To restore China's "the greatness", the Vietnamese revolution became one part of "Chinese internationalism" from 1950. Helping the Vietnamese communist forces to fight againts the Americans was also consistent with the revolutionary goal of the CCP against the bipolar system. In South-East Asia, "the neutralization" was proposed by General de Gaulle because of the Indochinese conflicts from the 1960's. To appease tensions in Asia and break the bipolar logic, de Gaulle wanted to recognize P.R.China. However, after the mutual recognition in 1964, the diversity of strategic and ideological objectives undermined the Sino-French negotiations concernning Vietnam. Political relations between China and France became strained . China strongly opposed the US-Vietnamese negotiation in Paris. When the problem of Vietnam had become a pawn for cooperation with the United States in order to establish a united front against the USSR since 1972, China finally accepted a peaceful solution proposed by France, and supported with France a good execution of the Paris Agreements. After the fall of Saigon in 1975, China encouraged France to maintain good relations with communist forces. However, the Vietnamese Communist ideology undermined Franco-Chinese efforts. The relationship between France and reunited Vietnam was modest. France could not play an important role in the development of the Indochinese situation. France and China did not have a fundamental divergence in the Sino-Vietnamese war in 1979. ; Pour rétablir « la grandeur » de la Chine, le problème vietnamien devint un enjeu important de « l'internationalisme chinois » à partir de 1950. Aider les forces communistes vietnamiennes à lutter contre les Américains s'accordait avec l'objectif révolutionnaire du PCC contre le système bipolaire. En Asie du Sud-est, l'idée de « la neutralisation » fut proposée par le général de Gaulle en raison des conflits indochinois à partir des années 1960. Pour apaiser les tensions asiatiques et casser la logique bipolaire, de Gaulle voulait reconnaitre la Chine populaire. Cependant, après la reconnaissance mutuelle en 1964, la diversité des objectifs stratégiques et idéologiques mina les négociations sino-françaises concernant le Vietnam. Les relations politiques entre la Chine et la France se refroidirent. La Chine s'opposait fortement à la négociation américano-vietnamienne à Paris. Lorsque le problème vietnamien était devenu un enjeu pour la coopération avec les États-Unis, et en vue d'établir un front uni contre l'URSS depuis 1972, la Chine acceptait finalement une solution pacifique proposée par la France, et soutenait avec la France une bonne exécution des accords de Paris. Après la chute de Saigon en 1975, la Chine encourageait la France à maintenir la bonne relation avec les forces communistes. Cependant, l'idéologie communiste vietnamienne mina les efforts franco-chinois. La relation entre la France et le Vietnam réunifié était modeste. La France ne pouvait pas jouer un rôle important dans le développement de la situation indochinoise. La France et la Chine n'avaient donc pas de divergence fondamentale dans la guerre sino-vietnamienne en 1979.
To restore China's "the greatness", the Vietnamese revolution became one part of "Chinese internationalism" from 1950. Helping the Vietnamese communist forces to fight againts the Americans was also consistent with the revolutionary goal of the CCP against the bipolar system. In South-East Asia, "the neutralization" was proposed by General de Gaulle because of the Indochinese conflicts from the 1960's. To appease tensions in Asia and break the bipolar logic, de Gaulle wanted to recognize P.R.China. However, after the mutual recognition in 1964, the diversity of strategic and ideological objectives undermined the Sino-French negotiations concernning Vietnam. Political relations between China and France became strained . China strongly opposed the US-Vietnamese negotiation in Paris. When the problem of Vietnam had become a pawn for cooperation with the United States in order to establish a united front against the USSR since 1972, China finally accepted a peaceful solution proposed by France, and supported with France a good execution of the Paris Agreements. After the fall of Saigon in 1975, China encouraged France to maintain good relations with communist forces. However, the Vietnamese Communist ideology undermined Franco-Chinese efforts. The relationship between France and reunited Vietnam was modest. France could not play an important role in the development of the Indochinese situation. France and China did not have a fundamental divergence in the Sino-Vietnamese war in 1979. ; Pour rétablir « la grandeur » de la Chine, le problème vietnamien devint un enjeu important de « l'internationalisme chinois » à partir de 1950. Aider les forces communistes vietnamiennes à lutter contre les Américains s'accordait avec l'objectif révolutionnaire du PCC contre le système bipolaire. En Asie du Sud-est, l'idée de « la neutralisation » fut proposée par le général de Gaulle en raison des conflits indochinois à partir des années 1960. Pour apaiser les tensions asiatiques et casser la logique bipolaire, de Gaulle voulait reconnaitre la Chine populaire. Cependant, après la reconnaissance mutuelle en 1964, la diversité des objectifs stratégiques et idéologiques mina les négociations sino-françaises concernant le Vietnam. Les relations politiques entre la Chine et la France se refroidirent. La Chine s'opposait fortement à la négociation américano-vietnamienne à Paris. Lorsque le problème vietnamien était devenu un enjeu pour la coopération avec les États-Unis, et en vue d'établir un front uni contre l'URSS depuis 1972, la Chine acceptait finalement une solution pacifique proposée par la France, et soutenait avec la France une bonne exécution des accords de Paris. Après la chute de Saigon en 1975, la Chine encourageait la France à maintenir la bonne relation avec les forces communistes. Cependant, l'idéologie communiste vietnamienne mina les efforts franco-chinois. La relation entre la France et le Vietnam réunifié était modeste. La France ne pouvait pas jouer un rôle important dans le développement de la situation indochinoise. La France et la Chine n'avaient donc pas de divergence fondamentale dans la guerre sino-vietnamienne en 1979.
