Suchergebnisse

The article discusses the features of the constitutional process and the legal status of subjects of legislative initiative inUkraine. Constitutionally legal relationship as indeed, any other relationship which are governed by the law are extremely complex, diverse and multi-faceted, multi-dimensional and they are marked gradation. These features require theStateto establish legal mechanisms, procedures for the use of rights, duties, assuming responsibility. To this end, the state creates procedural rules designed to ensure optimal and efficient implementation of the rights and legitimate interests of the constitutional relations enshrined in the constitutional norms of substantive law.Central among all kinds of legal process without a doubt takes the constitutional process. Constitutional process (from Lat. Processus – cheats, promotion, forward) – it is an established constitutional law procedure of its stakeholders on the creation, interpretation and implementation of the constitutional law and other legal provisions aimed at implementing the substantive constitutional rights in the course of these subjects their duties and powers of implementation, some of them of their rights and legitimate interests.The essence of the constitutional process, it is manifested in such terms: due to the simultaneous occurrence and harmonization of procedural rules with substantive norms, the implementation of which these procedural rules provide; requires compliance with the procedural rules of the legislative level appropriate level of legal norms of substantive law; is inconsistent with the norms of constitutional law, implemented in full compliance with them; contains a mandatory component of establishing a procedural remedial order, which provides the desired option of the constitutional rights and responsibilities, and in which, however, in some cases, each legal entity is able to independently and at their own discretion, but within the law, to elect one of the alternative ways such implementation; based on the principles of democracy and rule of law, priority rights and freedoms of citizens; has a systemic nature, which provides an efficient and optimal organization of constitutional and procedural regulation, its sequence and timing.Consequently, the constitutional and procedural rules forming the constitutional process, should determine the latter purpose, the type of regulated relations, the persons who are directly involved in this process, the actions to be carried out by them, the timing and sequencing of implementation of these actions, as well as legal means, that ensure the functioning of the process. Revealing the content of the constitutional process, it is also advisable to determine the place of procedural rules in the legal system of society. Settlement of legal activity procedural rules, its quality depends on the degree of importance of appropriate social relations to society, their complexity and diversity, the imperative or dispositive legal norms regulating material, a number of other objective and subjective factors. As constitutional law regulates the most important for society social relations that are celebrated complicated political and legal nature and multifaceted structural construction, the imperative nature of legal regulation, it is logical to assume that the constitutional process itself is determinative for the state and society.The notion of the constitutional process in the science of constitutional and procedural law is usually regarded in the broad and narrow sense. In the narrow sense of the constitutional process is traditionally understood as the statutory procedure for the consideration and decision of the constitutional justice cases by the constitutional ideas and appeals subjects constitutional process. Also under the constitutional process is sometimes understood as separate subjects procedure attraction constitutional relationship to the constitutional and legal responsibility, and sometimes even to build the constitutional process in the design and adoption of the Constitution and constitutional laws as the legal foundations of state building, in other words, is the process of creating the foundations of the state. In a broad sense as the constitutional process consider how to resolve the constitutional and procedural rules of the activities of public authorities and their officials and other authorized entities, aimed at the implementation of substantive constitutional, as well as some other related industries right in the creation, interpretation and implementation of legal norms that constitute the legal basis for these branches of law.Based on the definition of the constitutional process as established constitutional norms about the activities of he creation, interpretation and implementation of constitutional law and other legal norms aimed at achieving certain ocial or legal result, it is appropriate to classify the constitutional process for the types of legal activity on the lawmaking, aw and explanatory implements right.Constitutional-law-making process is an established constitutional law procedures of entities constitutional relationship f legal analysis and assessment of the needs of society, and the formation of appropriate and adequate social development of egal decisions and acts. Depending on the types of law-making and the nature of its subjects can be identified legislative, lectoral process (the last two are also considering and implementing the activities of the positions right, if we consider the participation of citizens in these processes procedure realization of their political rights under the Constitution). Consequently, in the law-making process involved public authorities, as well as people as its only legitimate media.The subjects of the right process can be any legal subjects. However, the special form of the right – law enforcement, only authorized entities that public authorities may have the right to perform any act aimed at the implementation of this activity. And in order enforcement is carried out basic function of government – protection and enforcement of the right as well as the use of state coercion.Constitutional process in its broadest sense is based on several principles as defining, guiding ideas for its implementation.For the most part these principles constitute the foundation principles of the individual state bodies and their officials who represent so legal specifics procedural forms of their activity (for example, general principles of justice provided for in the Constitution or the principles of the electoral process, certain electoral law, and the like).In the development of the content of the constitutional process its most characteristic feature is the sequence that indicates a severe regulatory requirements of priority actions, which governs perfection, optimality and efficiency of the constitutional process. On the contrary, the lack of legal regulation of this sequence, and the more her absence, significantly reduces the quality of the constitutional process, its dynamics and, consequently, makes it impossible or significantly complicates the implementation subjects constitutional relationship to their legal rights and obligations. Sequence of actions established constitutional procedural rules, finds expression in the stages of the constitutional process. ; В статье рассматриваются особенности правого статуса субъектов конституционного процесса в Украине. Конституционно-правовые отношения, как и любые отношения, которые регулируются правом, чрезвычайно сложные, разнообразные и многогранные, определяются многоаспектностью и ступенчатостью. Эти черты указывают на установление в государстве правовых механизмов, процедур использования прав, исполнения обязанностей, процедуры привлечения к ответственности. Для реализации данной цели государство принимает процессуальные нормы, которые обеспечивают оптимальную и эффективную реализацию прав и законных интересов субъектов конституционных правоотношений, закрепленных в нормах конституционного материального права. ; У статті розглядаються особливості правового статусу суб'єктів конституційного процесу в Україні. Конституційно-правові відносини, як і будь-які інші відносини, що регулюються правом, надзвичайно складні, різноманітні і багатогранні, відзначаються багатоаспектністю та ступеневістю. Зазначені риси вимагають встановлення у державі правових механізмів, процедур використання прав, виконання обов'язків, несення відповідальності. З цією метою держава створює процесуальні норми, покликані забезпечувати оптимальну та ефективну реалізацію прав та законних інтересів суб'єктів конституційних правовідносин, закріплених у нормах конституційногоматеріального права.

