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The interest group & social movement mobilizations to remove the Confederate flag, which had been flying since 1962, from atop the South Carolina State Capitol dome provides an instance where large, issue-specific coalitions successfully expanded the scope of a conflict & framed an issue in a universalistic discourse of inclusive citizenship. The groups & movements seeking to keep the flag on the dome of the capitol experienced cascading defections in part based on a narrow vision of history, the political context, & goals for the future. Based on 17 in-depth interviews with interest group activities, key members of the South Carolina legislature, & education, religious, & business leaders active in the issue along with observations at five pro- & anti-flag demonstrations & rallies, this study seeks to explain how the effort to remove the Confederate flag was partially successful. The analysis includes media attention from 1962 to 2000 in South Carolina regarding the Confederate flag & public opinion on the flag over time. Prior interest group work helped prepare the terrain for the mobilizing effects of several galvanizing events -- the NAACP tourism boycott & national media attention during the highly contested 2000 Republican primary in the state, which in turn pressure institutions -- parties, the legislature, & the governor -- to respond. The struggle was an instance of applied philosophy. 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

) The purpose of this article is to show whether a computer is able to determine the authoritative nature of a text. To this end, a corpus of 122 contemporary novelties has been created (69 on the right theme, 50 in rich politics, in the west and 3 in the west) and has been analysed with the package of 'ana' ('ana'), 'stylome' ('stylome'), 'trico', 'STYLO'. Of all the interested parties offered by this package, written in R, the simple 'ma' has been used: the dam of groups. The results have been very interesting, as with a myriad of 100 words (the frequent maths), the computer has been able to group, without any error, the various works of each author and has been able to assign to the actual author those that were published under seuream. ; En este arti��culo se trata de mostrar si un ordenador es capaz de determinar la autori��a de un texto. Para ello se ha creado un corpus de 122 novelas contempora��neas (69 de tema histo��rico, 50 policiacas y 3 del oeste) y se han analizado con el paquete de ana��lisis estilome��trico stylo. De todos los ana��lisis que ofrece este paquete, escrito en R, se ha utilizado el ma��s sencillo: el ana��lisis de grupos. Los resultados han sido muy interesantes ya que con un mi��nimo de 100 palabras (las ma��s frecuentes) el ordenador ha sido capaz de agrupar, sin error alguno, las distintas obras de cada autor y ha sabido asignar al autor real aquellas que se publicaron bajo seudo��nimo.

AbstractThe study of demand-side factors for the success of radical right-wing populist parties has highlighted anti-immigration attitudes (AIA) as a particularly important predictor. However, these findings have relied heavily on direct self-report measures. This preregistered study theorises that direct measures may have underestimated, through social desirability bias, or overestimated, through cognitive dissonance avoidance, the relationship between AIA and support for the German radical right-wing party Alternative for Germany (AfD). A direct questionnaire and two Single-Category Implicit Association Tests were administered to a stratified sample of the German population (N = 369) to measure both explicit and implicit preferences for the AfD and AIA. Results reveal that the firm relationship between AIA and AfD voting intentions is strongest in an all-explicit setting, reduced in mixed analyses, and eliminated in the all-implicit model. This provides evidence that the need for respondents to report consistent ideologies may be a more serious threat to valid results in political attitudes research than is generally assumed. Social desirability seems to be less of an issue when assessing the strength of the correlation between right-wing attitudes and AfD preferences. Thorough robustness checks confirmed the reliability of these findings.

This paper tests the policitcal dimensions of the presidential cycle effect in U.S. financial markets. The presidential cycle effect states that average stock market returns are significantly higher in the last two years compared to the first two years of a presidential term. We confirm the robust existence of this cycle in U.S. stock markets as well as bond markets. As most rational theories to explain the cycle were falsified by earlier empirical work, this paper sets out to test the presidential cycle election (PCE) theory as an alternative explanation. The PCE theory states that incumbent parties and presidents have an incentive to manipulate the economy (via budget expansions, taxes, etc.) to remain in power. We formulate seven different propositions relating to fiscal, monetary, tax, and political implications of PCE theory. We find no statistically significant evidence confirming the PCE theory as a plausible explanation for the presidential cycle effect. The existence of the presidential cycle effect in U.S. financial markets thus remains a puzzle that cannot be easily explained by politicians mis-using their economic influence to remain in power.