Defence date: 4 November 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Corinna Unger, European University Institute ; Professor Davide Rodogno, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva ; Professor Andrew Arsan, University of Cambridge ; This thesis explores the reconfiguration of colonial empires in the interwar years through four cases of anti-colonial nationalist insurrection and imperial repression from the British, French and Spanish Middle East: the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, the Iraqi revolt of the following year, the Rif War in Morocco (1921–26), and the Great Syrian Revolt (1925). Scholars have alternatively portrayed the years between the World Wars—and especially the 1920s—as the era of nationalism, the apogee of European imperialism and the age of internationalism. This thesis investigates four short circuits among the three forces, by comparing the selected cases along two main lines. First of all, my preoccupation has been to trace their international resonance throughout the public debate of the metropolitan powers and the League of Nations bodies. Furthermore, I have attempted to assess whether and how, in each case, this international resonance shaped the policy of the imperial powers. Recently, Erez Manela and Robert Gerwath have portrayed the 'long' Great War as the inauguration of a process of imperial decline eventually leading to decolonization. The general picture of Middle Eastern events resulting from my case-studies is rather that of a 'war of adjustment' of the Euro-Mediterranean imperial complex lasting from the opening of the Paris Conference up to the 'pacification' of the Moroccan and Syrian theaters. Anxious about the preservation of their imperial status and pressed by war-exhausted and public-spending-intolerant national opinions, the European powers employed unrestrained military force to annihilate rebellions as quickly and definitively as possible. Metropolitan authorities accepted negotiations with indigenous elites only when facing the reoccurrence of insurgency—like in Egypt, out of a recalculation of costs and benefits—like in Iraq, or under international pressure—like in Syria. Conversely, although insurgent violence reached impressive peaks of brutality, especially in Morocco, Middle Eastern nationalist 'agitators' conceived of armed insurrection in a fully Clausewitzan way, that is, as part of a broader political strategy. Their infatuation with internationalist ideologies or the faith in 'third' international institutions never mislead anti-colonial elites up to the point of believing that they could get rid of European control on a complete and permanent basis. Instead, Sa'ad Zaghloul and his neighbor 'homologous' exploited insurgency in combination with international claim-making and appeals to metropolitan public opinions as part a comprehensive effort to force imperial governments to negotiations and reshape colonial rule on more collaborative and progressive bases. In sum, alongside and in strict interaction with petitioning, 'revolting' became a way of life of post-1919 colonial subjects.
Рассматриваются взаимные контакты В.А. Жуковского с немецко-швейцарским миром в широком историко-культурном контексте. Впервые предметом исследования выступает многолетний творческий диалог русского поэта с наставницей Александры Федоровны, швейцаркой М.М. Вильдермет. В эпистолярных посланиях фрейлины к воспитателю наследника 1830-х гг. выявляются мотивы и образы, характерные для историософского дискурса Жуковского-прозаика в конце 1840 начале 1850-х гг. ; The axiological and semantic dominant idea of Zhukovsky's Swiss overtone became the Romanticist creation in general, connecting the opposing parts, Romanticist ''there'' and the reality; life and existence, painting and literature, Philosophy and Esthetics. The pathos of the didactic enlightenment exists in the Zhukovsky's Swiss overtone intentionally. In the undertone of the ideological-aesthetic unity, relating the connection between the Romanticist's creative works and Switzerland, there is a figure of M.M. Wildermeth, a maid of honor, who taught and supported Zhukovsky for many years. The French language letters of 1826-1833 by Wildermeth to Zhukovsky preserved in Saint-Petersburg Manuscript Department of the National Library of Russia are worth special attention. Most of them (sixteen of twenty) were written when the poet was in Switzerland in the beginning of the 1830s. The subject of liberty and revolution, people and power, the idea of divine disposal in history are mentioned in the dialogue by Zhukovsky and elaborated in Wildermeth's answers. The avalanche metaphor that appears in her text will rebellow in the ''volcanic'' imagery of the Romanticist's late prose. Zhukovsky's lines sound in unison in the letters to Alexander Nikolaevich, the Great Duke, (February 29, 1848) included in the paper ''What Will Be?'', and a detailed part of Wildermeth's letter to the poet (December 13, 1830). The commitment to the Christian truth and the pursuance of the conservative views in the situation of anarchy and fatal chaos were the positions Zhukovsky will have later observing the conditions in the Germany of the 1840s. These positions define the thoughts of the maid of honor in the letters from Switzerland in the beginning of the 1830s. Wildermeth's words seem to anticipate Zhukovsky's late prose. The warning apocalyptic motives together with the flaming optimism, hope for the mission of Russia, are realized in her letters and in many Zhukovsky's Russian and German papers of the end of the 1840-1850s. The same way Zhukovsky believes in God, sees the real world order salvation in the stability of the Russian Empire in the 1840s, in the beginning of the 1830s Wildermeth finds a solution of the acute political and social problems in Europe in her compact world in native Switzerland. The most important Romanticism constructs of ''Mine'' and ''Other'', the images of Russia and Switzerland, connected with Russian imperial family and the sense of revolutionary movement are realized in M.M. Wildermeth's letters to V.A. Zhukovsky. The dialogue between the maid of honor and the poet on the political and social problems in Europe in the 1830s sets the tone, in which Zhukovsky will work actively in Germany in the 1840s.