The study takes an anthropological perspective on a globalized political environment – more particularly on the fields of global environmental governance and development cooperation and their interplay with national and local arenas and actors. I offer an anthropological account of the rise of the global environmental governance agenda, of the international arenas where it has been generating debates and joint decisions, and of their consequences for national politics and local resource management regimes in the Global South. Furthermore, this study contributes observations and findings on how ideas, discourses, and processes at different scales affect the emergence and change of local institutions. The connecting thread underlying my account is based on the way in which natural resource management concepts and models emerge on the international scene of water experts, policy-makers, and practitioners, and how the models travel between international, national, regional, and local scales, being translated and transformed during their travelling. Having applied the concept of travelling models previously elaborated by a group of anthropologists and other social scientists to my particular case, to the field work I did, and to the documents I collected, I draw some conclusions from my own experiment, following ethnographically a travelling model of community-based water management across scales and between locations. The main contribution of the study at hand is to devise and refine ways of grasping the dynamics behind discourses and blueprint-like models at different scales, conceptually and methodologically. My account serves to demonstrate the potential of the travelling models approach in ethnography and anthropological analysis, especially by focusing on the travelling of a particular model for local behaviour in situations of connectivity between actors from different spheres and scales, and in interactions of representatives of the state with civil society organizations and of both of these with local individuals and groups. This study meets the challenge of not only concentrating on the local consequences of global tendencies as others have done before, but also of applying the toolbox of anthropological methods to scenarios where 'the global' becomes tangible, and to the spaces of connectivity, movement, and friction in between the different scales. In so doing, the aim has been to also test the theoretical paradigm of 'travelling models' based on researchers from STS and ANT, and applied to other ethnographic contexts more recently by a group of mainly Germany-based anthropologists, and to identify some of the advantages and limitations it has to offer. I demonstrate by an exemplary case how such a standardized model for the management of rural water supply, prescribed by the state and introduced at the water points by a group of external actors, emerges from and is influenced by discourses and actors at the national and global level. For Namibia, a new set of standardized management institutions was introduced in a blueprint-like manner to groups of water users through a national reform programme and through various development interventions starting in the 1990s. My analysis focuses on institutions that regulate the management and supply of water in Namibia's rural areas, and more particularly in Kunene Region – and in similar ways in many other countries in the Global South. The historical perspective provided on prominent ideas and concepts in the water-management sector in the colonial past informs the account of present-day water management institutions and practice, because these historical concepts have shaped the emergence and travelling of the community based water management model in question. Key findings The establishment of the Namibian community-based water management (CBWM) model is shaped by global discourses which 1) conceive of water as a scarce resource per se; 2) have led to approaches of water governance following the idea of a 'hydraulic mission', augmenting water supply as part of a state-run 'environmental engineering' approach; 3) having realized that the hydraulic mission had failed to lead to increased sustainable water supply, have advocated ideas of participation, decentralization, and demand-orientation as guarantors of sustainability and equality, as well as of cost efficiency in the realm of water management. These ideas are actively propagated by NGOs and state actors in Namibia and elsewhere within the framework of community meetings, institutional blueprints, and training guidelines. The decentralization program's success is measured by the same actors implementing and monitoring the CBWM model, and they evaluate their achievements according to the extent to which the water-point user associations implement their own developed rules and water point constitutions. Pending further analysis I would state from the information gathered among established WPAs that the CBWM-related component did not quite lead to the outcomes that the Ministry would have called for. The major criteria, defined by the WPA model constitution, which the national water administration usually takes into account when assessing the functionality of a WPA, include regular WPC and WPA meetings, regular collection of user fees; financial and management-related reporting, and the adherence to management plans and budgets adopted upon establishment of the WPA. Many of these criteria were not met in most of the places I visited. At the same time, however, only a few of the WPAs visited reported any shortcomings in terms of accessibility of sufficient quantities of water. In a nutshell, water in these places seems to be managed in a generally reliable and satisfactory way for local users, even though WPAs do not comply with the official management rules introduced by the state. That is not to say that other important criteria, such as satisfactory water quality, or 'fairness' (in terms of the water fees postulated by the state's facilitators and by the user groups) are being met. The situation reveals the picture of a complex and costly administration and implementation process around a model for which it has not been established whether its guidelines suit the living conditions of the rural water users. While one of the underlying motivations of reforming the rural water supply sector starting in the 1990s was to mitigate the detrimental effects that a century of colonization and Apartheid rule had had on the society and the environment, questions such as for instance: 'Is there any distributional justice in regard to the access to water?', or 'Is water affordable for all?', are not currently priority matters of discussion in Namibia's water sector or politics. To some extent, this might have to do with the fact that the actors involved have significant vested interest in the decentralization program continuing as it is, such as retaining employment in the public administration, decentralized presence in the local communities, political influence, and voters' consent; yet it would be worthwhile to (re-)evaluate these and other aspects of the CBWM measures. In the meantime, the debate around the human right to water and sanitation is ongoing. Even five years after this right was officially declared by the UN in July 2010, its supporters still claim that generally not enough is being done, or not enough of the right things are being done, in order to enforce it worldwide. Another continuing debate is the longstanding confrontation and sometimes probably fruitful engagement of supporters of the idea that water as a public, common good should be managed publicly in order to ensure equitable access and sustainability, and proponents of the idea of water as an economic good and commodity, which ought to be managed based on commercial principles. The fifteen years of global action for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) between 2001 and 2015 included the target of halving the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation which shaped many of the discourses this study sheds light on. The 193 UN member states who adopted the new set of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) following up on the MDGs in September 2015 have decided to include an independent water-related goal which aims to ensure availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all by 2030. I hope that some of the content discussed here may be of interest not only to scientists, but also to people working in and on the water-sector in other ways towards achieving this SDG.

Раздел "Международные экономические отношения" ; Внешняя политика КНР направлена на повышение роли Китая в международных вопросах и создание благоприятных условий для развития экономики. Китай неизменно претворяет в жизнь концепцию Дэн Сяопина, придерживается независимой и самостоятельной внешней политики, выступает в защиту территориальной целостности страны и суверенитета. Руководство КНР подчеркивает, что в международной политике Китай направляет усилия на обеспечение мира, не вступает ни в какие союзы и блоки, добивается добрососедских отношений с соседними странами. Между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой достигнут высокий уровень сотрудничества. КНР является основным политическим и торгово-экономическим партнером Беларуси в Азии. Решающее значение для становления и развития двустороннего политического сотрудничества между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой сыграло совпадение позиций по широкому кругу международных вопросов и поддержка друг друга в международных организациях. Создана значительная договорно-правовая база двусторонних отношений, охватывающая широкий круг вопросов сотрудничества между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой. Подписанные договоры, программы и соглашения стали основой для становления, развития и укрепления связей Республики Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республики и обеспечили их стабильное развитие на долгосрочную перспективу. Закрепление в различных документах получило торгово-экономическое, научно-техническое, военное сотрудничество, сотрудничество в сфере образования, культуры. Китай действительно развивается стремительным темпом, что подтверждается различными показателями роста экономики. Характеризуя сложившуюся экономическую ситуацию в Китае, можно выделить следующие моменты: высокий рост инвестиций и экспорта; изменение структуры потребления в сторону строительства жилья, рынка автомобилей, потреблению средств связи; структурные изменения в экономике, связанные с привлечением новейших технологий и улучшение уровня жизни населения. Экономический подъем в Китае из года в год создает реальные предпосылки для успешной работы белорусских субъектов хозяйствования в КНР. Однако сегодня белорусский экспорт практически не заметен на этом перспективном и платежеспособном рынке. Для экспортоориентированной экономики Беларуси подобное состояние дел в торговле с ведущей страной Азии непозволительно. Более того, это происходит на фоне впечатляющих темпов развития Китая. В связи с этим, представляется целесообразным учесть в стратегии сотрудничества с КНР следующие основные моменты: 1) Развитие инфраструктуры торгово-экономических связей: задействования банков и страховых компаний двух стран для совершенствования расчетно-платежных отношений, кредитования поставок сложной машинотехнической продукции и оборудования с длительным циклом изготовления, финансирования инвестиционных проектов; совершенствование структуры транспортных перевозок, внедрение прогрессивных форм таможенного и санитарного контроля; развитие электронной торговли, а также прикладных информационных технологий. 2) Участие Беларуси в программах хозяйственного подъема западных провинций КНР. 3) Развитие прямой торговли с Китаем, без участия посредников, на основе расширения совместной торговой инфраструктуры — выставок, представительств, создания торговых и сервисных сетей. 4) Беларусь и Китай находятся на большом удалении друг от друга, поэтому необходимо развитие электронной торговли. 5) Состояние белорусско-китайской торговли показывает, что необходимо коренное изменение представлений белорусских экспортеров о Китае, как стране производящей высокотехническую продукцию. 6) По-прежнему концентрируя основные усилия на привлечении иностранного капитала, в Китае придают все большее значение инвестированию за рубеж. Правительство разработало специальную стратегию выхода на внешние рынки китайских фирм и предприятий. 7) Для китайских компаний также существуют немалые ниши для укрепления своих позиций на белорусском рынке. В первую очередь, это поставки недорогого и не уступающего западным аналогам оборудования для технической модернизации отечественных производителей, а также бытовой техники и товаров народного потребления в части, дополняющей ассортимент, производимый в Беларуси. В республике разработана стратегическая Программа активизации торгово-экономического сотрудничества с КНР на 2004—2008 гг. В программе отражены мероприятия по увеличению объемов экспорта белорусских предприятий в КНР, развитию товаропроводящей сети, выставочно-ярмарочной деятельности, созданию совместных предприятий (производств) на территории КНР, привлечению китайских инвестиций и финансовой помощи, дальнейшему развитию регионального сотрудничества с провинциями Китая. Реализация Программы позволит выполнить поставленные задачи по увеличению товарооборота между Беларусью и Китаем. = The foreign policy of the People's Republic of China is directed at raising China's role in the international life and creation of favourable conditions for its economic development. China steadily realizes the concept of Deng Xiaoping, adhering to the independent foreign policy policy, advocating territorial integrity and sovereignty. China's leadership emphasizes that in its international politics China supports peace, stays outside all unions and blocs and seeks good neighbourly relations with the bordering countries. The Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China can boast a high level of cooperation. China is the main political, trade and economic partner of Belarus in Asia. The decisive role for the formation and evolution of bilateral political cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China was played by the agreement in their opinions on a wide range of international issues and mutual support in the international organizations. The countries have established a significant legal treaty base for the bilateral relations involving different aspects of cooperation. The existing treaties, programmes and agreements underlie the formation, development and strengthening of ties between the Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China, thus providing their stable development in the long-term. Trade and economic, scientific and engineering, military, educational, cultural cooperation was fixed in various documents. China is indeed developing rapidly and showing various high indeces of economic growth. While characterizing the current economic situation in China, one can point out high investment and export growth, the shift of consumption pattern towards house-building, automobile and communications markets, and structural changes in the economy related to the latest technologies and the growth of standards of living. The economic boom in China from year to year creates real prerequisites for the successful work of Belarusian economic subjects in China. However, Belarusian export is currently almost insignificant on this promising and profitable market. The author states that it is unfitting for Belarus with its export oriented economy to have the existing level of cooperation with this leading Asian state. Moreover, it is happening against the background of impressing economic growth rates in China. In this connection, the author considers it advisable to take into account the following basic aspects when realizing the strategy of cooperation with China: 1) the development of infrastructure of trade and economic relations: involvement of banks and insurance companies of the two countries to improve the relations in the payments sphere, the crediting of deliveries of complex machinery and equipment with a long production cycle, financing of investment projects, the structure of transportation, introduction of new forms of customs and sanitary control, development of e-trade and applied information technologies; 2) participation of Belarus in the programmes of economic upswing of the China western provinces; 3) development of direct trade with China without any mediators on the basis of expansion of joint trade infrastructure: exhibitions, offices, trade and service networks; 4) development of e-trade because of long distance between two states; 5) radical change of awareness of Belarusian exporters about China as a country manufacturing high-tech produce; 6) while focusing its main efforts on attracting foreign capital, China gives ever greater importance to the investment expansion. The government elaborated a special strategy of foreign market entry for the Chinese companies and manufacturers; 7) Chinese companies also enjoy ample opportunities for strengthening their positions on the Belarusian market. Primarily, this is connected with supplying equipment to modernize Belarusian industry, competitive both in prices, which are reasonable, ad quality. Domestic appliances and consumer goods in addition to those produced in Belarus are also sold. The Belarusian strategic Programme of Intensification of Trade and Economic Cooperation with the People's Republic of China in 2004—2008 contains actions to increase the volume of export of Belarusian enterprises to China, to develop commodity distrubution network, exhibitions and fairs, to create of joint ventures on China's territory, to attract Chinese investments and financial aid, and to develop further regional cooperation with Chinese provinces. The Programme implementation will lead to the realization of the tasks on turnover growth between Belarus and China.

