Suchergebnisse

Rezension zu: 1) Heike Mauer, Johanna Leinius (Hrsg.): Intersektionalität und Postkolonialität - Kritische feministische Perspektiven auf Politik und Macht. Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich 2020. ISBN 978-3-8474-2455-0. 2) Patricia Purtschert: Kolonialität und Geschlecht im 20. Jahrhundert - eine Geschichte der weißen Schweiz. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag 2019. ISBN 978-3-8376-4410-4.

Detection and monitoring land use/land cover (LULC) changes using historical multi-temporal remote sensing data is greatly important for providing an effective and robust assessment of the human-induced impacts on the environmental conditions. It is extremely recommended for LULC studies related to evaluating the sustainability of changing areas over time. The agricultural sector in Egypt is one of the crucial pillars of the national economy. The amount of traditional agricultural land (Old Lands) in the Nile Delta had a significant decline over the past few decades due to urban encroachment. Consequently, several land reclamation initiatives and policies have been adopted by the Egyptian government to expand agricultural land in desert areas (New Lands) adjacent to both fringes of the Nile delta. Tiba district is one of those newly reclaimed areas located in the western Nile Delta of Egypt with a total area of 125 km2. The primary objective of this article was to identify, monitor and quantify historical LULC changes in Tiba district using historical multi-temporal Landsat imageries for six different dates acquired from 1988 to 2018. The temporal and historical changes that occurred were identified using supervised maximum likelihood classification (MLC) approach. Three major LULC classes were distinguished and mapped: (1) Agricultural land ; (2) barren land ; and (3) urban land. In 1988, Tiba district was 100% barren land ; however, during the 1990s, the governmental reclamation projects have led to significant changes in LULC. The produced LULC maps from performing the MLC demonstrated that Tiba district had experienced significant agricultural land expansion from 0% in 1988 to occupy 84% in 2018, whilst, barren land area has decreased from 100% in 1988 to occupy only 7% in 2018. This reflects the successful governmental initiatives for agricultural expansion in desert areas located in the western Nile Delta of Egypt.

Regarding the ability doublespeak offers to its users to distort and mislead, the question about how power is (re)produce, distributed, and enacted becomes of great concern. Within this context, the present paper seeks to study how the use of doublespeak serves for the empowerment of the self and the dis-empowerment of the other. The study of this topic consists in the analysis of some examples that are taken from political speeches delivered by the US presidents; Bush, Obama, and Trump. To analyze these examples, a combination of three theories—theories of discourse analysis, theories of power, and theories of politics—is used. The application of this theoretical combination is based on the use of a simple method of research. This method follows three successive steps. First, the traces of doublespeak are detected and classified. Second, interest is given to the study of how each of the traced uses of doublespeak serves for empowerment. Third, interest shifts to the interpretation of the obtained results to highlight the political ends standing behind any struggle for power. The paper ended by offering a multi-disciplinary approach to the study of empowerment in the political uses of doublespeak as well as a simple method of research. Also, it proved that the use of doublespeak represents a strategy of empowerment that the speakers resorted to while seeking to get more power to dominate and to achieve personal goals. The paper might show as well some limitations like the uses of examples from other political contexts. However, this did not affect the quality of the research nor the results that are sought to be reached, instead, it represents a good start for future researches to look into other contexts.

The relation between knowledge and discourse is a problematic one. While speaking, we may activate one part of our knowledge and leave anther one silent to serve the coherence of what we seek to convey. Having this in mind, this paper seeks to discuss the importance of out-side-text knowledge in the analysis and comprehension of political discourse. To study this issue, concern is devoted to two axes of discussion. First, focus is given to the analysis and discussion of some key concepts to form a workable frame for the study. It also seeks to high-light the boundaries between interpretation and over-interpretation. Second, focus shifts to the analysis of some examples to put into practice the tools of the established approach. Also, the extent to which the knowledge we activated served to produce worthwhile interpretations is questioned. The selected examples are taken from presidential speeches delivered by Bush, Obama, and Trump. The method we used consists of two phases: one simple and the other complex. In phase one, the meaning the speaker sought to convey is decoded based on the types of knowledge he activated. In phase two, we activated the knowledge we have about the context of each speech to communicate the un-said. While doing this, we used the logic of critique to avoid over-interpreting the examples. The results showed that our activation of the required knowledge served to demystify what the speakers hide and to work out deception by highlighting the gap between discursive reality and social reality. It is also proved that the issue of boundaries between interpretation and over-interpretation remains a matter of critique. Though bringing valuable contributions to the critical study of language in use, the paper left the doors open for further research on how to use out-side-text knowledge to communicate the un-said.