Afro-Atlantic Dialogues: Anthropology in the Diaspora, edited by Kevin A. Yelvington (reviewed by Aisha Khan)Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585-1660, by Linda M. Heywood & John K. Thornton (reviewed by James H. Sweet)An Eye for the Tropics: Tourism, Photography, and Framing the Caribbean Picturesque, by Krista A. Thompson (reviewed by Carl Thompson)Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, by William F. Keegan (reviewed by Frederick H. Smith) Historic Cities of the Americas: An Illustrated Encyclopedia, by David F. Marley (reviewed by Richard L. Kagan) Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited by Christopher Leslie Brown & Philip D. Morgan (reviewed by James Sidbury)Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados, by Russell R. Menard (reviewed by Kenneth Morgan)Jamaica in 1850 or, The Effects of Sixteen Years of Freedom on a Slave Colony, by John Bigelow (reviewed by Jean Besson) Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism, by Christopher Leslie Brown (reviewed by Cassandra Pybus) Caribbean Journeys: An Ethnography of Migration and Home in Three Family Networks, by Karen Fog Olwig (reviewed by George Gmelch) Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and the Politics of Incorporation: Ethnicity, Exception, or Exit, by Reuel R. Rogers (reviewed by Kevin Birth) Puerto Rican Arrival in New York: Narratives of the Migration, 1920-1950, edited by Juan Flores (reviewed by Wilson A. Valentín-Escobar)The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century, by Christopher Schmidt-Nowara (reviewed by Aline Helg)Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World, edited by Pamela Scully & Diana Paton (reviewed by Bernard Moitt) Gender and Democracy in Cuba, by Ilja A. Luciak (reviewed by Florence E. Babb) The "New Man" in Cuba: Culture and Identity in the Revolution, by Ana Serra (reviewed by Jorge Duany) Lydia Cabrera and the Construction of an Afro-Cuban Cultural Identity, by Edna M. Rodríguez-Mangual (reviewed by Brian Brazeal) Worldview, the Orichas, and Santeria: Africa to Cuba and Beyond, by Mercedes Cros Sandoval (reviewed by Elizabeth Pérez)The 1812 Aponte Rebellion in Cuba and the Struggle against Atlantic Slavery, by Matt D. Childs (reviewed by Manuel Barcia) Caliban and the Yankees: Trinidad and the United States Occupation, by Harvey R. Neptune (reviewed by Selwyn Ryan) Claims to Memory: Beyond Slavery and Emancipation in the French Caribbean, by Catherine A. Reinhardt (reviewed by Dominique Taffin) The Grand Slave Emporium, Cape Coast Castle and the British Slave Trade, by William St. Clair (reviewed by Ray A. Kea) History of the Caribbean, by Frank Moya Pons (reviewed by Olwyn M. Blouet) Out of the Crowded Vagueness: A History of the Islands of St Kitts, Nevis & Anguilla, by Brian Dyde (reviewed by Karen Fog Olwig) Scoping the Amazon: Image, Icon, Ethnography, by Stephen Nugent (reviewed by Neil L. Whitehead)
Sally Price & Richard Price; Romare Bearden: The Caribbean Dimension (J. Michael Dash)J. Lorand Matory; Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, Transnationalism, and Matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé (Stephan Palmié)Dianne M. Stewart; Three Eyes for the Journey: African Dimensions of the Jamaican Religious Experience (Betty Wood)Toyin Falola & Matt D. Childs (eds.); The Yoruba Diaspora in the Atlantic World (Kim D. Butler)Silvio Torres-Saillant; An Intellectual History of the Caribbean (Anthony P. Maingot)J.H. Elliott; Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830 (Aaron Spencer Fogleman)Elizabeth Mancke & Carole Shammmmas (eds.); The Creation of the British Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Adam Hochschild; Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire's Slaves (Cassssandra Pybus)Walter Johnson (ed.); The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (Gregory E. O'Malley)P.C. Emmer; The Dutch Slave Trade, 1500-1850 (Victor Enthoven)Philip Beidler & Gary Taylor (eds.); Writing Race Across the Atlantic World, Medieval to Modern (Eric Kimball)Felix Driver & Luciana Martins (eds.); Tropical Visions in an Age of Empire (Peter Redfield)Elizabeth A. Bohls & Ian Duncan (eds.); Travel Writing, 1700-1830: An Anthology (Carl Thompson)Alison Donnell; Twentieth-Century Caribbean Literature: Critical Moments in Anglophone Literary History (Sue N. Greene)Luís Madureira; Cannibal Modernities: Postcoloniality and the Avant-garde in Caribbean and Brazilian Literature (Lúcia Sá)Zilkia Janer; Puerto Rican Nation-Building Literature: Impossible Romance (Jossianna Arroyo)Sherrie L. Baver & Barbara Deutsch Lynch (eds.); Beyond Sun and Sand: Caribbean Environmentalisms (Rivke Jaffe)Joyce Moore Turner, with the assistance of W. Burghardt Turner; Caribbean Crusaders and the Harlem Renaissance (Gert Oostindie)Lisa D. McGill; Constructing Black Selves: Caribbean American Narratives and the Second Generation (Mary Chamberlain)Mark Q. Sawyer; Racial Politics in Post-Revolutionary Cuba (Alejandra Bronfman)Franklin W. Knight & Teresita Martínez-Vergne (eds.); Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context (R. Charles Price)Luis A. Figueroa; Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico (Astrid Cubano Iguina)Rosa E. Carrasquillo; Our Landless Patria: Marginal Citizenship and Race in Caguas, Puerto Rico, 1880-1910 (Ileana M. Rodriguez-Silva) Michael Largey; Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism (Julian Gerstin)Donna P. Hope; Inna di Dancehall: Popular Culture and the Politics of Identity in Jamaica (Daniel Neely)Gloria Wekker; The Politics of Passion: Women's Sexual Culture in the Afro-Surinamese Diaspora (W. van Wetering)Claire Lefebvre; Issues in the Study of Pidgin and Creole Languages (Salikoko S. Mufwene)
Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers' Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d'un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; "God and Trujillo": Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4