Suomalaiset ja espanjalaiset perheet yhtenevässä Euroopassa Tutkimus käsittelee perhettä ja perheessä 1900-luvun aikana tapahtunutta muutosta analysoimalla Suomea ja Espanjaa länsieurooppalaisina esimerkkeinä. Tutkimuksessa pohditaan miten, missä määrin ja miksi eurooppalaiset perheinstituutiot erilaisia tai samanlaisia? Mikä on perheinstituution rooli ja merkitys nykyajan yhteiskunnassa? Miten perhe, sen roolit ja siihen kohdistetut vaatimukset määritellään ja mitkä sosiaaliset ja kulttuuriset tekijät ovat vaikuttaneet eri maissa vallitseviin määritelmiin? Aineistona on käytetty Suomea ja Espanjaa koskevaa siviili- ja sosiaalilainsäädäntöä, demografisia ja sosio-ekonomisia tilastoja, arvo- ja asennetutkimuksia, barometrejä, tutkimuksia ja raportteja. Tutkimuksessa tarkasteltava ajanjakso kattaa koko 1900-luvun, joskin pääpaino on 1960­1990 lukujen välisessä ajassa. Tämä vertaileva tutkimus tarkastelee perhettä sosiaalisena instituutiona, joka on vuorovaikutuksessa muiden sosiaalisten instituutioiden kuten hyvinvointivaltion, työmarkkinoiden, politiikan, lainsäädännön ja uskonnon kanssa. Tutkimus osoittaa, että suomalaisessa ja espanjalaisessa yhteiskunnassa vallitseva käsitys perheestä (perheidologia) on varsin samanlainen pohjautuen kristilliseen teologiaan. Ideologiat ovat muuttuneet ja kehittyneet samansuuntaisesti patriarkaalisesta ideologiasta sukupuolien ja sukupolvien tasa-arvoa korostavaksi ideologisaksi, joskin muutos on ollut eritahtista. Maiden välillä on myös eroja, joista keskeisin on suomalaisen kulttuurin protestanttisiin arvoihin pohjautuva yksilöllisyys ja espanjalaisen kulttuurin katolisiin arvoihin pohjautuva suurempi kollektiivisuus ja sukukeskeisyys. Tutkimus kuitenkin osoittaa, että perheideologian ja sen historiallisen muutoksen erot ja vaihtelut eivät niinkään johdu perustavanlaatuisista perhekäsityseroista vaan pikemminkin yhteiskuntien historiallisista, sosiaalisista ja poliittisista taustoista ja kehityskuluista. Keskustelu perheen kriisistä länsimaisissa yhteiskunnissa on ollut vilkasta viime aikoina. Demografisiin tilastoihin perustuva analyysi viittaa perheinstituution kriisiin siinä mielessä, että mitään vakioista perhemuotoa ei kummassakaan maassa ole. Toisaalta ihmisten arvot ja asenteet heijastavat sitä tosiasiaa, että ideologisena mallina perhe on edelleen vankka. Ihanteellinen tai ideologinen perhe niin Suomessa kuin Espanjassakin on avioparin ja heidän lastensa muodostama ydinperhe, vaikka yhä suuremman osan perhetodellisuus ei tätä ihannetta vastaakaan. Perheen perustamisen tapojen tarkastelu 1960-1999 välisenä aikana osoittaa, että kummassakin maassa solmittujen avioliittojen määrä on laskenut, perhekoko on pienentynyt ja avioliiton solmimisen ja ensisynnyttäjien keksi-ikä on noussut, joskin espanjalaisnaiset ensisynnyttäjien keksi-ikä on vieläkin korkeampi kuin suomalaisten. Näitä trendejä on selitetty moderneilla ehkäisymenetelmillä sekä avoliittojen ja naisten työssäkäynnin yleistymisellä, mutta tutkimus osoittaa, että edellä mainitut selittävät tekijät eivät ole päteviä Suomen ja Espanjan tapauksissa. Ne eivät selitä, miksi mm. syntyvyys Espanjassa on huomattavasti matalampi kuin Suomessa ja miksi espanjalaiset lykkäävät perheen perustamista vieläkin pidempään kuin suomalaiset. Tarkasteltaessa seikkoja, jotka vaikuttavat perheellistymisen lykkääntymiseen, tutkimus kiinnittää huomiota perheellistymisen rooliin aikuistumisprosessissa. Tutkimus osoittaa, että toisin kuin ennen, vakiintumista ja lastenhankintaa tärkeämmäksi aikuisuuden kriteeriksi on noussut taloudellinen itsenäisyys. Todellisuudessa pidentyneet kouluttautumisajat, työelämän koventunut kilpailu ja työmarkkinoiden epävarmuus ovat niin Suomessa kuin Espanjassakin johtaneet siihen, että nuorten aikuisten taloudellisen itsenäisyyden saavuttaminen vaikeutuu ja pitkittyy ja siten myös perheen perustaminen lykkääntyy. Tutkimuksessa kehitetään selitysmallia niin maiden välisille eroille kuin länsieurooppalaisissa perheinstituutioissa tapahtuneille muutoksille, joka korostaa perheen perustamiseen ja perhe-elämään liittyvien valintojen ja mahdollisuuksien kiinteää liitosta yhteiskunnassa harjoitettuun lainsäädäntöön, perhepolitiikkaan ja erityisesti työmarkkinoihin. Tutkimus oikaisee niin perheestä kuin pohjoisen ja eteläisen Euroopan välisistä eroista vallitsevia stereotypioita ja yksinkertaistuksia ja tuottaa tietoa perheestä, sen roolista ja merkityksestä länsieurooppalaisissa yhteiskunnissa. Tutkimus on ns. artikkeliväitöskirja, joka koostuu laajasta yhteenvetoartikkelista ja neljästä aiemmin julkaistusta artikkelista. ; Finnish and Spanish Families in Converging Europe The study explores the family and its changes during the 20th century and, particularly, between the 1960s and 1990s by comparing Finland and Spain within the West European context. The examination of the family arises from the following questions: (i) How, to what degree and why are family institutions in Europe different or similar? (ii) What are the roles and significance of the family in contemporary societies? (iii) How is the family defined and what social and cultural factors have affected the definitions in different countries? The family is viewed as a social institution, with the interest lying in macro-level social changes and in the interrelationship between the family and other social institutions such as the welfare state, the labour market, politics, legislation and religion. The family as an institution has been examined from the viewpoints of family ideology and family practices. Family ideology has been studied by analysing how public and political institutions such as legislation and family policy define the family and how these definitions changed during the 20th century and, second, by looking at attitudes and values concerning intimate relations, the family and family practices. Family practices have been studied by analysing and comparing socio-demographic statistics between the 1960s and 1990s, the focus being on the formation of the first family. Furthermore, cross-national differences and similarities concerning patterns of family formation and prevailing family ideologies have been examined in association with legislation, social policies, the labour market, housing policies, education, gender relations, and religion. The study questions the stereotypical notions of the modern North and traditional South and their typical families and demonstrates that differences between Finnish (Northern) and Spanish (Southern) families have been greatly exaggerated and oversimplified. Fundamentally, the family ideologies are the same based on Christian tradition and, furthermore, the evolution of ideologies has moved in the same direction along with modernisation processes, albeit at a different pace. The study demonstrates that the variations are not due to fundamentally different conceptions of the family but to the historical, social and political developments of the countries. Analyses of demographic statistics and data on Finns and Spaniards values and attitudes indicate that demographic statistics suggest a crisis of The Family, for in neither of the countries does a fixed or typical family form exist and the growing plurality of family forms is a fact. On the other hand, the study also shows that The Family ­ the conjugal nuclear family - is very much alive and well as an ideological model and ideal. Looking at patterns of family formation and considering a variety of hypotheses usually presented as explaining the differences: contraceptive use, premarital cohabitation and women s labour market participation, the study shows that these reasons do not explain the differences between Finnish and Spanish patterns of first family formation. The study suggests that family-relevant public policies, housing policies and the labour market in particular are factors that better explain why Spaniards have fewer children and form families later than Finns even though the female employment rate is considerably lower and the use of modern contraceptives and premarital cohabitation is clearly more infrequent in Spain than in Finland. Analysis of the role of family formation in the process of attaining adult status shows that financial independence and self-reliance have taken over from marriage and parenthood as the principal markers of adulthood both in Finland and Spain. However, prolonged periods in education and erratic labour markets tend to complicate the attainment of such independence, reflected in the postponement or even rejection of family formation, especially marriage and parenthood. Yet, a de-familialised welfare state like the Finnish one eases gaining independence and family formation even with limited means, whereas a familistic welfare state like the Spanish one makes it more difficult to cut the cord to the parental home and to form new families. The study elaborates a complex and subtle model for explaining both the differences between countries and changes in the West European family institution in general. The model emphasises the role of public policies, housing policies, legislation and the labour market in particular in shaping the framework within which people in different countries make their decisions concerning family and family life. This comparative study is a dissertation comprised of a lengthy summarising article that links four empirical studies that were previously published as articles in international scientific journals and edited volumes.

