Iranian merchants, artists, and scholars had an almost continuous presence in the Ottoman Empire from its very beginnings in the thirteenth century. After the Arab provinces were added to the empire in the sixteenth century, their numbers were further augmented by pilgrims on their way to the holy cities of the Hijaz and Iraq. As such, in terms of actual numbers, during any period of its history there were probably more Iranians resident in the Ottoman Empire than from any other foreign state. This assertion, however, cannot be proven empirically, for before the nineteenth century the Ottoman sultans did not recognize the Iranians as constituting a "nation" along the model they had established for the European communities resident in the empire.
The US withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in June 2002 ended the era when the effort to control nuclear weapons was a central preoccupation of US foreign policy. Arms control did little to control weapons during the Cold War, but it was a political imperative which assuaged the anxiety of the nuclear competition. At the end of the Cold War, arms-control treaties initially provided an essential mechanism for managing the decline of Soviet power. Then the paraphernalia of arms control quickly came to be seen as cumbersome, slow and ill-adapted to new security threats. The second Bush administration delivered the coup de grace. Strategic arms control has had its day, but it would be a mistake to throw the baby out with the bathwater. (Survival / SWP)
Abstract This paper examines a 1969 infrastructure-sabotage campaign by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) as reported in the pages of its weekly newspaper, al-Hadaf. While academic and policy discourse conceptualises sabotage in a way that emphasises its disruptive effects and sometimes obscures the positive political ends toward which acts of sabotage are directed, the PFLP conceptualised sabotage as a practice of revealing the political and economic relations that infrastructures sustain by disrupting them and marking progress toward an alternative political-economic order. For the PFLP, sabotage constituted a kind of concrete critique, a communicative act that conveys a theoretical analysis of processes of extraction, exploitation, and dispossession by physically interrupting them.
The MapGive initiative is a State Department project designed to increase the amount of free and open geographic data in areas either experiencing, or at risk of, a humanitarian emergency. To accomplish this, MapGive seeks to link the cognitive surplus and good will of volunteer mappers who freely contribute their time and effort to map areas at risk, with the purchasing power of the United States Government (USG), who can act as a catalyzing force by making updated high resolution commercial satellite imagery available for volunteer mapping. Leveraging the CyberGIS, a geographic computing infrastructure built from open source software, MapGive publishes updated satellite imagery as web services that can be quickly and easily accessed via the internet, allowing volunteer mappers to trace the imagery to extract visible features like roads and buildings without having to process the imagery themselves. The resulting baseline geographic data, critical to addressing humanitarian data gaps, is stored in the OpenStreetMap (OSM) database, a free, editable geographic database for the world under a license that ensures the data will remain open in perpetuity, ensuring equal access to all. MapGive is built upon a legal, policy, and technological framework developed during the Imagery to the Crowd phase of the project. Philosophically, these projects are grounded in the open source software movement and the application of commons-based peer production models to geographic data. These concepts are reviewed, as is a reconception of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) called GIS 2.0.
The wave of protests and populist uprisings in the Middle East has heightened the focus on a volatile region. But the emphasis on political issues has obscured underlying issues concerning education, infrastructure, research, innovation, entrepreneurship and sustainable economic and social development. This volume, emerging in the aftermath of a conference and workshop on science and technology in the region, presents contributions from a range of experts from the Middle East, Europe, and the United States to provide fresh new insights and perspectives on the challenges and prospects for regio
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