Im 19. Jahrhundert, als die industrielle Revolution im Westen die Natur der Großstädte grundlegend änderte und aus ihnen ein anonymes und gleichgültiges 'Wesen' machte, wurde den Städten außerhalb der Grenzen des technisch fortgeschrittenen Lebensraumes eine neue Aufmerksamkeit zugewendet: Diese fernen Orte wurden als ein Spielraum verstanden und erlebt, wo die Stadt dem Reisenden gegenüber als ein verführerisches 'Wesen' hervortrat. Die Zunahme von Reisen aus dem Westen veränderte aber auch die exotische Kultur dieser Städte, die bald der Versuchung, das glänzende materielle Reichtum nachzuahmen, nicht widerstehen konnten. Durch diese Versuche – als 'Modernisierung' bekannt – wurden die ursprünglichen Identitäten radikal in Frage gestellt. So eine Großstadt, ein "zerstückelter Raum distinktiver Zeichen" (Baudrillard), ist Istanbul. Auf dem vielschichtigen Feld teils einander entgegengesetzten, teils miteinander eng verbundenen Erfahrungen der Reisenden haben drei französische Autoren die Wirklichkeiten Istanbuls auf eine besondere Weise vermittelt: Théophile Gautier mit Constantinople (1853), Pierre Loti mit Le cycle turc (1879-1921) und Alain Robbe-Grillet mit L'Immortelle (1962; 1963), deren schriftliche Darstellungen [Zeitungsartikel, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, Szenenbeschreibungen] jeweils mit einer bildlichen Darstellung [Malerei, Photographie, Film] verknüpft sind. Diese mediale Zusammenstellung besitzt die Besonderheit, daß die Vermittlung von Stadt- bzw. Kulturerfahrungen der genannten Künstler-Autoren die Grenzen einer gradlinigen Mimesis überschreiten und die Möglichkeiten einer wirklichkeitsnahen Beschreibung des 'fremden' Objekts [Istanbul] vervielfältigen. Die Medien, die individuell eine Stadt formulieren, werden ihrerseits zu autonomen Vermittler und visualisieren das abwesende Objekt für den Rezipienten unabhängig von den Fremdeindrücken der Reisenden. Infolgedessen läßt sich die hybride Identität von Istanbul im Wandel von Perspektiven und Medien rekonstruieren, womit sich die Intermedialität auseinandersetzt. ; The history of the city of Istanbul has been marked bys the constant shifting of territorial power between European States and the Ottoman Empire. With the beginning of the 19th century, Istanbul became the West's most important political target and the East's most hybrid cultural center. This thesis examines representations of Istanbul in minor works of three French travelers: Newspaper articles by Théophile Gautier (Constantinople, 1853), journal entries by Pierre Loti (Le cycle turc, 1879-1921) and a film script by Alain Robbe-Grillet (L'Immortelle, 1962; 1963). Their writings on Istanbul work as a means of reconstructing fantasy, experience, and memory which leave the margin of written language and search for complementary expression within pictorial languages. The main corpus of analysis here, the verbal description, is used in connection with painting, photography, and film in order to determine some of the forms and characteristics in which Istanbul manifests its own identity. Another leading line of the thesis focuses on Edward Saïd's argumentation in Orientalism in which he shows that the Western image of the East is a stereotype and therefore has no value of authenticity. This analysis tries to explain that not all 'image' can be underestimated as cliché: There are certain distinctions to be made according to which images – even though adequately generalized as cliché – have fundamental values as individual historical documents based, unavoidably, on subjective perceptions. To this end, the work examines those individual perceptions in different media and explores the limits of expression: What are the processes of seeing and perceiving the 'other'? What are the results of such encounters with what is named 'alien' from a distance? And, most importantly, what is the 'reality' of what seemed to be a promising picturesque dreamland – Istanbul?
In: The economic history review, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 298-331
ISSN: 1468-0289
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In: The economic history review, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 469-522
ISSN: 1468-0289
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The foundation of human speech / León Cadogan -- Contact, servitude and resistance / Branislava Susnik -- Spanish-Guaraní relations in early colonial Paraguay / Elman R. Service -- The land-without-evil / Hélène Clastres -- The Republic of Plato and the Guaraní / José Manuel Peramás -- A vanished Arcadia / R.B. Cunninghame Graham -- The revolt of the Comuneros / Adalberto López -- A report on Paraguay in the London press of 1824 / Anonymous -- A nation held hostage / Justo Prieto -- In defense of Doctor Francia / Richard Alan White -- Autonomy, authoritarianism and development / Thomas Whigham -- The Treaty of the Triple Alliance : "I Die with my Country!" / Thomas Whigham -- A chronicle of war / Leandro Pineda -- The Lomas Valentinas note / Francisco Solano López -- Memoirs of the Paraguayan war / Gaspar Centurión -- The women of Piribebuy / Juan O'Leary -- The death of López at Cerro Corá / Silvestre Aveiro -- Sufferings of a French lady in Paraguay / Dorotea Duprat de Lasserre -- Declaration and protest / Eliza Lynch -- The psychology of López / William Stewart -- Paraguayan society in the post-war decade / Harris Gaylord Warren -- The "Lincolnshire Farmers" in Paraguay / Annie Elizabeth Kennett -- My pilgrimage to Caacupé / Norman O. Brown -- What it's like to work in the yerba plantations / Rafael Barrett -- The treatment of tree-fellers and timber workers / Reinaldo López Fretes -- The golden age (without a nickel) / Helio Vera -- The causes of poverty in Paraguay / Teodosio González -- The Mennonites arrive in the Chaco / Walter Quiring -- The Paraguatan character / Juan Sinforiano Bogarín -- The Paraguatan people and their natural tendencies / Natalicio González -- Cultural exile / Agustín Barrios -- Profession of faith / Agustín Barrios -- A new national ideology / Oscar Creydt ... [et.al.] -- Capturing volunteers / Carlos Reyes -- The Battle of Boquerón / Alfredo Seiferheld -- Memoirs of a man from Concepción / Carlos María Sienra Bonzi -- A visit to Villa Hayes Military Hospital number 16 / Reginald Thompson -- Scenes of thirst / Hugo Rodríguez Alcalá -- A handful of earth / Herib Campos Cervera -- Proclamation of the Febrerista Revolution / F.W. Smith and Camilo Recalde -- How beautiful your voice : accounts of the history of the Enlhet of Ya'alve-Saanga / Ernesto Unruh and Hannes Kalisch -- The Revolution of 1947 / Carlos María Sienra Bonzi as told to Roberto Sienra Zavala -- A half hour in my childhood / Eva Bichsel -- Toward a Weberian characterization of the Stroessner regime / Marcial Riquelme -- The revolutionary spirit of the Colorado Party / Luis María Argaña -- The tragedy of Fram / Jorge Rubiani -- Be careful, dictator / Elvio Romero -- The worm in the lotus blossom / Graham Greene -- A short history of the Northern Ache people / Kim Hill -- The testimony of Saturnina Almada -- An interview with Corsino Coronel -- Apocalypse / Alfredo Boccia -- My farewell speech / Carmen Lara Castro -- The death of Somoza / Claribel Alegria and Darwin Flakoll -- My vote is for the people / Alcibiades González Delvalle -- Writing as a metaphor for exile / Augusto Roa Bastos -- Paraguay's terror archive / Andrew Nickson -- "A Hundred and Eight" and a burned body : the story not told by the Truth and Justice Commission / Anselmo Ramos -- The final report of the Truth and Justice Commission / Andrés D. Ramírez -- Alfredo Stroessner : revisiting the general / Isabel Hilton -- Re-establishing the status quo / Andrew Nickson -- We have left our barracks / Andrés Rodríguez -- My deepest respects to the Colorado Party / Helio Vera -- The characteristics of Oviedismo / Milda Rivarola -- In homage to the victims of Ycuá Bolaños / Luis Irala -- Where are they? / Alberto Rodas -- The Ayoreo people / Mateo Sobode Chiquenoi -- So much exoticism can be deceptive / Alfredo Boccia Paz -- Inaugural presidential speech / Fernando Lugo Méndez -- First person : Margarita Mbywangi / as told to Jude Webber -- Lessons on paternity from Lugo / Clyde Soto -- Itaipú : an historic achievement that will need to be closely monitored / Ricardo Canese -- A fine woman / Andrés Colmán Gutiérrez -- Ciudad del Este's deadly trade route / Jude Webber -- The challenge of conserving a natural Chaco habitat in the face of severe deforestation pressure and human development needs / Alberto Yanosky -- History, identity and Paraguayidad / Peter Lambert -- Change and continuity in Paraguayan history? 