Oil producing countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have a common policy of offering higher energy subsidies compared to other countries. MENA countries depend on fossil fuels to meet their domestic energy needs. Supplying electricity to meet the demand in these countries requires a huge subsidy, placing an extensive burden on the available financial resources. Although solar thermal technologies have been generally proven to be economically feasible in many countries with abundant solar energy, MENA countries have yet to adopt these technologies to meet their energy needs. This is attributed to the low cost of electricity owing to higher subsidies, which have made it difficult for renewable technologies to penetrate these markets. Although previous research and international organizations have recommended the removal of energy subsidies as an approach to addressing the budget deficit crisis, these recommendations did not offer realistic solutions because the resources used for generating electricity are national resources, of which the people feel that they deserve to have a share. In the present study, demand-side management (DSM) programs promoting solar thermal technologies are proposed to overcome this problem. The methodology targets replacing electricity use with that of solar energy, reducing not only the electricity demand and the required subsidies but also the emissions of carbon dioxide and other harmful gases. Two case studies were conducted for the province of Erbil, (Kurdistan Region, Iraq) to develop the methodology. First, the economic feasibility of promoting solar water heaters (SWHs) by DSM was investigated. An estimated investment of US$90 million was required. The net present value (NPV) of installing the SWHs as part of a DSM program was US$776.6 million for a life cycle of 10 years. The program would have the advantage of reducing electricity sales (which are greatly subsidized) for preparing domestic hot water in 100,000 houses. Second, the benefits of replacing standard air conditioners with solar-assisted air conditioners through DSM were assessed for 100,000 offices, costing the utility US$80 million. It was found that a capacity requirement at an estimated cost of US$138 million would be avoided for at least 10 years. Furthermore, the program would help reduce consumer annual energy consumption by approximately 37%, thus removing the need for subsidies. It would be appropriate to differentiate between the two categories of countries in the MENA region, i.e., oil exporting countries and developing oil-producing countries. There would be differences in the DSM approach promoting solar thermal technologies between these two categories of countries as oil exporting countries have stronger financial reserves compared to developing oil-producing countries. Developing oil-producing countries, owing to a fiscal deficit and typically low quality power systems, face challenges in developing their infrastructure as well as meeting the high pre-tax subsidy. The proposed approach would have better implementation potential in developing oil-producing countries as it would facilitate deferral of the construction of new power plants and associated infrastructure; simultaneously, the electricity sales would be reduced significantly. ; ÖZ: Orta Doğu ve Kuzey Afrika (MENA) bölgelerinde petrol üretimi yapan ülkelerin yaygın politikası diğer ülkelerle kıyaslandığında daha yüksek enerji sübvansiyonları vermeleridir. MENA ülkeleri, yurt içi enerji ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için fosil yakıtlara bağımlıdır. Bu ülkelerde talebi karşılamak üzere elektrik temini için çok büyük sübvansiyonlar gereklidir ve bu da mevcut finansal kaynaklar üzerine muazzam bir yük bindirmektedir. Bol güneş enerjisi alan pek çok ülkede solar ısıl teknolojilerin genelde ekonomik olarak uygulanabilir olduğu kanıtlanmış olsa da MENA ülkeleri kendi enerji ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için bu teknolojileri henüz benimsememişlerdir. Bu