Suchergebnisse

El análisis del islam en Sudán muestra la gran variedad de aproximaciones al objeto de estudio, la diversidad de sus lecturas y el reiterado recurso a los principios religiosos para justificar o legitimar las cuestiones políticas y de Estado. El islam sudanés, en sus diferentes manifestaciones, ha traspasado las fronteras nacionales y ha contribuido al islam africano, árabe y mundial. Eso desde el siglo XIX cuando surgió un primer proto-estado islámico de la mano de esa figura mesiánica que fue Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, el Mahdi, hasta el pensador y hombre de Estado Hasan al-Turabi en pleno siglo XX. Analizaremos tres dimensiones: el islam reformista de Mahmud Muhammad Taha, el islamismo sudanés conducido por al-Turabi y el papel del sufismo en la religiosidad popular y en la política sudanesa, y su reciente confrontación con las tendencias salafíes activas en el país en lo que parece ser una nueva lucha por el espacio socioreligioso del siglo XXI. ; The analysis of Islam in Sudan shows the great variety of approaches to the object of study, the diversity of its readings and the repeated recourse to religious principles to justify or legitimize political and State issues. Sudanese Islam, in its different manifestations, has crossed national borders and has contributed to African, Arab and world Islam. This has been like this since the first Islamic proto-state emerged in the Nineteenth century at the hands of the messianic figure who was Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, the Mahdi until the thinker and statesman Hasan al-Turabi in the Twentieth century. Three dimensions will be analyzed: the reformist Islam of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the Sudanese Islamism led by al-Turabi and the role of Sufism in popular religiosity and Sudanese politics, and finally the recent confrontation with the Salafi tendencies active in the country in what seems to be a new struggle for the socio-religious space of the 21st century.

AbstractThis paper analyzes the political project of secular Islam as outlined by the Indian political and religious leader, Muhammad Shah—also known as Aga Khan III (1877–1957). As first president of the All India Muslim League, Muhammad Shah facilitated the installation of separate electorates for Muslims as well as the call for Partition. The reformist notion of Islam he invoked for this separatist programme was informed by the secular and modernizing projects of the colonial public sphere. Simultaneously, however, Muhammad Shah claimed a divine role as Imam of the Ismaili Muslim community—a position validated by Ismaili beliefs and teachings of messianic Islam. The paper engages Muhammad Shah's writings and the devotional texts of the Ismailis to illustrate how the heterogeneous forms of practices peculiar to the vernacular history of Islam in early modern South Asia were displaced by the discourse of religious identity in the colonial period.

THE RECENT TREND TOWARD ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM CHALLENGES POLITICAL SCIENCE: FIRST, IN DEMANDING AN EXPLANATION AS TO THE CAUSES AND CHARACTER OF ITS DISSEMINATION AND, SECONDLY, IN REQUIRING A RESPONSE TO SEEMINGLY UNFORESEEN DEVELOPMENTS THAT CHALLENGE CONVENTIONAL EXPECTATIONS ON MODERNITY, PROGRESS, INCREASING SECULARIZATION, AND POLITICAL CONVERGENCE. IT MAY BE THAT THE EXPECTATIONS OF THE PAST DECADES ON HOW SOCIETIES ARE CHANGING WILL PROVE TO BE WRONG -- THAT THE WORLD IS NEITHER AS GLOBALIZED OR AS DISENCHANTED AS WAS EXPECTED; BUT IT MAY ALSO BE THAT, BENEATH THE APPEARANCE OF RUPTURE AND A RETURN TO THE PAST, OTHER, MORE CONTEMPORARY AND RECOGNIZABLE, PROCESSES ARE AT WORK. IF THE RISE OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM CAN SEEN AS A CHALLENGE TO THE CONCEPTION OF MODERNITY, IT CAN ALSO BE ARGUED THAT THE CONSTRAINTS OF CONTEMPORARY INDUSTRIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE HAVE SHAPED AND WILL ULTIMATELY DETERMINE THIS PHENOMENON.

El análisis del islam en Sudán muestra la gran variedad de aproximaciones al objeto de estudio, la diversidad de sus lecturas y el reiterado recurso a los principios religiosos para justificar o legitimar las cuestiones políticas y de Estado. El islam sudanés, en sus diferentes manifestaciones, ha traspasado las fronteras nacionales y ha contribuido al islam africano, árabe y mundial. Eso desde el siglo XIX cuando surgió un primer proto-estado islámico de la mano de esa figura mesiánica que fue Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, el Mahdi, hasta el pensador y hombre de Estado Hasan al-Turabi en pleno siglo XX. Analizaremos tres dimensiones: el islam reformista de Mahmud Muhammad Taha, el islamismo sudanés conducido por al-Turabi y el papel del sufismo en la religiosidad popular y en la política sudanesa, y su reciente confrontación con las tendencias salafíes activas en el país en lo que parece ser una nueva lucha por el espacio socioreligioso del siglo XXI. ; The analysis of Islam in Sudan shows the great variety of approaches to the object of study, the diversity of its readings and the repeated recourse to religious principles to justify or legitimize political and State issues. Sudanese Islam, in its different manifestations, has crossed national borders and has contributed to African, Arab and world Islam. This has been like this since the first Islamic proto-state emerged in the Nineteenth century at the hands of the messianic figure who was Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, the Mahdi until the thinker and statesman Hasan al-Turabi in the Twentieth century. Three dimensions will be analyzed: the reformist Islam of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the Sudanese Islamism led by al-Turabi and the role of Sufism in popular religiosity and Sudanese politics, and finally the recent confrontation with the Salafi tendencies active in the country in what seems to be a new struggle for the socio-religious space of the 21st century.