1811, 1911, 2011 / Andrew Nickson -- The Arcadian tragedy / George Pendle -- The bicentenary of Paraguayan independence and of the Guaraní language / Miguel Ángel Verón -- The Afro-descendants of Paraguay / Ignacio Telesca -- Authoritarian ideology : final comments / Guido Rodríguez Alcalá -- With the help of Doña Petrona we make an incursion into folk cuisine / Helio Vera -- Enough of the triple alliance / Jorge Rubiani -- Tereré as a social bond / Derlis Benítez Alvarenga -- The status of women / Riordan Roett and Richard Scott Sacks -- Self portrait, Bernarda María and the Serpent / Pepa Kostianovsky -- Erico / Jorge Barraza -- Recipe for Chipa Guazú / Doña Aída -- National anthem in Guaraní / Félix de Guarania
The term res publica (literally "thing of the people") was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the "good life" (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each "constitutional" type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a "mixed" and "balanced" system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the "public thing". This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his "natural" counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as "politically virtuous" as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a "monarchy hedged by republican institutions", a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of "passive" citizens, justified by "enlightened", property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
In Europe, nineteenth‐century historicism, with its conscious association of the past with the present, initiated a veritable flood of public monuments — the cities were literally stuffed full of architectural sculpture and statues. At the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, Ljubljana was caught up in the winds of change and started to replace its German façade with a Slovene one. Growing national conflicts in the multinational monarchy also played a role in the creation of memorial sculpture. The subsequent changes in political borders have resulted in further changes of symbols — those monuments to statesmen which had occupied the most important areas of the city, announcing to the world that Ljubljana was the true capital of the Slovene nation. Only the monument to Napoleon, a reminder of the 'bright years of the French occupation', has survived in Ljubljana, having been erected after the first world war, when Slovenia was no longer a part of the Austro‐Hungarian Empire. History repeated itself after the second world war and after the creation of Slovenia as an independent state. This paper contends that the true meaning of the removal and replacement of monuments, now that Slovenia is an independent country, is no more than a replacement of one myth with another. In this case, the replacement of the myth that the country of Slovenia was born during the national liberation war and socialist revolution between 1941 and 1945, with the myth that there was no national liberation struggle but merely a socialist revolution. The removal of monuments also represents the blotting out of history: an erased memory of Austria and the first and second Yugoslavias. Historical space has always been filled with a national myth in the sense of an age‐old yearning of Slovenes for their own state. Therefore the history of the Slovenes is largely a history of correction, a history of myths. There is no history between us and our ancient ancestors, merely an unbroken line of yearning for an independent state. Paradoxically, this is taking place under the rubric of a return to Europe, while it is obviously a matter of 'Balkanization'.—L'association délibérée du passé et du présent de l'historicisme du dix‐neuvième siècle en Europe initia un torrent de monuments publics — les villes étaient littéralement bourrées de sculptures architecturales et de statues. À la fin du dix‐neuvième siècle et au début du vingtième, Ljubljana fut prise par un climat de changement et commença à remplacer sa façade allemande par une façade slovène. Les conflits nationaux grandissant dans la monarchie multinationale jouèrent aussi un rôle dans la création de sculptures commémoratives. Les changements subséquents de frontières politiques résultèrent en nouveaux changements de symboles — ces monuments aux hommes d'état qui avaient occupé les endroits les plus importants de la ville, annonçant au monde que Ljubljana était la véritable capitale de la nation slovène. Seul le monument de Napoléon, un rappel des 'beaux jours de l'occupation française', a survécu à Ljubljana, ayant été construit après la première guerre mondiale, quand la Slovénie ne faisait plus partie de l'empire austro‐hongrois. L'histoire se répéta après la deuxième guerre mondiale et après la création de la Slovénie comme état indépendant. Cet article soutient que la vraie signification du déplacement et du changement de monuments, alors que la Slovénie est un pays indépendant, n'est que le remplacement d'un mythe par un autre. Dans ce cas, le remplacement du mythe que le pays de Slovénie est né durant la guerre de libération nationale et la révolution socialiste de 1941–1945 par le mythe qu'il n'y avait pas de lutte de libération nationale mais seulement une révolution socialiste. L'enlèvement des monuments représente aussi l'oblitération de l'histoire: un souvenir de l'Autriche et de la première et seconde Yougoslavies effacé. L'espace historique a toujours été comblé par un mythe national, à savoir un ancient désir des slovènes d'avoir leur propre état. Ainsi l'histoire des slovènes est essentiellement une histoire de correction, une histoire de mythes. Il n'y a pas d'histoire entre nous et nos ancêtres, simplement une ligne continue de désir d'un état indépendant. Paradoxalement, ceci prend place sous la rubrique d'un retoir vers l'Europe alors que c'est manifestement une question de 'balkanisation'.