I propose in this paper to examine majority voting with the tools of elementary game theory. This, in itself, represents nothing new. The "majority game" has been analysed by numerous game theorists. I propose, however, to derive certain implications from the analysis for the utilization of resources in the public or collective sector of the economy.The models of collective decision-making that must be employed are necessarily abstract; so much so that the analyses may seem to appear to some observers as caricatures of actual political processes. Analysis must start somewhere, however, and even the most abstract of models, by isolating specific features of real-world institutions, may prove helpful to our over-all understanding. I shall introduce a model of pure democracy. That is to say, I shall assume that all collective decisions are to be made by a simple majority voting process in which all citizens participate. All problems of representation, leadership, parties, and coalitions shall be left out of account. Furthermore, I shall assume that the individual citizens in the model are motivated by utility-maximizing considerations; that is, each individual is assumed to vote in such a manner as to maximize his own utility. This assumption allows numerical values to be placed in the expected pay-offs that individuals receive through political processes. If the expected pay-offs can be numerically correlated with observable economic quantities or magnitudes, some provisional and tentative implications may be drawn concerning the tendency of majority voting rules to "over-extend" or to "starve" the public sector of the economy relative to the private sector.

Roll-call cohesion scores are the most widely used measures of voting blocs in legislative studies, appearing in literally hundreds of studies since their introduction in 1924. Despite a staple of legislative studies, we know virtually nothing about the statistical properties of these scores. In this article, it is shown how such scores suffer a serious bias problem: scores are artificially inflated for small parties, especially those that are less unified. The problem is demonstrated and an intuitive solution proposed. It is illustrated with data from the United States and from Brazil.

AbstractThe outcome of the 2017 general election—a hung parliament—defied most predictions. In this article, we draw on aggregate‐level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote. What was the impact of Brexit on the 2017 general election result? What difference did the collapse of UKIP make? And what was the relative importance of factors such as turnout, education, age and ethnic diversity on support for the two main parties? First, we find that turnout was generally higher in more pro‐remain areas, and places with high concentrations of young people, ethnic minorities and university graduates. Second, we find that the Conservatives made gains in the sort of places that had previously backed Brexit and previously voted for UKIP. But, third, we find that the gains the Conservatives made from the electoral decline of UKIP were offset by losses in the sort of places that had previously supported the Conservatives, particularly areas in southern England with larger numbers of graduates. The implication of these findings is that while a Brexit effect contributed to a 'realignment on the right', with the Conservative strategy appealing to people in places that had previously voted for UKIP, this strategy was not without an electoral cost, and appears to have hurt the party in more middle class areas.

The article reconstructs the events of the Suvignano farm, in the Sienese area, confiscated in 1996 to an entrepreneur from Palermo considered close to Cosa nostra and assigned in 2018 to a company owned by the Tuscany Region. Unlike other studies on confiscated assets, mainly focusing on quantitative aspects or their management, the paper proposes a case study based on an integration of techniques and sources, from interviews with qualified witnesses to the consultation of institutional documents. The analysis aims to explore the social and political significance that Suvignano assumes for the local community and the political class. After the definitive confiscation in 2007, Suvignano becomes a political resource disputed between different actors, local and national. Around this political resource take place two challenges, led and won by a Tuscan leftist institutional network, distant heir of the red subculture. The first challenge is against a similar Sicilian institutional network. The second is against local political actors: the traditional (Forza Italia) and the new (Salvini-Lega) centre-right, as well as the emerging 5 Stars Movement. The article shows how these two challenges are won thanks also to the Tuscan civil society, ready to mobilize against a "public evil", as the mafia is usually represented. In a phase in which the political consensus becomes uncertain, the centre-left parties find in the fight against the mafia a powerful source of political legitimacy.