Arguing Islam after the Rebirth of Arab Politics analyzes the politics of religion in the Arab world after the emergence of new public spheres over the past few decades. The book examines those spheres as they really are, not measuring them against any ideal of democratic deliberation, and show how they are lively and increasingly participatory but also polarizing, divisive, and far from egalitarian. And while they have grown in force, they are not efficacious, leading to a widening gap between regimes and the societies they govern. Focusing on arguments aired in new and old media, neighborhood discussions, and parliaments, Arguing Islam After the Revival of Arab Politics probes in special depth debates over constitution, family law, and education. It shows how these various places where arguments take place are increasingly linked, forming not a uniformed citizenry but instead a badly divided one in which a leader's words to followers are overheard and then lampooned by opponents and various groups become aware of how deeply they differ. Arguments are detached from the authority of the person making them. Without a strong political process to forge agreement and reward coalition building, the reborn Arab politics is exciting and vital but also noisy and rough

RECENT EVENTS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD HAVE FUELED THE ILLUSION THAT ALL SECULARIZING EFFORTS ARE DOOMED TO FAILURE, WHICH IS AT VARIANCE WITH BOTH THE FACTS OF HISTORY AND WITH PRESENT REALITIES. IT IS OBVIOUSLY TRUE THAT MUSLIM SOCIETIES HAVE ENCOUNTERED OBSTACLES IN THEIR SECULARIZING EFFORTS, AND SOMETIMES HAVE EVEN BEEN FORCED TO SHIFT THEIR COURSE. SECULARIZATION HAS ALSO KNOWN ITS DISCONTINUITIES AND CAESURAE, SUCH AS ENDED WITH THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ISLAMIC REGIME IN IRAN, AND THERE WILL PROBABLY BE OTHERS IN THE FUTURE. BUT THE GENERAL FACT REMAINS. THOUGH SPORADIC REVERSALS MAY TAKE PLACE AT THE SURFACE, THE PROCESS OF SECULARIZATION CONTINUES ITS NORMAL COURSE. CONTEMPORARY MODELS, EVEN MANY OF THOSE THAT EXPLICITLY PROCLAIM THEMSELVES ISLAMIC, ARE STRIKING EXAMPLES OF THIS DEEP-SEATED PROCESS.

Over the past twenty years, an influential body of conservative scholarship has focused on the alleged conflict between Islam and the West. Following widespread criticism of this scholarship, a number of commentators have revived its core assumptions to claim that the real conflict is between liberal democracy within Muslim societies and the political ideology of Islamism. In this article we trace the evolution of this scholarship, and suggest that recent empirical developments in the Muslim world suggest the potential for post‐Islamist parties to successfully adapt to the demands of democratic competition within Muslim societies. In this context, the emerging conflict is not between Islam and the West, or Islamism and the West, but between two very different discursive practices within the Muslim world that invoke Islam for radically different purposes.A traveler enters the world into which he travels, but a tourist brings his own world with him and never sees the one he's in.

Using the high-profile 2017 blasphemy trial of the former governor of Jakarta, Basuki Ahok' Tjahaja Purnama, as its sole case study, this book assesses whether Indonesia's liberal democratic human rights legal regime can withstand the rise of growing Islamist majoritarian sentiment. Specifically, this book analyses whether a 2010 decision of Indonesia's Constitutional Court has rendered the liberal democratic human rights guarantees contained in Indonesia's 1945 Constitution ineffective. Key legal documents, including the indictment issued by the North Jakarta Attorney-General and General Prosecutor, the defence's Notice of Defence', and the North Jakarta State Court's convicting judgment, are examined. The book shows how Islamist majoritarians in Indonesia have hijacked human rights discourse by attributing new, inaccurate meanings to key liberal democratic concepts. This has provided them with a human rights law-based justification for the prioritisation of the religious sensibilities and religious orthodoxy of Indonesia's Muslim majority over the fundamental rights of the country's religious minorities. While Ahok's conviction evidences this, the book cautions that matters pertaining to public religion will remain a site of contestation in contemporary Indonesia for the foreseeable future. A groundbreaking study of the Ahok trial, the blasphemy law, and the contentious politics of religious freedom and cultural citizenship in Indonesia, this book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of religion, Islamic studies, religious studies, law and society, law and development, law reform, constitutionalism, politics, history and social change, and Southeast Asian studies.