In: The economic history review, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 341-396
ISSN: 1468-0289
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The American Petroleum Industry, 1859–1899: The Age of Illumination.
From the nostalgia of the Promised Land to the nostalgia of the exile land of the Moroccan Israelites The disappearance of the Jews in Morocco, noticed after the fact, gave rise to a great deal of questioning: were the motives behind this phenomenon mystical or Zionist in nature? Or were they the result of persecution? In the Morocco of the 1980's, the mellah showed the only remnants of the civilization, the testament of a bygone existence. Both recent and distant past in the memories of those living alongside the Jews. In pre-Protectorate Morocco, the Judeo-Arabic coexistence gave way to socio-economic organization that can ultimately be called interdependence. Economically speaking, the Jewish existence was seen as necessary for the Muslim society. It was the result of a coexistence, varying according to the era in question and the reigning symbiosis and hostility. Trades a Muslim could not or did not wish to take on were left to the Jews, from import-export trade to peddling. This division of work, perceived as both discrimination and allocation, is representative of the ambiguity of the Judeo-Arabic relation. This ambiguity disturbs the work of researchers in the field. If Jews were merely tolerated, subject to their discriminatory status, so be it, but their presence was still generally seen as necessary by the Muslim. By the same token, the Jews' political substatus in Muslim society represented a permanent strength against assimilation, and the preservation of an ancestral link with the homeland. The mellah, symbolizing exclusion, also allowed the Jewish community to be a homogenous social, political, economical and cultural group, a micro-society whose religious identity was constant and rigorous growth, through a series of rituals and practices. Tradition kept identity alive: the Jewish identity, alive in a single prayer to return to Holy Land. The fragile Judeo-Arabic equilibrium, little-known by those who dreamt of colonizing North Africa (beginning in the 19th century), was upset by the French Protectorate of Morocco (1912-1956). With its colonialist ideology, the latter imposes a policy that widened the gap between Jews and Muslims, exacerbating their religious differences and affecting their relations. The Protectorate Morocco had a rude awakening to a number of outside influences -the invasion of European capitalism, administrative reforms and modernism- causing rapid destruction of traditional values. The population grew poorer in their inability to maintain the furious pace of this revolution, while the Muslim intellectual youth, deprived of its traditional privileges, took up the struggle against the foreign stranglehold on its country. The spare of early nationalism driven by the Protectorate's so-called Berber politics, whose project was to distinguish between Berbers and Moroccans through possible conversion to Catholicism and the French language. The anticolonialist struggle found its way in a growing Islamic identity which attracted the masses and united Moroccan leaders behind the struggles of North Africa. In the Jewish community, the effect of the Protectorate is more significant. The westernization process attracts an elite aspiring to rise to the European level using the French language and culture, and wishing to legitimately free itself from the demeaning dhimma status. A long way from the parent population whose fate is the same as the Muslims, privileged individuals of the Jewish community distance themselves both from the religious tradition of the Jewish identity as well as the age-old Judeo-Arabic rituals. This distinction manifests itself in education and travel, or simply moving away. The new class of Europeanized Jews abandons the use of the vernacular for French and leaves the mellah to the poor, the uneducated, and the destitute. The tensions between Jews and Arabs in Palestine, intensified by the Balfour Declaration (1917), also feed the Muslim-Arabic identity whose followers include Muslim nationalists. This option distances the Jewish community from the political scene and thus future Moroccan perspectives. While the Muslim mass is won through this struggle, the Jewish mass continues, away from the political upheavals shaking the Arabic world, to dream of the Promised Land and nurture a sense of nostalgia. This nostalgia is fulfilled with the declaration of the State of Israel in 1948, thus launching the Moroccan 'aliya. Exile was the great memory, the mystical nostalgia, wandering and danger, uprooting and spiritual affirmation. Moroccan roots were merely of convenience despite lasting so many generations, though Moroccan Jews had buried there their forefathers, created shared ways and customs, tended to their cherished cemeteries, developed their languages. and nonetheless Morocco spiritually had only ever been a temporary home, a land of transition, a lesser evil in adversity? Once the wandering and danger over, what of this Promised Land? Did some nourishment, for the mind and body, heart and soul, rise from this new breeding ground where the long awaited and conflicted resettlement occurred? The components of the plural memory have come together in the great gathering: places, values and manners, feelings, social perceptions, exposing to all the divide, the diversity and marks of exile, showing the socio-theologico-political disparities. Disparities that Zionism, in its hope for Jewish unity, planned to standardize and smooth into unity. A project impossible without the cultural uprooting and the identity crisis of North Africans. Taken to Israel beginning in 1948, Moroccan Jews met with a Western model established by the pioneers of European socialism: the Ashkenazi. Very early, the Israeli population was divided into two groups; the Ashkenazi, founders of the country they lead, and their recently immigrated coreligionists: the North Africans, who, for the first twenty years of their lives in Israel, would be members of the proletariat. The messianic ideal motivating