer des réformes s'attaquant aux causes, le débat est ouvert.
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Campaign finance disclosures, or sometime lack of these, give some clues as to whether wholesale changes may come to the Bossier Parish Police Jury's composition staring next year.
While all but one incumbent chose to run for reelection, and a few didn't draw an opponent, according to reports that detail spending and activity three challengers stand a decent chance of displacing an incumbent starting this week, and at least a couple more have an outside chance of doing so. The reports ten days prior to the general election cover an important period in local campaigns that demonstrate the seriousness of a candidacy and tactics used. For this level of races, the most effective campaigning is door-to-door canvassing, followed by direct mailing, eye-level signage (yard signs better than billboards), canvassing before groups such as at high school football games, display print advertising, and lastly electronic means such as ads and texting.
The reports show some vulnerable incumbents. District 1, with three challengers to Republican Bob Brotherton, has the most candidates but not much active campaigning. Only two have filed reports, with the incumbent not being one of them. That doesn't mean campaigning isn't going on – reports are necessary only if there is a donation the exceeds $200 or more than $2,500 spent – but that it is occurring at most at a low level, it at all.
According to that reporting, only Republican small businessman Michael Farris – almost exclusively with his own funds – has made an extensive campaigning effort with signage and canvassing. Brotherton, who has been ailing physically for an extended period that caused him to miss most Jury meetings this year, does have some signs up, as does Democrat trucking executive Andre Wilson. This makes Farris the most likely to knock off an incumbent this cycle.
As well placing emphasis on canvassing is District 12 Republican challenger small businessman Keith Sutton. He has raised about $8,000, almost all his own funds, and spent most on signage, mailings, and canvassing. By contrast, Republican incumbent Mac Plummer, while reporting raising about half that much money from himself, has not spent any even as yard signs of his have appeared. Unless these are leftovers from his 2015 or earlier campaigns, that would indicate failure to properly file campaign expenditures. Sutton's activity suggests he also stands a good chance of toppling an incumbent.
Also very competitive is Republican former juror Barry Butler, challenging the incumbent with perhaps the most extensive campaign infrastructure, Republican Julianna Parks in District 5. Butler's largely self-financed campaign has been all-of-the-above, a mix of electronic contact, eye-level signage, and canvassing. Parks has raised and spent almost as much, with a higher proportion coming from donors with heavy representation from the Bossier political establishment and attorneys (she is one and her husband Santi is the elected Bossier City Court judge), with more emphasis placed on electronic contact. This looks to become the highest-spending contest, by far.
Another challenger making a concerted effort is Republican former executive director of the Cypress Black Bayou Recreation and Water Conservation District Robert Berry. In District 6, he has sunk over $7,000 of his own money into canvassing, signage, and mail. Incumbent Republican Chis Marsiglia didn't file the latest report due, but a previous report shows about $1,500 spent on small amounts of signage and mail (with all $4,000 in donations from firms connected to politically-active businessman Jerry Juneau).
And while demographics suggest an uphill battle for her, District 9 Republican challenger Pam Glorioso is making a go at it against Democrat incumbent Charles Gray. Until recently chief executive officer of Bossier City, she has drawn over $7,000 in donations mainly from the Bossier political establishment in a reversal of the trend in other contests spent mainly on electronic and mail contact and signage. Gary didn't turn in the most recent required report, but previously had raised almost as much but concentrated on advertising.
Perhaps banking on name recognition, former school board member Democrat Julius Darby has done much visible campaigning with no finance reporting – his older brother Jerome gave up the District 10 seat after 40 years. Retiree Democrat James Carley did file to show some signage and canvassing activity, while another retiree Democrat Mary Giles didn't but has put up signs (some apparently on public right-a-ways).
Other contests also appear lower key in nature. District 3, Republican challenger and constable Andy Modica has spent about $1,000 on electronic contact and canvassing, while Republican incumbent Philip Rodgers has tripled up on that amount, mainly on mail and signage. In District 4, incumbent Republican John Ed Jorden didn't file nor did his Democrat challenger Donald Stephens, while his Republican opponent appraiser Jack Harvill spent only on push cards.
All in all, if things break right for challengers they could send half of incumbents packing. More likely, at least a couple of new faces will show up on the Jury in 2024.
