Suchergebnisse

Intro -- PRACTICING LOCAL GOVERNANCE:NORTHERN PERSPECTIVES -- PRACTICING LOCAL GOVERNANCE:NORTHERN PERSPECTIVES -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- LOCAL GOVERNANCE AND THE CHALLENGES OFGLOBAL CHANGE -- INTRODUCTION -- GLOBALIZATION AND DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS -- GOVERNANCE - AN ANALYTICAL RESPONSE TO GLOBALIZATIONAND DEMOCRACY -- PART 1: LOCAL GOVERNANCE BY MULTILEVEL GOVERNMENT -- PART 2: LOCAL GOVERNANCE BY LOCAL GOVERNMENT -- PART 3: LOCAL GOVERNANCE BY NETWORKS -- PART 4: LOCAL GOVERNANCE WITHOUT GOVERNMENT -- PART 1:LOCAL GOVERNANCE BY MULTILEVELGOVERNANCE -- FROM LOCAL AUTONOMY TO POWERVERTICAL IN RUSSIA -- INTRODUCTION -- MUNICIPAL REFORMS OF THE 1990S: REGIONALIZATION ANDPARTIAL EQUILIBRIUM -- COUNTER-REFORMS OF THE EARLY TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY:SUBORDINATION AND UNIFICATION -- ONE STEP FORWARD, TWO STEPS BACK? -- CONCLUSION: WHAT COMES NEXT? -- LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN RURAL NOVA SCOTIA -- THE RURAL MUNICIPALITY OF CHESTER12 -- THE TOWN OF PARRSBORO15 -- THE RURAL MUNICIPALITY OF SHELBURNE20 -- THE RURAL MUNICIPALITY OF VICTORIA26, 27 -- DISCUSSION29 -- REGIONAL-MUNICIPAL RELATIONSHIP:THE CASE OF KIROVSK MUNICIPALITY -- INTRODUCTION -- REGIONAL POLICIES TOWARDS MUNICIPALITIES IN THEMURMANSK REGION -- Regional Legislative and Strategic Documents Regulating Regional-Municipal Relations -- Administrative Bodies Conducting Regional Policies Towards Municipalities -- Regional-Municipal Budgetary Relations -- Tripartite Agreements on Socio-Economic Partnership -- THE MUNICIPALITY OF KIROVSK -- The Place and Population -- Economy and Employment -- LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT AND THE BUDGETARYPROCESS IN KIROVSK -- Legislation and Administration -- Planning and Budgeting -- The Influence of the Company in Municipal Governance -- REGIONAL-MUNICIPAL RELATIONS: PARTICIPANTS' OPINIONS -- Estimations of Policies at a Regional Level Towards Municipalities.

Divergence in post-socialism : the role of culture -- Soviet Russia : revolution and continuity -- Post-soviet Russia : captured by the past? -- National character and economy -- How Russian neo-patrimonialism works -- Ukraine and the Russian type of neo-patrimonialism -- Path creation : a comparative perspective

Describes theories and practice of voting in Russia, testing whether concepts developed in established democracies are relevant; examines the relation between party choice and social structure, economic circumstances and political attitudes, using New Russia Barometer survey data conducted Jan. 12-31, 1996.

La Rusia post-soviética es una sociedad plural donde las opiniones de las minorías sobre el pasado están bien representadas y compiten entre sí por el patrimonio cultural. En contraste con el período soviético, los arqueólogos han perdido su posición como los únicos guías e intérpretes del pasado remoto. Hoy en día, son desafiados por productores de "pasado alternativo", líderes de nuevos movimientos religiosos, científicos esotéricos, empresarios étnicos y políticos radicales. "A quién pertenece el pasado" se convirtió en un tema candente. En este artículo analizaré una lucha dramática por el sitio de la Edad del Bronce de Arkaim entre los arqueólogos y sus opositores, y explorararé cómo ese sitio arqueológico se convirtió en un centro importante para varios movimientos religiosos postsoviéticos, quienes son los que visitan Arkaim hoy en día y por qué lo hacen. Haciendo esto, qué están buscando allí, qué símbolos están construyendo en las colinas circundantes, y cómo tratan los restos arqueológicos. ; Post-Soviet Russia is a plural society where minorities' views of the past are well represented and compete with each other for cultural heritage. By contrast to the Soviet period, archaeologists have lost their position as the only guides to and interpreters of the remote past. Nowadays, they are challenged by producers of "alternative past", leaders of New Religious Movements, esoteric scientists, ethnic entrepreneurs, and radical politicians. "Who owns the past" became a hot issue. I will analyze a dramatic struggle for a Bronze Age site of Arkaim between archaeologists and their opponents and explore how an archaeological site became an important center for several post-Soviet religious movements, who are those people visiting Arkaim nowadays, and why are they doing this, what are they searching there, what symbols they are constructing at the surrounding hills, and how they treat archaeological remains. ; Fil: Shnirelman, Victor A. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of Moscow; Rusia.