Despite recent calls in support of cash transfers, there is little rigorous evidence of the relative impacts of cash versus in-kind transfers, especially in humanitarian contexts, where a majority of such programs take place. This paper uses data from a randomized experiment in the Democratic Republic of Congo to assess the relative impacts and costs of equivalently valued cash and voucher transfers. The voucher program distorted households' purchases along both the extensive and intensive margin as compared with unconstrained cash households. Yet there were no differences in food consumption or other measures of well-being, in part due to the fact that voucher households were able to resell part of what they purchased. As there were no significant benefits to vouchers, cash transfers were the more cost effective modality for both the implementing agency and program recipients in this context.

The findings from the study suggest that international pressure for more effective Right to Information (RTI) implementation only goes so far. The development of RTI laws with the encouragement, assistance, or insistence of the international community was a prominent theme throughout the case studies, particularly for EU countries during their accession process. But implementation is a less straightforward task, with many interlocking, moving parts, and international support comes in ad hoc fashion as the process unfolds. A strong implication from these findings is that a national coordinating strategy may be valuable for implementation. This kind of strategy document should take the interdependence of the drivers of effectiveness into account when drafting policies and rules for practice, and can serve as a guiding document when deciding on foreign funding priorities.

Indonesia has experienced strong economic growth over the last forty years. At the same time, the proportion of Indonesians living below the poverty line has fallen dramatically. Nonetheless, around 12 percent of Indonesians remain in poverty and another 30 percent remain highly vulnerable to falling into poverty in any given year. In addition, Indonesia has experienced a number of crises in the last two decades, and such shocks are likely to continue in the future in an increasingly integrated global economy. Over the last fifteen years the Government has been developing social assistance programs designed to promote the poor out of poverty and protect poor and vulnerable households from both individual and more widespread shocks. The coverage, design and implementation of these programs continue to be improved as social protection in Indonesia matures, but a number of issues remain. One of the most important, and difficult, is how these programs can accurately target households who need those most. The challenge is to develop a targeting approach which includes most of the poor and vulnerable while minimizing leakage to the rich. At the same time, the system must be feasible, affordable, and accepted and used by all. Furthermore, identifying which households are poor is a difficult task in any developing country, but is particularly so in Indonesia, which has a very large population, a high degree of geographic dispersion, decentralization of much budgetary and operational governance, and frequent entry and exit of households into and from poverty. This evidence-based report builds in part on innovative research done collaboratively with the Government of Indonesia. In this respect Indonesia is contributing to the frontier of global knowledge on targeting, while also drawing on the experience of other countries. Moving from a thorough assessment of the current effectiveness of targeting in Indonesia, the report contains practical and detailed recommendations for the future. In particular, a National Targeting System is proposed, which envisages developing a single registry of potential beneficiaries to target social assistance to the right households, resulting in more accurate and cost-effective targeting outcomes, and ultimately stronger program impacts.

This report is based on a field study of two large settlements, Satghara (a census town) and Bhagwatipur (a rural cluster with 10,000 plus population) in the Madhubani district of Bihar. The study explores the social dynamics of the rural non-farm economy by empirically mapping non-farm occupations in both the settlements. It examines the dynamics of caste, community, and gender within the social organization of the non-farm economy in terms of their economic and social hierarchies and the differential incomes and status they provide. The study also looks at the relationship of the local non-farm economy with patterns of outmigration. It further attempts to understand the manner in which the changes in the regional structures of power and domination have influenced the local economic processes and are being influenced by them with a specific focus on the non-farm economy in the two setting. The study also attempts an assessment of the possible development and urbanizing effects of the rather rapid growth of nonfarm economy in rural Madhubani.

The indictment of four-star Navy Admiral Robert Burke on bribery charges late last month raised eyebrows about the extent of corruption in the Navy and beyond. The scheme was simple. Burke allegedly steered a $355,000 Pentagon contract to a small workforce training firm — described unhelpfully in the Justice Department's description as "Company A." Less than a year later he took a job at Company A in exchange for a $500,000 annual salary and 100,000 stock options.The Burke indictment comes on the heels of Washington Post writer Craig Whitlock's illuminating book on the Fat Leonard Scandal, the biggest, most embarrassing corruption scheme in the history of the U.S. Navy. In the words of his publisher, Simon Schuster, Whitlock's book reveals "how a charismatic Malaysian defense contractor bribed scores of high-ranking military officers, defrauded the US Navy of tens of millions of dollars, and jeopardized our nation's security."Obviously, the Navy needs to clean up its act, and, if found guilty, Burke should face consequences for his participation in a blatant case of old school corruption.But this is just part of a pernicious system of corrupt dealings and profiteering in Pentagon procurement practices, and much of it is completely legal. It involves campaign contributions from major weapons contractors to key members of Congress with the most power to determine the size and shape of the Pentagon budget, and job blackmail, in which companies place facilities in as many congressional districts as possible and then stand ready to accuse members of cutting local jobs if they vote against a weapons program, no matter how misguided or dysfunctional it may be. It also involves the revolving door, in which arms industry executives often do stints in top national security posts, even serving as secretary of defense, or, on the other side of the revolving door, when high ranking Pentagon and military officials go to work for weapons makers when they leave government service. In fact, this is, by far, the most common path for retired senior military officers. As a Quincy Institute analysis found, over 80% of four-star generals and admirals that have retired in the last five years (26 of 32) went on to work in the arms sector. In short, most retiring four-stars, like Burke, go on to lucrative positions in the arms industry. Unlike Burke, they follow the rules, so this is all perfectly legal corruption. The revolving door from the Pentagon is also spinning feverishly to foreign governments. A Washington Post investigation found that more than 500 former Pentagon personnel, including many high ranking generals and admirals, have gone on to work for foreign governments known for political repression and human rights abuses, like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Last, but certainly not least, there are the lobbyists. Last year alone, Pentagon contractors spent nearly $138 million on lobbying and had 905 lobbyists working on their behalf, according to OpenSecrets. That's almost two lobbyists for every member of Congress, and more than 600 of them had gone through the revolving door —previously working at the Pentagon, Congress, or the Executive branch.All of the above is about money and jobs, not crafting an effective defense strategy or buying weapons systems that are appropriate for carrying out that strategy. A case in point was a hearing last October to review a report on America's strategic (meaning nuclear) posture from a Congressional commission, almost all the members of which have financial ties to the arms industry. First off, the commission co-chair who testified at the hearing was former Arizona Senator Jon Kyl, a lifelong opponent of nuclear arms control who also did a stint as a lobbyist for Northrop Grumman, which makes nuclear bombers and land-based nuclear missiles. Surprise, surprise, Kyl recommended that Congress pony up more for nuclear weapons on top of the Pentagon's current $2 trillion, three decades long nuclear weapons "modernization" program.But surely the gathered members of the Senate Armed Services Committee would ask some tough questions before accepting the commission's proposals for an accelerated nuclear buildup. Think again. The bulk of the questioners essentially touted nuclear-related missiles or facilities in their states and asked a variation on the penetrating question, "shouldn't we spend more on this wonderful weapon [or facility] in my state?" What wasn't mentioned at the hearing was the fact that defense contractors — including Northrop Grumman, which makes the nuclear weapons in question — are some of the top campaign contributors to members of the Committee, according to OpenSecrets.It fell to Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) to bring the discussion down to earth by asking how much the commission's ambitious plan would cost. With a straight face, Kyl said that the commission hadn't calculated a cost, since the investments proposed were so urgently needed. This seems highly unlikely given that the United States already deploys over 1,700 nuclear warheads that can hit targets thousands of miles away, with thousands more in reserve. But Kyl's statement went largely unchallenged in the rush by members to flak for their local weapons of choice. If skipping a serious conversation on the future nuclear policy of the United States to engage in pork barrel politics isn't a case of blatant corruption and dereliction of duty, what is? If even a conversation that touches on the future of the planet can't rouse money-conscious Senators to engage in an actual debate, what will? And isn't this dereliction of duty ultimately more dangerous than trading cash or a cushy job for doing the bidding of a weapons contractor?It's great that our legal system is seeking to hold participants in illegal schemes to account. But when will members of Congress who place shilling for special interests above crafting an effective defense policy face the music? If not soon, we can expect much of the tens or hundreds of billions of new money likely to be thrown at the Pentagon in the next few years to go to waste. If that's not a scandal of the highest order, we don't know what is.