S'interroger sur la succession ininterrompue de réformes portant sur le tout ou les parties du système scolaire qu'est l'histoire de l'école en France, incite à considérer et à croiser, sur un plan formel, trois dimensions de la réforme : la décision d'agir, la possibilité et l'efficacité de l'action. Apparaissent alors les capacités et les limites de la procédure par réforme. Sur un plan plus empirique, l'enseignement de l'histoire fournit un exemple récent de réforme bien engagée, sinon réussie. La conjugaison des pressions interne et externe à l'école, une pression politique sans politisation, une tentative d'évaluation avant la réforme expliquent le succès de sa mise en route. Il faut toutefois, pour comprendre l'évolution d'ensemble de l'histoire et de son enseignement, la replacer dans son contexte historiographique et intellectuel des trente dernière années.

S'interroger sur la succession ininterrompue de réformes portant sur le tout ou les parties du système scolaire qu'est l'histoire de l'école en France, incite à considérer et à croiser, sur un plan formel, trois dimensions de la réforme : la décision d'agir, la possibilité et l'efficacité de l'action. Apparaissent alors les capacités et les limites de la procédure par réforme. Sur un plan plus empirique, l'enseignement de l'histoire fournit un exemple récent de réforme bien engagée, sinon réussie. La conjugaison des pressions interne et externe à l'école, une pression politique sans politisation, une tentative d'évaluation avant la réforme expliquent le succès de sa mise en route. Il faut toutefois, pour comprendre l'évolution d'ensemble de l'histoire et de son enseignement, la replacer dans son contexte historiographique et intellectuel des trente dernière années.

Political competition is widely recognized as a mediator of public goods provision through its salutary effect on incumbents' electoral incentives. We argue that political competition additionally mediates public goods provision by increasing the inefficiency of legislative bargaining. These countervailing forces will produce a net negative effect in places with weak parties and low transparency – typical of many young democracies. We provide rigorous evidence from one such context, Mali, and then show results generalize to other weak party settings. Using panel data from Mali and a first differences model, we find a robust negative relationship between competition and local public goods. Tests of mechanisms corroborate our interpretation of this relationship as evidence that legislative bargaining inefficiencies are driving poor outcomes. This sheds light on why evidence of positive effects generally comes from more established democracies, and underscores the importance of both the electoral and legislative arenas in analyzing public goods provision. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; CRP2 ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

International audience ; Abstract: Analysing the protection and conservation of the marine environment implies the clear definition of both terms. Actually, in international instruments as well as in diplomatic negotiation rounds leading the pace of geopolitical activities, they are far from being simple synonyms. On the one hand, there is a "preservationist" approach to nature, and on the other hand an "eco-centred" approach, i.e. the conservationist one, refocusing the debate on environmental negotiations.To this philosophic difference, a political element is added, namely the active cooperation between the Parties and the outcome of either an international or regional legal document. The present study proceeds towards the analysis of the legal framework of the protection and conservation of the marine environment, considering how the different international and regional texts focused and still keep focusing on the protection, the conservation and the cooperation of states aiming at a better management of the marine environment. Then, one must examine the obligation to prevent being at the same time cause and consequence of this international normative evolution. ; Résumé : Analyser la protection et la conservation de l'environnement marin suppose de clairement définir chacun de ces termes. En effet, bien qu'indifféremment évoqués dans les instruments internationaux ou lors des rondes de négociations diplomatiques menant le rythme des activités géopolitiques, les notions de protection et de conservation de l'environnement ne recouvrent pas les mêmes objectifs. L'une tendra vers une approche plus « préservationniste » de la nature ; tandis que l'autre explore une dimension « éco-centrée », ou « conservationniste », recentrant l'issue recherchée aux négociations en matière environnementale. À cette différence de philosophie s'ajoute un élément politique : à savoir la coopération active entre les Parties et la force du document juridique international ou régional résultant des négociations.La présente étude ...