MONGOLIA IS AN INDEPENDENT LAND-LOCKED STATE SITUATED IN THE HEART OF NORTH-EAST ASIA BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA. SINCE 1992 ALL FORMS OF TRANSPORT IN MONGOLIA HAVE BEEN SERIOUSLY DISRUPTED BY THE IRREGULARITY OF FUEL SUPPLIES FROM RUSSIA, THE CHIEF SUPPLIER. IF IT IS TO OVERCOME THE DISADVANTAGES OF LAND-LOCKEDNESS AND ATTRACT LARGE-SCALE LONG-TERM INVESTMENT TO DEVELOP THE NEW MARKET ECONOMY AND EXPORT TRADE, MONGOLIA NEEDS TO LIBERALIZE ITS LAWS AND BUILD UP INTERNATIONAL CONFIDENCE IN ITS STABILITY, FLEXIBILITY, RELIABILITY AND INDUSTRIOUSNESS.

At its core, the patchwork 'reconciliation' strategy in southern Syria has demarcated three main zones in which the regime's authority and therefore the roles former rebels come to play in the post-rebellion period vary significantly. In eastern Daraa, where the rebels engaged in Russian-led negotiations, Russia established the Eighth Brigade, a sub-division of the Fifth Corps, and incorporated contingents of former rebels into its ranks. To help maintain the status quo in southern Syria, Russia granted the Eighth Brigade and its rebels-turned-soldiers a wide margin of manoeuvre to handle local security affairs and to inflict acceptable monitored small-scale violence. While the Eighth Brigade has emerged as an armed actor with an indispensable military, security and intermediary role in the south, it remains mired in challenges that threaten to undermine its role and decrease its vitality. Based on access to a private archive of unpublished documents and interviews with civilians, former rebels and rebel leaders, and Eighth Brigade fighters and senior leaders, this paper provides an overview of the Eighth Brigade's operations and identifies a range of interrelated challenges it has been facing over the course of more than two years in southern Syria.

Proponents of neoliberalism stipulate the importance of market self-regulation, privatization, unrestricted free trade and reduction in government interference in the functions of markets. Institutional political economy proponents prescribe that economics cannot be divorced from the social and political context since the market itself is an institution, which is to say is politically constructed. Transition economies are economies that undergo structural transformations intended to develop market-based institutions. Out of all transition economies, Russia experienced a stark contrast between the sudden deregulation followed by the more gradual state-led transition to a market economy. This study finds that the shock therapy approach proposed by the neoliberal policy in the beginning of the Russian transition led to severe setbacks in the national innovation system of Russia in the 1990s due to inabilities of the society and organizations to function in a newly liberalized economy without strong institutional frameworks. In 2000s, the new government managed to centralize the power and established strong functional institutions that provided a more clear-cut business environment that supported firms. This resulted in alignment of business strategies from short-term-profit-seeking with a strategic path of trading in the newly liberalized economy towards more long-term investment strategies including vertical integration, modernization and R&D.