the Moroccan 'alya confronted the secular conception of the Israeli state. This conception involves the rejection of the Diaspora heritage and the Exile of the Jews in favour of a new "normal" nation in the image of developed Western societies. The secular State based on legitimate representation of the Jewish people, replaces religious identification with a state identification or nationalism, a status unknown to Moroccan immigrants barely removed from their secular status as traditional religious minority. To the Judaism by choice succeeds Judaism by nature and community organization becomes a complex state organization closed to new citizens. For new Moroccan immigrants, the Jewish identity should suffice for integration into the Promised Land, but once arrived, the reality of significant differences regarding religious practice, language, rituals, tradition, and economic differences caused disillusion of the sacred dream: "In Morocco, he was Jewish, Jewish through the heritage of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Jewish tangled in the holy and sacred Law of Moses. (.) In Israel, he became -what a turn of events!- Arabic." Out of this disillusion arose nostalgia, nostalgia for the first nostalgia, nostalgia for the exile that some authors (Ami Bouganim, Erez Bitton) would continue to sing: "She sings the exile, a nostalgic tone in the voice, the exile from Jerusalem, the exile from Spain, the exile from Morocco. (.) She sings a Spanish serenade then a French song, an Arabic threnody then a hymn in Hebrew. (.) Without end, Zohra's songs recreate the fabulous scenery of her past." Recreate the scenery of one's past to struggle against the oblivion of the deads and the depersonalization of the livings. Recalling an identity lost in a process of assimilation imposing the oblivion of the Jewish Diaspora and the rebirth of Modern Hebrew. Memory finds its place once again: recreating an identity and a culture parallel to the national Israeli identity and culture. And this reconstitution is first reactivated through maternal memory, a domestic memory constituting ancestral rituals, smell of cooking, laughters, household tasks, games, festive music, superstitions and rumours, jokes in local dialect. folkloric memories. Because the mother is the character who embodies tradition, who has been the least touched by the maelstrom of the 'alya. It is in the literary expression of Moroccan Israelites that we see this nostalgia, through characters who do not feel they are part of a coherent Israeli entity. The language, the culture and the mentality exacerbate these differences, and allow their particularism take its course. Even though it is an historical fact, the creation of the Israeli society underwent the rules of immigration. More than elsewhere, the Israeli terrain is best suited for a review of immigration issues: integration, acculturation, ethnic mix, as a hypothesis of the future of societies in the growing globalization of our world. ; De la nostalgie de la terre promise à la nostalgie de la terre d'exil chez les Israéliens originaires du Maroc La disparition, constatée après coup, des Juifs du Maroc suscita bien des interrogations : les motivations de cette envolée étaient-elles de nature mystique ou sioniste ? Ou la conséquence de persécution ? Dans le Maroc des années 80, le mellah seul en montrait les vestiges et témoignait d'une existence révolue. Un passé proche et lointain gisant dans les mémoires de ceux pour qui le Juif fut du voisinage. Dans le Maroc d'avant le Protectorat, la coexistence judéo-arabe donnait lieu à une organisation socio-économique que l'on peut, malgré tout, qualifier d'interdépendance. L'existence juive en société musulmane était reconnue nécessaire au plan économique. Il en découlait une coexistence dont la nature variait selon les périodes et les règnes entre symbiose et hostilité. Les corps de métiers qu'un musulman ne pouvait ou ne voulait faire étaient laissés aux Juifs depuis l'import-export jusqu'au commerce itinérant. Ce partage de fonction qui est perçu à la fois comme une discrimination et une répartition, comporte en soi l'ambiguïté du rapport juif-arabe. Cette ambiguïté embarrasse le travail du chercheur dans ce domaine. Que le Juif ne fut que toléré, soumis au statut discriminatoire, soit, il n'en demeure pas moins que sa présence était généralement reconnue nécessaire par le Musulman. Parallèlement, le sous-statut politique du Juif dans la société musulmane lui était une force permanente contre l'assimilation et pour le maintien d'un lien ancestral avec la terre antique. Le mellah qui symbolisait l'exclusion, permettait aussi à la communauté juive d'être un groupe social, politique, économique et culturel homogène, une micro-société dont l'identité religieuse se cultivait continuellement et rigoureusement en un ensemble de rites et de pratiques. La tradition véhiculait l'identité ; celle d'être juif, animée par une seule prière celle de retrouver la Terre Sainte. Le fragile équilibre judéo-arabe, méconnu par ceux qui rêvent de coloniser l'Afrique du Nord (à partir du 19ème siècle), se déstabilise avec le Protectorat français (1912-1956) au Maroc. Par son idéologie colonialiste, ce dernier avance une politique éloignant encore plus les Juifs des Musulmans en exacerbant leurs différences religieuses et en affectant leurs rapports. Le Maroc du Protectorat s'ouvre brutalement aux influences extérieures : invasion du capitalisme européen, réformes administratives et modernisme, causent une destruction accélérée des valeurs traditionnelles. La masse populaire s'appauvrit, faute de pouvoir suivre le rythme effréné de cette révolution, tandis que la jeunesse intellectuelle musulmane, privée de ses privilèges traditionnels, élabore des formes de lutte contre la mainmise étrangère sur son pays. La flamme naissante du nationalisme est attisée par la politique dite --berbère-- du Protectorat, dont le projet est de distinguer les berbères du peuple marocain par une possible conversion française et catholique. La lutte anti-coloniale trouve alors sa voie dans une identité islamique accrue qui attire les masses et rallie les leaders marocains aux luttes d'Orient. Dans la communauté juive, l'effet du