This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.Name of the research – "Interdisciplinary analysis of the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict by the method 4D-RAV-17 (grant number – PHDF–18–1147).As part of the study, the task was to assess those political technologies that were not used in the process of resolving the Abkhazian conflict. The study identified that such a peacemaking resource as the recognition by the conflicting parties of "common threats" and the consolidation of common efforts to prevent or eliminate them, was not used to an adequate extent. Based on this, the Concept of Awareness of the Common Threat System (CACTS) were formulated and presented as a methodological basis for reinforcing the Security Community Theory created by Karl Deutsch.CACTS was described in the article "Abkhazian crisis: from the Concept of Awareness of Common Threats to the Building of an "Abkhazian Security Community"" published in the Scientific and Theoretical Almanac "Grani", Volume 23 №3, 2020.As a basis for creating an initial level of trust between the parties to the conflict, we take their policy of recognizing the system of common threats and identifying ourselves (and each other) with possible victims of these threats. The level of trust can grow as both parties gain satisfaction from the process of cooperation.In this article, which is the second of a series of articles devoted to the recognition of common threats and the construction of a security community by the parties to the conflict, we present one of the practical possibilities for strengthening the modeling process of a new multidimensional peacemaking format.In particular, this is the development of cooperation between the participants in the Abkhazian political crisis to reduce nuclear and radioactive threats. The research drew attention not only to physical, but also to psychological dangers posed by nuclear and radiation threats. Based on the analysis, a number of specific initiatives were identified for the possible development of cooperation between participants in the multidimensional Abkhazian political crisis.Particular attention in the article is paid to the role of scientific diplomacy in the positive transformation of the crisis and the integration into the peacemaking process representatives of natural sciences, in particular physicists, power engineers and ecologists.As one of the resources of the peace process, the prospects of cooperation between civil society institutions expressing the interests of victims of nuclear and radiation disasters from different sides of the conflict community are considered.The article focuses on the creation of common approaches on energy policy for the countries of the Caucasus region, especially, regarding nuclear energy. Despite the fact that the initiative is aimed at resolving the Abkhazian conflict, the measures to bring the parties closer, presented in the framework of this project, could positively affect the development of the level of trust in other conflicts of the post-Soviet space.The work is based on a holistic approach, which involves revising the reductionist approach that dominates the scientific and political discourses, distorting the real picture of the conflict and reducing its image to the quasi-scientific concept of the "Abkhaz-Georgian" resolution. Our vision of the complex and multidimensional structure of the Abkhazian political crisis is given in the first article of the mentioned cycle.The structure of this article consists of three main parts.The first part of the article is an introduction, which presents the idea of anti-nuclear and anti-radiation consolidation of participants in the Abkhazian political crisis on the basis of the Concept of Awareness of the Common Threat System (CACTS) and the concept of Karl Deutsch, adapted for the Abkhazian Security Community (ASB). One of the CACTS subsystems (in this article) is nuclear, radiation, and related to them information-psychological threats.The second part of the article presents an analysis of the situation associated with nuclear, radiation, information and psychological threats. This analysis aims to demonstrate the importance of the topic under consideration and the variety of real threats.Nuclear threats. The authors divide them into threats of a military nature, as well as threats associated with the construction, operation, conservation and liquidation of reactors and other nuclear facilities.Radiation threats. Statistics of incidents related to illegal operations in the transportation/sale of radiation/radioactive substances based on open sources are proposed. Examples of threats associated with the illicit trade of irradiated food products are given.Information and psychological threats. When considering information and psychological threats related to nuclear and radiation threats, special attention is paid to such a question as hiding of reliable information from citizens or manipulating information, which is the basis for the formation of distrust towards one's own state and the psychosomatic problems arising from this.The third part of the article offers a model of a fragment of the peacemaking process to resolve the Abkhazian political crisis, in which a component is involved that includes a discussion of (CACTS) on nuclear and radiation safety and the construction of the Abkhazian Security Community as a subsystem of the Caucasian and Black Sea-Caspian Sea Security Community.