Takes a view of Russia's treatment of sub-national communal groups -in particular, those who identify themselves as Orthodox-identifying and Muslim-identifying, in relation not only to their treatment by others within Russian society, but by the Putin administration. Begins with the drastic rise in terrorist violence since the year 2000, examining the principal actors and groups of such terrorism, along with those in Russia who seek to stem such violence, and Putin's response to terrorism, such as creation of the NAK, the National Counter-terrorism Committee. Raises the question of centralization under Putin, despite his public desire to decentralize power, and in face of a weakening of the border states of Russia due to separatism in a multitude of regions. With this comes the idea of a greater voice within the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and the de-thawing of relations betwixt Putin and the ROC. Gives much attention to the Russian views and treatment of Muslims and other religious groups, in addition to ethnic groups such as Chechens and Tartars while concluding that the ROC will undoubtedly continue to mold Russian society and government as best it can. References. S. Fullmer

Artykuł koncentruje się w ujęciu syntetycznym oraz problemowym na ukazaniu implikacji wzrostu międzynarodowej roli Niemiec dla współpracy z Rosją i Polską w dobie globalizacji oraz kryzysów UE. W pierwszej części przedstawia teoretyczne i praktyczne aspekty kształtowania koncepcji nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec, tzw. koncepcji współkształtowania (Gestaltungskonzept) polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. Druga część podejmuje ogólną ocenę roli Niemiec w próbach rozwiązywania wybranych kryzysów UE – zadłużenia strefy euro od 2010 r., konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego od 2014 r. oraz masowego napływu nielegalnych migrantów do UE od przełomu sierpnia/września 2015 r. Trzecia część koncentruje się na analizie implikacji nowej roli międzynarodowej Niemiec dla współpracy z Rosją i Polską. Konkluzja artykułu brzmi – wzrost roli międzynarodowej Niemiec od początku od drugiej dekady XXI w. miał pozytywne i negatywne następstwa dla współpracy Niemiec z Rosją i Polską. ; The paper focuses on synthetic and comprehensive presentation of the implications of the increasing international role of Germany for cooperation between Poland and Russia, in times of globalization and EU's crises. The first part of the paper showcases the theoretical and practical aspects of the concept formation of Germany's new international role, the so-called design concept (Gestaltungskonzept) of the foreign and security policies. The second part provides an overall assessment of Germany's role in the attempts to resolve chosen EU's crises – the European debt crisis of 2010, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict of 2014 as well as the large influx of illegal immigrants to the EU ever since the turn of August and September 2015. The third part concentrates on the analysis of the implications of the new role in the international arena assumed by Germany for the Polish and Russian cooperation. The conclusion of the paper is following: the growing international role of Germany in the second decade of the 21stcentury has had both positive and negative impact on the cooperation between Poland and Russia.

Data from 1994 interviews with 30 secondary school & university students in the humanities in St. Petersburg, Russia show how gender stereotypes impact their life goals & problem-solving strategies. The low wages & low status of the humanitarian professions in Russia place an increased economic & psychological burden on students of the humanities. The most significant problem they faced was alienation from both traditional Soviet values & the beliefs & institutions of the post-Soviet world. Motherhood & marriage were the primary concerns of female students, & the ideal partner was depicted as both emotionally & economically supportive. These women also sought professional success, but most were uncertain regarding how they would combine their professional & family responsibilities in the future. Economic independence, self-fulfillment, & social status were the fundamental concerns of male respondents, & many listed higher education as a means of achieving these goals & avoiding military service. Most men saw family & marriage as a threat to their independence. Both genders faced the problematic desire for independence & personal growth in an environment of economic insecurity that threatened to undermine these goals. T. Sevier

Government building within the Kremlin located in Moscow, Russia. ; https://stars.library.ucf.edu/fulbrightrussia2018-images/1188/thumbnail.jpg

In April 2010, Russia and Norway surprisingly resolved their border dispute in the Barents Sea. Crucial for the signing of the agreement on the future maritime boundary was the negotiation routine gained over the previous 40 years. Cooperation in the fishing industry and, since the end of the 1980s, in environmental protection as well built trust between the two countries. Compromise became the norm, even when positions were far apart beforehand. Adapted from the source document.

Since 1999, the Russian economy has enjoyed a continuous upsurge. However, this is controlled by the oil price & therefore unstable. Long-term growth prospects are influenced by demographic development, improvement of infrastructure, & whether the observed re-nationalization in various industries will be economically successful. Russia can play its position as energy-superpower against Europe only within narrow limits as it depends primarily on the European market. Tables, Graphs. Adapted from the source document.