In a moment of unguarded honesty that went viral last week, President Biden was asked by reporters if U.S. airstrikes in Yemen targeting the Shia Islamist group known as the Houthis were "working."The President sheepishly replied, "Well, when you say 'working'—are they stopping the Houthis? No. Are they going to continue? Yes." In a single sentence, Biden captured the impuissant hollowness of two decades of U.S. foreign policy bromides on the use of military force, the Middle East, and deterrence.Washington's critics have often said that, whenever a crisis occurs, U.S. policymakers exhibit an almost Pavlovian instinct to reach for military options — no matter the facts on the ground or the odds of success — in a desperate attempt to "do something." Amid mounting tension in the Middle East stemming from the Israel-Hamas conflict, the foreign policy establishment is again hand-waving those criticisms away amid vague calls for indefinite U.S.-led intervention in Yemen and even war with Iran — this, despite the President's own admission that doing so will fail to change a thing.Indeed, despite at least eight rounds of U.S. strikes that expended hundreds of valuable precision-guided munitions, Houthi attacks on ships transiting the Red Sea have only increased in frequency and scope, targeting more U.S.-owned and U.S-flagged vessels. While legitimate military analysts and regional experts knew these strikes were doomed to fail from the start, it should now be obvious there is no credible military solution to the crisis in the Red Sea.More importantly, as three U.S. troops were killed and more than 30 injured in a local Shia militia attack on a remote outpost along the Syria-Jordan border known as "Tower 22" on Sunday, the last thing the Biden Administration should be doing is looking to escalate things in Yemen. Instead, Washington should start by recognizing that both its economic and national security interests are largely unaffected by Red Sea transit. If it wants, the U.S. can truly afford to do nothing there. Despite a 65% decline in expected freight container volumes transiting the Red Sea, the U.S. saw just a 1% decline in net imports for the month of December. The U.S. does not need to spend between $260 and $573 million per month, as some analysts estimate, to defend foreign merchant shipping with no end in sight.Meanwhile, China has eschewed the use of force and is instead free-riding on U.S. military action in the Red Sea, even though Beijing faces mounting freight and insurance costs that have caused its economy significant harm. China has a destroyer, frigate, and replenishment vessel currently situated in the Gulf of Aden — not to mention a naval base in Djibouti at the mouth of the Bab el-Mandeb strait — and is perfectly capable of stepping up to conduct defensive operations in the Red Sea.Yet, through no cogent or intentional U.S. action, the demonstrated ineffectiveness of military action — alongside rising costs — are likely now spurring new Chinese efforts to pressure Iran to rein in the Houthis. While Iran retains very strong ties to the group, having provided them with weapons, training, and assistance over the years, it doesn't have total control over the Houthis. Nonetheless, China has the requisite economic leverage over Tehran — and by extension the Houthis — to demand an end to the crisis.For its part, the U.S. should not impede any such resolution simply because it didn't play a leading role in brokering a deal. If a deal is eventually reached, many in Washington would view it as evidence of Beijing establishing itself as a key security broker in the Middle East. But if America's recent experience as a security provider in the region is any guide, it is not clear such a development would be bad for the United States vis-à-vis its rivalry with China.However, if the U.S. wanted to take a more active role in resolving the crisis than passing the buck to China, a diplomatic response could also be pursued. Diplomacy would serve to avoid an unpredictable and costly U.S. military campaign that would immediately compromise two of Washington's stated objectives in the Middle East: to prevent the war in Gaza from further consuming the region, and officially ending the civil war in Yemen.The Houthis have repeatedly linked their motive for attacking ships in the Red Sea to the Israel-Hamas conflict. Over the course of the war, Houthi attacks have correlated with events in Gaza. For example, Houthi attacks decreased during the brief truce in November, only to resume afterwards. In December, the group's official spokesman claimed attacks on ships transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait toward the Suez Canal will continue until "Gaza receives the food and medicine it needs." As Houthi strategic intentions have not changed, and their attack capabilities have not been meaningfully degraded, diplomacy is a low-cost option for Washington to consider without foisting some terrible result on the United States.Working to increase aid shipments to Gaza would not just help to alleviate the humanitarian crisis there, but would deprive the Houthis of their claimed justification for attacks in the Red Sea and provide the group with an offramp for de-escalation that would also serve to prevent indefinite U.S. participation in a broader regional war. However, this would also necessitate increased diplomatic pressure on the Israeli government to allow more aid into Gaza, a step the Biden Administration remains uninterested in taking.Put simply, there are no existential or vital U.S. national interests at stake in Yemen, and very little is at stake for the U.S. economically in the Red Sea. Any multi-billion-dollar effort to fight a war in Yemen would render no political, economic, or security benefits to the United States. Strategies like "buck passing" and diplomatic engagement are perfectly viable, would do the U.S. no harm, and could resolve the crisis. Continued military action in Yemen, by contrast, presents dubious prospects for success. The pitfalls of sustained U.S. military action in Yemen — and in other fronts across the Middle East tied to the war in Gaza like Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, or yesterday's tragedy in Jordan — still include a non-trivial risk of regional war that can only be ignored at the world's peril.