The development of the Ukrainian party system and its ideological component can not be considered in isolation from the specifics of the transformational processes in Ukrainian society, which largely determined the nature and principle of the functioning of the political system and the state mechanism, as well as world trends.Factors such as the war on the Donbas, the need to reform all spheres of society's life (often through its opposition), advancement through European integration, which necessitates the adaptation of Ukrainian realities to modern European norms, will, for a long time, determine the framework conditions for the development of the party system and parties as key subjects of socio-political processes and will have an unconditional influence on the formation of ideological foundations of certain political actors. It should also be noted that, since the process of determining the basic parameters of the functioning of the party system is far from complete, as well as the process of developing party ideologies, it is obvious that it is in the early stages of its development.The definition of the ideological spectrum inherent in contemporary political parties, theoretically, taking into account the traditional definition of the term "political party", makes it possible to recreate the socio-political and transformational development of the state in an instantaneous time perspective.At the same time, the gradual opening of the country means the penetration of trends typical of the modern West of the political life. Among these trends – for example, the departure of mass parties in favor of the so-called which leads to the transformation of parties into powerful machines for receiving electronic support from society, the gradual convergence of classical ideologies, the departure of the ideological component of campaigns and political activity in the second plan.In recent decades it has come to the conclusion about crises as traditional, classical ideologies (such as conservation, liberalism, social democracy, nationalism) so that in developing countries in the best countries of the world (in particular, the USA, EU countries, NATO, the Organization economic cooperation and development) and the so-called neo-ideologies (neo-liberalism, neo-conservatism, etc.).So, it is primarily about narrowing, and in some cases, the actual disappearance of ideological differences between key political actors (first and foremost, parties). Obviously, it was the narrowing of ideological differences that made it possible, in particular, to have rather strong positions of the socalled A "broad coalition" in Germany (between the CDU / CSU party bloc traditionally defending Christian-democratic, right-centered and liberal approaches, and the Social-Democrats historically belonging to the center-left spectrum).In this context, it's worth mentioning the phenomenon of the so-called. "Comprehensive", or "universal" party (in Y. Shvedi – a party of voters, or a party for all (the general party)). Such parties are trying to focus on the most common at this moment in the public sentiment in order to first receive as many votes as possible in the elections, and then decide on the main lines of their policies. ; Розвиток української партійної системи та її ідеологічної складової неможливо розглядати у відриві як від специфіки трансформаційних процесів в українському суспільстві, які багато в чому визначили природу і принцип функціонування політичного устрою і державного механізму, так і загальносвітових тенденцій.Такі чинники, як війна на Донбасі, необхідність реформування всіх сфер життя суспільства (часто через його спротив), просування шляхом європейської інтеграції, що зумовлює необхідність адаптації українських реалій до сучасних європейських норм, ще довгий час визначатимуть рамкові умови розвитку партійної системи і партій як ключових суб'єктів суспільно-політичних процесів і чинитимуть безумовний вплив на формування ідеологічних засад тих чи інших політичних акторів. Необхідно також зазначити, що оскільки процес визначення базових параметрів функціонування партійної системи далекий до свого завершення, тож і процес розвитку партійних ідеологій знаходиться, очевидно, на початкових стадіях свого розвитку.Визначення ідеологічного спектра, властивого сучасним політичним партіям, теоретично, з урахуванням традиційного визначення терміну "політична партія", дає змогу змоделювати соціально-політичний і трансформаційний розвиток держави в осяжній часовій перспективі.Разом з тим, поступове відкриття країни світу означає й проникнення характерних для сучасного Заходу тенденцій політичного життя. Серед цих тенденцій – наприклад, відхід від масових партій на користь т.зв. виборчих, що зумовлює перетворення партій на потужні машини для отримання електоральної підтримки з боку суспільства, поступове зближення класичних ідеологій, відхід ідеологічного компонента кампаній і політичної діяльності на другий план.Ситуація в найбільш розвинутих країнах світу (зокрема, США, країничлени ЄС, НАТО, Організації економічного співробітництва та розвитку) в останні десятиліття підводять до висновку щодо кризи як традиційних, класичних ідеологій (таких як консерватизм, лібералізм, соціал-демократія, націоналізм), так і т.зв. неоідеологій (неолібералізим, неоконсерватизм тощо).Отже, йдеться передусім, про звуження, а в деяких випадках – і про фактичне зникнення ідеологічних розбіжностей між ключовими політичними акторами (в першу чергу, партіями). Очевидно, саме звуження ідеологічних розбіжностей уможливило, зокрема, достатньо міцні позиції т.зв. "широкої коаліції" у Німеччині (між блоком партій ХДС/ХСС, що традиційно відстоюють християнсько-демократичні, правоцентристські і ліберальні підходи, та соціалдемократами, що історично належать до лівоцентристського спектра).У цьому контексті варто було б згадати феномен т.зв. "всеохоплюючої", або "універсальної" партії (у Ю.Шведи – партія виборців, або партія для всіх, (catch-all party)) . Такі партії намагаються орієнтуватися на найбільш поширені на цей момент суспільні настрої з тим, щоб спочатку здобути якомога більше голосів на виборах, а вже потім визначатися з основними лініями своєї політики.