The spread of political hoaxes is quite massive and fast. As the coming political year approaches, inter-community friction may occur due to the spread of hoax news and can cause anxiety, hatred, and hostility in society. As a result, if it continues and is not controlled, it will result in conflicts between individuals and different groups. This study aims to find a Collaborative Governance model to prevent the spread of political hoaxes. This study uses a qualitative approach to reveal the forms and types of hoaxes on social media and reveal hidden values. The data collection method used focused observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The results of the study show, namely: Frist, a political hoax is a form of Cyber Crime that seems simple easy to do but has a significant impact on people's social life. Second, types of political hoaxes, including, namely Satire or Parody, Misleading Content, Counterfeit Content, Fake Content, Wrong Connections, False content, and manipulated content. The strategy for dealing with political hoaxes is the movement to educate the public to be more critical in politics. The government must be supported by elements of education, independent state institutions, and other social institutions. The political literacy movement is a comprehensive effort that involves all parties and elements intensely and continuously in the fight against lies. Apart from values and norms, legal, social, and religious instruments must be included there. Political hoax must be considered a social disaster in the political space.

Since the mid-1990s, Lyon, like other French metropolises, has experienced a reappearance of squats and slums, mainly inhabited by European populations identified as Roma. This thesis proposes an analysis of local public action developed in the metropolitan area, from the perspective of the sociology of urban governance and the instrumentation of public action.In the first part, the thesis looks back at the social phenomenon (based in particular on the experiences of three people present in the area) and its translation into a public problem, demonstrating the gradual emergence of a shared objective of reducing the problem. The second part highlights the existence of a relatively dense, organised public action, with polycentric governance involving a wide range of local, public and private actors within the local public action system. It highlights two types of public action tools: on the one hand, short-term projects, with dedicated funding, aiming at the integration of the public; on the other hand, measures mainly aiming at either sheltering or expelling people. The third and last part returns to the organising principles of this local public action, and proposes the notion of low noise policy. It demonstrates the creation of a discrete 'integration pathway', largely distinct from the mainstream pathway. The low-noise policy is based on three elements: the first is made up of mechanisms that derogate from ordinary law, and of instituted practices of non-recourse The thesis thus proposes a new type of non-recourse, non-recourse by prohibition. The other two elements are the massive mobilisation of 'voluntary workers' involved in social support and the transition to ordinary law, and the sidelining of any form of participation of people within public action. Thus, the thesis proposes an exploration of the local system of public action, the characteristics of which are marked by the history, the culture and the specific characteristics of the territory observed. ; Depuis le milieu des années 1990, Lyon comme les autres métropoles française a connu une réapparition des squats et bidonvilles, majoritairement habités par des populations européennes identifiées comme Rom. Cette thèse propose une analyse de l'action publique locale développée sur le territoire métropolitain, sous l'angle de la sociologie de la gouvernance urbaine et de l'instrumentation de l'action publique. Dans une première partie, la thèse revient sur le phénomène social (à partir notamment du parcours de trois personnes présentes sur le territoire) et sa traduction en problème public, en démontrant l'émergence progressive d'un objectif partagé de résorption. La deuxième partie met en lumière l'existence d'une action publique relativement dense, organisée, à la gouvernance polycentrique impliquant un large ensemble d'acteur locaux, publics et privés au sein du système local d'action publique. Elle met en avant deux types d'outils de l'action publique : d'une part les projets de court terme, aux financements dédiés, visant à l'insertion des publics ; d'autre part les dispositifs visant principalement soit à la mise à l'abri soit à l'expulsion des personnes. La troisième et dernière partie revient sur les principes organisateurs de cette action publique locale, et propose la notion de politique à bas bruit. Elle démontre en effet la création d'une « filière d'insertion » discrète, en grande partie distincte de la filière de droit commun. Le bas-bruit de la politique repose sur trois éléments : le premier est composé de mécanismes dérogatoires au droit commun, et de pratiques instituées de non-recoursLa thèse propose ainsi un nouveau type de non-recours, le non-recours par interdiction. Les deux autres éléments sont la mobilisation massive de « travailleurs bénévoles » impliqués sur l'accompagnement social et le passage vers le droit commun, et la mise à l'écart de toute forme de participation des personnes au sein de l'action publique. Ainsi, la thèse propose une exploration du système local d'action publique, dont les caractéristiques sont marquées par l'histoire, la culture et les caractéristiques propres au territoire observé.