The efficient and equitable use of urban road space considered as a public good and a scarce resource, leads to giving priority to sustainable transport modes (walking, cycling and public transport). Private vehicle sees its space reduced due to its negative externalities (space consumption, in addition to pollution, noise, accidents, barrier effect, etc.). This trend is international and has been applied progressively since the last decades (with the time lag and graduation conditioned by the prevailing type of local urban planning). It still does not have a methodological formulation that brings the scientific support: decisions are made on the political ground or based on "road/street supply models", which do not always have technical background. This thesis develops the conceptual and methodological bases of an alternative mobility management instrument called " Road Space Retribution Charge by Congestion Costs". We obtain the quantity (supply) of urban road space currently used by the private vehicle that must be transferred to sustainable transport modes using principles of transportation microeconomics. In a similar way but a century ago, Pigou formulated a tax to internalize the traffic congestion externalities. The restriction of space to vehicular traffic entails increases in travel times for the private vehicle, but even so it can favor the global mobility of the city: alternative modes enjoy more space for exclusive use and increase their commercial speed and their modal share, while the remaining traffic can be reassigned in the network more efficiently. The social welfare improves and the disincentive in the use of the private vehicle is similar to the Pigouvian tax. The methodological development is applied to the historic center of Santiago de Cali (Colombia), resulting in that a hybrid scheme of "Reallocation of the Use of Road Space" and "Traffic Management and Control" is the most appropriate for the internalization of externalities due to congestion. The results of the practical application suggest that the social benefits of the desirable scenario with respect to the baseline scenario include a 26% reduction in polluting emissions and an increase of 52 percentage points in the participation of sustainable transport modes in the use of urban road space. The research carried out finds general application in cities or parts of them that intend to humanize and recover part of the space currently occupied by the wheeled traffic of private vehicles. It can also be used to decide to implement urban projects such as " super-blocks" (restriction of access and through traffic in few contiguous blocks) or in embodiments of " tactical urbanism" such as the new post-pandemic Covid19 " normality". Future research should link the methodology developed here with the " Macroscopic Fundamental Diagram" of urban traffic (relationship between traffic flow and density at the zone level), it could include other positive environmental and social effects, improvements in the simulation model, and a systemization for the generation of " packages" of street sections and their continuity at the zone / neighborhood level. ; El uso eficiente y equitativo del espacio viario urbano considerado como un bien público y un recurso escaso conlleva a otorgar prioridad a los modos de transporte sostenible (caminar, bicicleta y transporte público) en detrimento del vehículo particular por sus externalidades negativas (consumo de espacio, además de contaminación, ruido, accidentes, efecto barrera, etc.). Esta tendencia es internacional y se aplica progresivamente desde los últimos decenios (con el decalaje temporal y graduación condicionados por el tipo de urbanismo local imperante), pero aún no cuenta con una formulación metodológica que le dé soporte científico: las decisiones se toman en el terreno político o basadas en "modelos de oferta vial", que no siempre gozan de un respaldo técnico. Esta tesis desarrolla las bases conceptuales y metodológicas de un instrumento alternativo de gestión de la movilidad denominado "Retribución de Espacio Viario según Costes Sociales de Congestión". A partir de los principios de la microeconomía aplicada al transporte, se obtiene la cantidad (oferta) de espacio viario urbano actualmente usado por el vehículo privado que debe ser transferido a los modos de transporte sostenible, de forma similar a la tarifa o tasa internalizadora de externalidades de congestión formulada por Pigou hace un siglo. La restricción del espacio al tránsito vehicular conlleva aumentos de los tiempos de viaje para el vehículo particular, pero aun así puede favorecer la movilidad global de la ciudad: los modos alternativos gozan de más espacio de uso exclusivo y aumentan su velocidad comercial y su cuota de participación, mientras que el tránsito remanente puede reasignarse en la red de forma más eficiente. El bienestar social mejora y el desincentivo en el uso del vehículo particular es similar a la tarifa. El desarrollo metodológico se aplica al centro histórico de Santiago de Cali (Colombia), resultando que un esquema híbrido de "Redistribución del Uso del Espacio Viario" y "Gestión y Control del Tráfico" es el más adecuado para la internalización de externalidades por congestión. Los resultados de la aplicación práctica sugieren que los beneficios sociales del escenario deseable con respecto al escenario base, incluyen una reducción del 26% en las emisiones contaminantes y un incremento de 52 puntos porcentuales en la participación de los modos de transporte sostenible en el uso del espacio viario urbano. La investigación desarrollada es de aplicación general a ciudades o parte de ellas que pretendan humanizar y recuperar parte del espacio hoy en día ocupado por el tránsito rodado de vehículos particulares. También puede usarse para decidir implantar proyectos urbanos como las "súper-manzanas" (restricción del acceso y tránsito de paso en unidades de pocas manzanas contiguas) o en plasmaciones de "urbanismo táctico" como la nueva normalidad post-pandemia de la Covid19. La investigación futura debería enlazar la metodología aquí desarrollada con el "Diagrama Fundamental Macroscópico" del tránsito urbano (relación entre flujo y densidad vehicular a nivel de zona), podría incluir otros efectos positivos ambientales y sociales, mejoras en el modelo de simulación y una sistematización para la generación de "paquetes" de secciones de calles y su continuidad a nivel de zona/barrio. ; Postprint (published version)

Sustainable development is possible only if we take into account human potential as a fundamental value of society, as well as creating conditions and providing opportunities for its full development. People with disabilities constitute an important component of human potential, and understanding this is a key principle of social inclusion. Full participation implies that a person with a disability is a full-fledged subject of socio-political, socio-economic and socio-cultural processes. Access should be provided at the state and local levels. It should include access to education, health care, cultural institutions, etc. Taking this into account, the issue of training specialists in providing physical support services for people with disabilities in Ukraine is relevant. A number of research methods are used in this work. We have analyzed current Ukrainian legislation on social protection of people with disabilities. In the context of minimizing natural and environmental barriers in the lives of people with disabilities, the approval of the professional standard «Companion of People with Disabilities» deserves attention. According to the National Classifier DK 003: 2010 «Classifier of professions» a new profession «5133 Companion of people with disabilities» has been introduced. Based on the analysis of concepts definition in various spheres of human life, we may determine accompanying both as creating various conditions and as purposeful implementation of special measures within the provision of services - educational, social, medical, etc., which provides assistance and help to qualified professionals for a long time in order to solve difficult life situation. Physical accompanying for people with disabilities is defined as a social service for the category of citizens with musculoskeletal disorders, visual impairments, other nosologies to eliminate restrictions on life and inclusion in the community. Its content is to accompany people with disabilities from residence to destination, as well as to inform and provide household and psychological assistance. Thus, the introduction of the standard of the profession «Companion of People with Disabilities» and specialists training with the same qualification is a significant step towards ensuring access to public values of all categories of citizens, including those with disabilities. ; Сталий розвиток ймовірний лише при врахуванні людського потенціалу як основної цінності суспільства, створенні умов і забезпеченні можливостей для повноцінного його розвитку. Особи з інвалідністю правомірно становлять важливу складову людського потенціалу – розуміння і усвідомлення чого є ключовою засадою соціальної інклюзії. Повноцінна участь передбачає, що людина з інвалідністю є повноправним суб'єктом суспільно-політичних, соціально-економічних і соціокультурних процесів. З цією метою на державному і локальному рівнях має бути забезпечена доступність: доступ до здобуття освіти – від дошкільної до вищої, доступ до закладів соціальної сфери щодо отримання визначених законодавством соціальних гарантій, до закладів охорони здоров'я – щодо отримання якісних медичних послуг, доступ до закладів культури у контексті реалізації творчих здібностей та задоволення соціокультурних потреб у відвідуванні театрів, музеїв, пам'яток історії та архітектури тощо. З огляду на це актуалізується питання підготовки фахівців з надання послуг фізичного супроводу осіб з інвалідністю в Україні. У цій роботі використано низку методів дослідження. По-перше, ми звернулись до аналізу чинного українського законодавства з питань соціального захисту людей з інвалідністю, в тому числі Наказ Міністерства соціальної політики України № 28 від 12.10.2018, яким затверджено перелік соціальних послуг, що надаються особам, які перебувають у складних життєвих обставинах і не можуть самостійно їх подолати. По-друге, здійснено вивчення професійного стандарту за професією «5133 Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю». По-третє, розроблено навчально-методичне забезпечення для підготовки фахівців за цією професією, що включає освітньо-кваліфікаційну характеристику випускника закладу освіти, програму професійної та професійно-практичної підготовки, навчальний план, робочий навчальний план, навчально-методичне забезпечення дисциплін, робочу навчальну програму з виробничого навчання, робочу програму практики, методичні вказівки до підготовки і захисту кваліфікаційних робіт. По-четверте, проведено опитування волонтерів, які забезпечують фізичний супровід людей з інвалідністю щодо вивчення реального стану та проблем, пов'язаних із фізичним супроводом. У контексті мінімізування природно-середовищних бар'єрів у життєдіяльності людей з інвалідністю заслуговує на увагу затвердження професійного стандарту «Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю» (наказ Міністерства розвитку економіки, торгівлі та сільського господарства України № 1178 від 20.06.2020 р.). Відповідно до Національного класифікатора ДК 003:2010 «Класифікатор професій» введено нову професію «5133 Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю». Здобуття професії передбачає присвоєння професійної та освітньої кваліфікації «Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю» і відноситься до третього рівня Національної рамки кваліфікації. У межах науково-дослідної теми «Соціально-психологічна реабілітація дітей та молоді з особливими освітніми потребами засобами інклюзивного туризму» (державний реєстраційний номер: 0119U103978) співробітниками Уманського державного педагогічного університету імені Павла Тичини у співпраці з Київським міським центром соціальної, професійної та трудової реабілітації інвалідів (від 03.07.2020 р. № 55\20) розроблено навчально-методичне забезпечення підготовки фахівців за професією «5133 Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю», що включає: програму професійної та професійно-практичної підготовки; навчальний план; робочий навчальний план; навчально-методичне забезпечення для кожної дисципліни; робочу навчальну програму з виробничого навчання; робочу програму практики; методичні вказівки до підготовки і захисту кваліфікаційних робіт (Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю, 2020). На основі аналізу визначення понять у різних галузях життєдіяльності людини визначемо супровід як створення різноманітних умов, так і цілеспрямовану реалізацію спеціальних заходів у межах надання послуг – освітніх, соціальних, медичних тощо, що передбачає сприяння і допомога людині кваліфікованими фахівцями у межах тривалого часу з метою вирішення складної життєвої ситуації. Фізичний супровід для осіб з інвалідністю визначено як соціальну послугу для категорії громадян, які мають порушення опорно-рухового апарату, порушення зору, інших нозологій для усунення обмежень життєдіяльності та включення в громаду, зміст якої полягає у супроводженні від місця проживання до місця призначення, а також в інформуванні, наданні побутової та психологічної допомоги особам під час фізичного супроводу. Висновок. Таким чином, введення в дію стандарту професії «Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю» та підготовка фахівців з присвоєнням однойменної кваліфікації є суттєвим кроком на шляху щодо забезпечення доступу до суспільних благ всіх категорій громадян, в тому числі з інвалідністю.