Protectorat est plus conséquent. Le processus d'occidentalisation attire une élite qui aspire à s'élever au niveau des Européens par le moyen de la langue et de la culture française, et veut légitimement s'affranchir du statut réducteur de la dhimma. Loin de la population de base qui subit le même sort que les musulmans, les privilégiés de la communauté juive s'écartent à la fois de la tradition religieuse véhiculant l'identité juive et des coutumes judéo-arabes séculaires. Cette distinction se traduit par l'instruction et l'éloignement géographique. La nouvelle classe juive européanisée abandonne l'usage de la langue vernaculaire au profit du français et laisse le mellah aux pauvres, non instruits, démunis. Les tensions entre Juifs et Arabes en Palestine, affûtées par la Déclaration de Balfour (1917), alimentent, par effet sympathique, l'identité arabo-musulmane à laquelle s'identifient et adhèrent les nationalistes musulmans. Cette option éloigne la communauté juive de la scène politique et donc des perspectives marocaines d'avenir. Tandis que la masse musulmane est gagnée au combat, la masse juive continue, à l'écart des bouleversements politiques qui secouent le monde arabe, à rêver de la terre Promise et en cultiver la nostalgie. Nostalgie qui trouve son accomplissement à la déclaration de l'Etat d'Israël en 1948 et commence alors la 'aliya marocaine. L'exil c'était la grande mémoire, la nostalgie mystique, l'errance et la précarité, le déracinement et l'affirmation du spirituel. L'ancrage marocain ne fut que de circonstance quand bien même il perdura tant et tant de générations, quand bien même les Juifs du Maroc y ont enterré la cohorte de leurs aïeux, créé des us et coutumes partagés, entretenus leurs chers cimetières, forgé leurs langues.et néanmoins le Maroc ne fut, spirituellement, qu'une terre d'attente, un lieu transitoire, un moindre mal dans l'adversité ? Errance et précarité ne sont plus, mais qu'en-est-il de cette terre promise ? Une sève nourricière pour le corps et l'esprit, l'âme et le cœur, a-t-elle monté dans ce nouveau terreau où s'est accompli le réenracinement si longtemps différé ? Dans le grand rassemblement se sont affrontées les composantes de la mémoire plurielle : lieux, mœurs, sentiments, perceptions sociétales, dénonçant au grand jour les lignes de partage, les diversités et les empreintes d'exils, faisant apparaître les disparités socio-théologico-politiques. Disparité que le sionisme, dans son aspiration à l'unité du peuple juif, projetait d'uniformiser et de dissoudre dans l'unicité. Projet qui ne parvint pas sans éviter aux Orientaux le déracinement culturel et la crise d'identité. Envolés vers Israël à partir de 1948, les Juifs marocains rencontrent un modèle occidental établi par les pionniers issus du socialisme européen : les Ashkénazes. Très tôt, la population israélienne est divisée en deux classes ; les Ashkénazes, fondateurs du pays dont ils sont l'élite dirigeante, et leurs coreligionnaires récemment immigrés : les Orientaux, qui durant les vingt premières années de leurs vie israélienne en constitueront le prolétariat. L'idéal messianique qui motivait la 'alya marocaine se heurte à la conception laïque de l'état israélien. Conception qui implique le rejet de l'héritage diasporique et du Juif de l'exil pour une nouvelle nation "normale" à l'image des sociétés occidentales évoluées. L'état, laïque, basé sur une représentation légitime du peuple juif, remplace l'identification religieuse par une identification nationale, statut inconnu des immigrants marocains à peine coupés de leur statut séculaire de minorité religieuse traditionnelle. Au judaïsme de condition succède un judaïsme d'élection et à l'organisation communautaire une organisation étatique complexe et hermétique aux nouveaux citoyens. Aux yeux des immigrés marocains, l'identité juive devait suffire à les intégrer en terre promise, mais une fois là, la mise en présence de différences notables concernant la pratique religieuse, la langue, les coutumes, la tradition, les disparités économiques, produisirent la désillusion du rêve sacré confronté à la réalité concrète : "Au Maroc, il était juif, juif de par l'héritage d'Abraham, d'Isaac et de Jacob, juif empêtré dans la sainte et sacré Loi de Moïse. (.) En Israël, il est devenu --ô farce du destin !- arabe". De cette désillusion naquit la nostalgie, nostalgie de la nostalgie première, nostalgie de l'exil que certains auteurs (Ami Bouganim, Erez Bitton) chanteront sans cesse : "Elle chante l'exil, un embrun nostalgique autour de la voix, l'exil de Jérusalem, l'exil d'Espagne, l'exil du Maroc. (.) Elle passe d'une sérénade en espagnole à une chanson en français, d'une mélopée en arabe à un cantique en hébreu. (.)Sans cesse, les chants de Zohra reconstituent les décors fabuleux de son passé." Reconstituer les décors du passé pour lutter contre l'oubli des morts et la dépersonnalisation des vivants. Retrouver une identité perdue au cours d'un processus d'assimilation qui imposait l'oubli du Juif de la diaspora et la renaissance de l'Hébreu moderne. Ainsi la mémoire retrouve son rôle ; celui de reconstituer une identité et une culture parallèle à l'identité et à la culture nationale israélienne. Et c'est par la mémoire maternelle d'abord que se réactive cette reconstitution, une mémoire domestique faite de coutumes ancestrales, d'odeur de cuisine, de rires, de petits devoirs, de jeu, de musique festives, de superstition et de rumeurs, de blagues en parler local.mémoire folklorique. Car la mère est le personnage de la tradition que le maelström de la 'alya a corrodé le moins. C'est dans l'expression littéraire d'Israéliens issus du Maroc que pointe cette nostalgie avec des personnages qui ne se sentent pas dans une entité israélienne cohérente. Le parler, la culture, la mentalité exacerbent leurs différences et laissent agir leur particularisme. Bien que ce soit une particularité historique, la formation de la société israélienne a subi les règles de l'immigration. Plus qu'ailleurs, le terrain israélien est celui qui, le mieux, se prête à l'examen des problèmes posés par l'immigration : intégration, acculturation, mélange ethnique, en tant qu'hypothèse du devenir des sociétés dans la mondialisation.