Designing forms and spaces of learning is a process that requires pedagogical, architectural, social, cultural and political creativity. The national and international scientific literature (OECD, 2017) on educational innovation highlights the close relationship between didactics and the learning environment. For this reason, the processes of educational renewal cannot disregard a new vision of school spaces and educational settings.New guidelines for school planning are emerging, emphasizing learning as an active and constructive process in which each child has a "leading" role.Indeed, in the contemporary scenario, students become active participants in the creation of information and new ideas in the educational environment. Consequently, 21st-century education is based on three pedagogical principles (McLoughlin & Lee, 2008): personalization, participation and productivity (Luna Scott, 2015).The study of these aspects, accompanied by the evaluative and comparative analysis of design experiences in the school field, has made it possible to configure the new SINAPSI 0-14 concept, a furnishing system that adapts and adopts advanced technologies to meet the needs of children and teachers, both current and future, from a holistic perspective.The aim was to design a system of modular, flexible and adaptable "organic" cells that can be used across the board by users of different ages, from kindergartens to primary and secondary schools. SINAPSI 0-14 is configured in forms belonging to a universe of geometries that can be traced back to a single matrix of organic elements. The set of symbols that can be aggregated define different forms of the furnishing system, making the educational space "chronotopic" and capable of changing according to the time and place it is created and according to its use and needs.These in-depth studies have made it possible to reconstruct a critical analytical repertoire on the theme of educational spaces and school architecture, interweaving its changes in line with pedagogical models and regulatory instruments to define the school of the future. ; Diseñar formas y espacios de aprendizaje es un proceso que requiere creatividad pe­dagógica, arquitectónica, social, cultural y política.La literatura científica nacional e internacional (OCDE, 2017) sobre innovación educa­tiva destaca la estrecha relación que conecta la didáctica con el entorno de aprendiza­je. Por ello, los procesos de renovación educativa no pueden prescindir de una nueva visión de los espacios escolares y de los entornos educativos.Surgen nuevas pautas de planificación escolar, se enfatiza el aprendizaje como un pro­ceso activo y constructivo en el que cada niño tiene un papel «protagonista».De hecho, en el escenario contemporáneo, los estudiantes se convierten en partici­pantes activos en la creación de información y nuevas ideas en el entorno educativo. En consecuencia, la educación del siglo XXI se basa en tres principios pedagógicos (McLoughlin & Lee, 2008): personalización, participación y productividad (Luna Scott, 2015).El estudio de estos aspectos, acompañado del análisis evaluativo y comparativo de experiencias de diseño en el ámbito escolar, nos ha permitido configurar el nuevo concepto SINAPSI 0-14, un sistema de mobiliario que adapta y adopta tecnologías avanzadas para satisfacer las necesidades de los niños y profesores, actuales y futuras, según una perspectiva holística.El objetivo era diseñar un sistema de celdas «orgánicas» modulares, flexibles y adap­tables que pudieran ser utilizadas de forma transversal por usuarios de diferentes edades, desde jardines de infancia hasta centros de enseñanza primaria y secundaria. SINAPSI 0-14 se configura en formas que pertenecen a un universo de geometrías que se remontan a una única matriz de elementos orgánicos. El conjunto de símbolos que pueden agregarse definen diferentes formas del sistema de mobiliario, haciendo que el espacio educativo sea «cronotópico» y capaz de cambiar según el tiempo y el lugar que se cree y según el uso y las necesidades.Estos estudios en profundidad han permitido reconstruir un repertorio analítico crítico sobre el tema de los espacios educativos y la arquitectura escolar, entrelazando sus cambios en función de los modelos pedagógicos y los instrumentos normativos, para definir la escuela del futuro. Progettare forme e spazi di apprendimento è un processo che richiede creatività pedagogica, architettonica, sociale, culturale e politica.La letteratura scientifica nazionale e internazionale (OECD, 2017) sull'innovazione educativa evidenzia la stretta relazione che connette la didattica all'ambiente di apprendimento. Per tale ragione, i processi di rinnovamento della didattica non posso prescindere da una nuova visione degli spazi scolastici e dei setting educativi.Emergono nuove linee guida per la progettazione scolastica, si enfatizza l'apprendimento come un processo attivo e costruttivo nel quale ogni bambino ha un ruolo di "protagonista".Difatti, nello scenario contemporaneo, gli studenti divengono partecipanti attivi alla creazione di informazioni e di nuove idee nell'ambiente educativo. Di conseguenza, l'istruzione del ventunesimo secolo si basa su tre principi pedagogici (McLoughlin & Lee, 2008): personalizzazione, partecipazione e produttività (Luna Scott, 2015).Lo studio di tali aspetti, accompagnato dall'analisi valutativa e comparativa di esperienze progettuali in campo scolastico, ha consentito di configurare il nuovo concept allestitivo SINAPSI 0-14, un sistema d'arredo che adatti e adotti le avanzate tecnologie per rispondere ai bisogni di bambini e insegnanti, attuali e futuri, secondo una prospettiva olistica.L'obiettivo è stato progettare un sistema di cellule "organiche" modulari, flessibili e adattabili che possano essere utilizzate in maniera trasversale da utenti di diverse età, dalle scuole d'infanzia alle scuole primarie e secondarie di primo grado. SINAPSI 0-14 si configura in forme appartenenti a un universo di geometrie riconducibili a un'unica matrice di elementi organici. L'insieme dei simboli aggregabili definiscono differenti forme del sistema di arredo rendendo lo spazio didattico "cronotopico" atto a modificarsi in funzione del tempo e del luogo che si crea e in funzione dell'uso e delle esigenze.Tali approfondimenti hanno consentito di ricostruire un repertorio critico analitico sul tema degli spazi educativi e delle architetture scolastiche intrecciandone i cambiamenti in linea con i modelli pedagogici e gli strumenti normativi, al fine di definire la scuola del futuro.

Sustainable development is possible only if we take into account human potential as a fundamental value of society, as well as creating conditions and providing opportunities for its full development. People with disabilities constitute an important component of human potential, and understanding this is a key principle of social inclusion. Full participation implies that a person with a disability is a full-fledged subject of socio-political, socio-economic and socio-cultural processes. Access should be provided at the state and local levels. It should include access to education, health care, cultural institutions, etc. Taking this into account, the issue of training specialists in providing physical support services for people with disabilities in Ukraine is relevant. A number of research methods are used in this work. We have analyzed current Ukrainian legislation on social protection of people with disabilities. In the context of minimizing natural and environmental barriers in the lives of people with disabilities, the approval of the professional standard «Companion of People with Disabilities» deserves attention. According to the National Classifier DK 003: 2010 «Classifier of professions» a new profession «5133 Companion of people with disabilities» has been introduced. Based on the analysis of concepts definition in various spheres of human life, we may determine accompanying both as creating various conditions and as purposeful implementation of special measures within the provision of services - educational, social, medical, etc., which provides assistance and help to qualified professionals for a long time in order to solve difficult life situation. Physical accompanying for people with disabilities is defined as a social service for the category of citizens with musculoskeletal disorders, visual impairments, other nosologies to eliminate restrictions on life and inclusion in the community. Its content is to accompany people with disabilities from residence to destination, as well as to inform and provide household and psychological assistance. Thus, the introduction of the standard of the profession «Companion of People with Disabilities» and specialists training with the same qualification is a significant step towards ensuring access to public values of all categories of citizens, including those with disabilities. ; Сталий розвиток ймовірний лише при врахуванні людського потенціалу як основної цінності суспільства, створенні умов і забезпеченні можливостей для повноцінного його розвитку. Особи з інвалідністю правомірно становлять важливу складову людського потенціалу – розуміння і усвідомлення чого є ключовою засадою соціальної інклюзії. Повноцінна участь передбачає, що людина з інвалідністю є повноправним суб'єктом суспільно-політичних, соціально-економічних і соціокультурних процесів. З цією метою на державному і локальному рівнях має бути забезпечена доступність: доступ до здобуття освіти – від дошкільної до вищої, доступ до закладів соціальної сфери щодо отримання визначених законодавством соціальних гарантій, до закладів охорони здоров'я – щодо отримання якісних медичних послуг, доступ до закладів культури у контексті реалізації творчих здібностей та задоволення соціокультурних потреб у відвідуванні театрів, музеїв, пам'яток історії та архітектури тощо. З огляду на це актуалізується питання підготовки фахівців з надання послуг фізичного супроводу осіб з інвалідністю в Україні. У цій роботі використано низку методів дослідження. По-перше, ми звернулись до аналізу чинного українського законодавства з питань соціального захисту людей з інвалідністю, в тому числі Наказ Міністерства соціальної політики України № 28 від 12.10.2018, яким затверджено перелік соціальних послуг, що надаються особам, які перебувають у складних життєвих обставинах і не можуть самостійно їх подолати. По-друге, здійснено вивчення професійного стандарту за професією «5133 Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю». По-третє, розроблено навчально-методичне забезпечення для підготовки фахівців за цією професією, що включає освітньо-кваліфікаційну характеристику випускника закладу освіти, програму професійної та професійно-практичної підготовки, навчальний план, робочий навчальний план, навчально-методичне забезпечення дисциплін, робочу навчальну програму з виробничого навчання, робочу програму практики, методичні вказівки до підготовки і захисту кваліфікаційних робіт. По-четверте, проведено опитування волонтерів, які забезпечують фізичний супровід людей з інвалідністю щодо вивчення реального стану та проблем, пов'язаних із фізичним супроводом. У контексті мінімізування природно-середовищних бар'єрів у життєдіяльності людей з інвалідністю заслуговує на увагу затвердження професійного стандарту «Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю» (наказ Міністерства розвитку економіки, торгівлі та сільського господарства України № 1178 від 20.06.2020 р.). Відповідно до Національного класифікатора ДК 003:2010 «Класифікатор професій» введено нову професію «5133 Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю». Здобуття професії передбачає присвоєння професійної та освітньої кваліфікації «Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю» і відноситься до третього рівня Національної рамки кваліфікації. У межах науково-дослідної теми «Соціально-психологічна реабілітація дітей та молоді з особливими освітніми потребами засобами інклюзивного туризму» (державний реєстраційний номер: 0119U103978) співробітниками Уманського державного педагогічного університету імені Павла Тичини у співпраці з Київським міським центром соціальної, професійної та трудової реабілітації інвалідів (від 03.07.2020 р. № 55\20) розроблено навчально-методичне забезпечення підготовки фахівців за професією «5133 Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю», що включає: програму професійної та професійно-практичної підготовки; навчальний план; робочий навчальний план; навчально-методичне забезпечення для кожної дисципліни; робочу навчальну програму з виробничого навчання; робочу програму практики; методичні вказівки до підготовки і захисту кваліфікаційних робіт (Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю, 2020). На основі аналізу визначення понять у різних галузях життєдіяльності людини визначемо супровід як створення різноманітних умов, так і цілеспрямовану реалізацію спеціальних заходів у межах надання послуг – освітніх, соціальних, медичних тощо, що передбачає сприяння і допомога людині кваліфікованими фахівцями у межах тривалого часу з метою вирішення складної життєвої ситуації. Фізичний супровід для осіб з інвалідністю визначено як соціальну послугу для категорії громадян, які мають порушення опорно-рухового апарату, порушення зору, інших нозологій для усунення обмежень життєдіяльності та включення в громаду, зміст якої полягає у супроводженні від місця проживання до місця призначення, а також в інформуванні, наданні побутової та психологічної допомоги особам під час фізичного супроводу. Висновок. Таким чином, введення в дію стандарту професії «Супроводжувач осіб з інвалідністю» та підготовка фахівців з присвоєнням однойменної кваліфікації є суттєвим кроком на шляху щодо забезпечення доступу до суспільних благ всіх категорій громадян, в тому числі з інвалідністю.

Esta tesis doctoral abordó la televisión infantil y educativa Novasur, una iniciativa gestionada por el Consejo Nacional de Televisión, desarrollada entre el año 2000 y 2017. Hoy, bajo el nombre de CNTV infantil, produce contenidos que son distribuidos a todo el país por más de 50 canales de televisión y a través de su plataforma digital, que entrega contenidos mediante streaming y dispone de una videoteca con más de 2000 videos. Esta investigación consideró un aspecto poco estudiado: la oferta de Novasur en tanto televisión infantil pública. Estudiar la televisión hoy supuso considerar las complejidades propias del avance de la tecnología y cómo ella afecta diferentes ámbitos. En Chile, la implementación de la televisión digital ofrece incluir a nuevos actores, mejorar la calidad de las emisiones y otorgar, por primera vez, un espacio a una señal pública cultural, educativa e infantil. Por otro lado, la convergencia ya ha cambiado, quizás para siempre, la relación de las audiencias con los medios. El objetivo de este estudio fue caracterizar la oferta de la plataforma digital Novasur respecto de su línea editorial, desde los estándares de calidad y el enfoque de derechos de la infancia en el contexto de implementación de la televisión digital y la convergencia. Para caracterizar los audiovisuales se utilizó una metodología cualitativa con un mix de técnicas: un análisis de contenido sobre 2.264 programas de la plataforma online, considerando la procedencia, vinculación curricular, género, técnica audiovisual, tema y público. Respecto de los protagonistas, se consideró su edad, género, diversidad territorial, pertenencia a pueblos originarios, condición de migrantes y de discapacidad. Se realizó además un análisis de contenido cualitativo a 24 series que fueron estudiadas respecto de su calidad. Finalmente, se realizaron entrevistas a catorce profesionales latinoamericanos de cinco países, con experiencia en los canales infantiles, la gestión pública, los festivales audiovisuales y la educomunicación. Los resultados muestran que la plataforma Novasur dispone de una pluralidad de contenidos. La mayoría de los programas son protagonizados por niños y niñas de ambos géneros que provienen de localidades de todo el país e incipientemente, se han incluido como personajes protagónicos a niños habitualmente excluidos de la televisión abierta: como los pertenecientes a pueblos originarios, en condición de migrantes o con alguna discapacidad. Se trata de audiovisuales de alta calidad, que permiten a los niños contar sus propias historias. Los entrevistados concordaron en la importancia de contar con recursos adecuados y con la voluntad del Estado –transversal a los sectores políticos y a largo plazo– para desarrollar audiovisuales de primer nivel, innovadores y convergentes. Se concluyó que la plataforma Novasur es un buen repositorio, representa a infancias diversas, si bien aún quedan grupos por incluir. Es posible potenciar la plataforma con espacios destinados a la participación de las audiencias, si se garantiza la continuidad del financiamiento. La colaboración continental y las coproducciones regionales profundizan en las identidades de las infancias con sello local y latinoamericano y serán un aporte para el canal público infantil actualmente en discusión. ; This doctoral thesis describes children's and educational television Novasur, a public initiative managed by the Consejo Nacional de Televisión, developed between 2000 and 2017. Today, under the name of Children's CNTV, it produces audiovisual content distributed through more than 50 television channels and its own digital platform: delivering content via streaming and having a video library with more than 2000 entries. This research considers an understudied aspect: Novasur's television public offer for children. The study of television today must consider the complexities of the constantly evolving technology and how it affects different areas. In Chile, the implementation of digital television promises to include new actors, to improve the quality of broadcast, and to provide, for the first time, space for a cultural, educational and children's public signal. On the other hand, convergence has changed, perhaps forever, the relationship between audiences and media. The objective of this study was to characterize the offer of the Novasur digital platform regarding its editorial line, based on quality standards and with a focus on Children's Rights in the context of the implementation of digital television and convergence. A qualitative methodology with a mix of techniques was used to characterize audiovisuals: a content analysis on 2264 programs on the online platform, considering the origin, curricular link, audiovisual technique, theme, and target audience. Regarding the protagonists, their age, gender, territorial diversity, ethnic groups, migrant status, and disability were considered. In addition, a qualitative content analysis was performed on 24 series that were studied for quality criteria. Finally, fourteen interviews were conducted to Latin American professionals from five countries, with experience in managing children's channels, public administration, audiovisual festivals, and media literacy. The results show that the Novasur platform has diversity of content. Most of the programs are led by boys and girls of both genders and they come from all over the country. Also, incipiently, children usually excluded from television such as minorities, children with different ethnic backgrounds, migrants and people with disabilities are lead characters. These high-quality audiovisuals allow children to tell their own stories. Interviewed professionals agreed on the importance of having adequate financial resources and the support of the State -transversal to the political sectors and in the long term– to develop high quality, innovative and convergent audiovisuals. It is concluded that the Novasur platform is a good repository: it represents diverse childhoods, although there are still groups to include such as LGBT children and others. It is possible to enhance the platform with spaces intended for audience participation if the continuity of financing is guaranteed. Continental collaboration and regional co-productions are a strength, as they present a local and Latin American child´s identities and will be a contribution to a public channel aimed to children, currently under discussion.