durum, yüksek sübvansiyonlar sayesinde elektriğin düşük maliyetli olmasına bağlanmaktadır ve bu da yenilenebilir enerji teknolojilerinin söz konusu pazarlara girmesini zorlaştırmıştır. Önceki araştırmalar ve uluslararası kuruluşlar bütçe açığı krizinin ele alınması için yaklaşım olarak enerji sübvansiyonlarının kaldırılmasını önermişlerse de bu öneriler, gerçekçi çözümler sunmamıştır çünkü elektrik üretiminde kullanılan kaynaklar ulusal kaynaklardır ve halk bu kaynaklarda payı olduğunu düşünmektedir. Bu çalışmada, bu sorunun üstesinden gelinmesi için solar ısıl teknolojileri destekleyen talep tarafı yönetimi (DSM) programları önerilmektedir. Kullanılan metodolojide, elektrik kullanımı yerine güneş enerjisi kullanılması hedeflenmekte ve böylece hem elektrik talebi ve gerekli sübvansiyonlar hem de karbondioksit ve diğer zararlı gazların emisyonları azaltılmaktadır. Metodolojinin geliştirilmesi amacıyla Erbil ili (Kürdistan Bölgesi, Irak) için iki örnek teknolojinin incelemesi yapılmıştır. İlk olarak, DSM ile solar su ısıtıcılarının (SWH) teşvikinin ekonomik uygulanabilirliği araştırılmıştır. Tahmini olarak 90 milyon Amerikan doları yatırım gerektiği tespit edilmiştir. DSM programının içinde SWH'lerin kurulmasının bugünkü net değeri (NPV) 10 yıllık bir döngüde 776,6 milyon Amerikan dolarıdır. Program, 100.000 eve sıcak kullanım suyu hazırlanmasında (büyük oranda devlet destekli olan) elektrik satışlarını azaltma avantajı sunacaktır. İkinci olarak, elektrik şirketine maliyetinin 80 milyon Amerikan doları olacağı öngörülen DSM ile standart klimaların solar destekli klimalar ile değiştirilmesinin yararı, 100.000 ofis için değerlendirilmiştir. Tahmini olarak 138 milyon Amerikan doları kadar maliyetli bir kapasite gerekliliğinin en az 10 yıl boyunca gerekmeyeceği bulunmuştur. Ayrıca program, yıllık enerji tüketimini oranında azaltmaya yardımcı olacağından sübvansiyon ihtiyacını önemli ölçüde azaltacaktır. MENA bölgesindeki ülkeleri ikiye ayırmak uygun olur: petrol ihraç eden ülkeler ve gelişmekte olan petrol üreticisi ülkeler. Petrol ihraç eden ülkelerin, gelişmekte olan petrol üreticisi ülkelere kıyasla daha güçlü finansal rezervleri olduğundan solar ısıl teknolojilerin bu iki kategoriye tanıtılması için kullanılan DSM yaklaşımında farklılıklar olacaktır. Bütçelerinde bulunan mali açık ve tipik olarak düşük kaliteli enerji sistemleri nedeniyle, gelişmekte olan petrol üreticisi ülkeler altyapılarını geliştirme ve yüksek olan vergi öncesi sübvansiyonları karşılama konularında zorluklar yaşamaktadır. Önerilen yaklaşım yeni enerji tesislerinin ve bunlarla ilişkili altyapının yapımının geciktirilmesini kolaylaştıracağı ve elektrik satışları kayda değer oranda düşeceği için bu yaklaşımın gelişmekte olan petrol üretici ülkelerde uygulama potansiyeli daha iyi olacaktır. ; Doctor of Philosophy in Mechanical Engineering. Thesis (Ph.D.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Engineering, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 2019. Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Uğur Atikol.

The Golden Twenties was known to be a period of vibrancy for Berlin which had then became the third largest municipality in the world. Berlin led a sophisticated culture in film, literature, painting, architecture and science. Yet, despite such pros, there emerged a reputation for decadence, for example prostitution and homosexual behaviour. German expressionism had a metaphorical symbolic relationship with the city and the built environment, as Germany began to regain its physical, social and economic structure after the First World War. Its fragmented urban, architectural and spatial character has been depicted as dream-like, chaotic and negatively disordered. On a parallel ideological level, the rapidly changing phenomenon of cities had great influence on artists, poets, writers and filmmakers who found metropolitan street life to be the stage of the magic and chaotic energy then known as city films. This paper highlights the vivid forms of the expressionist city – Berlin's roaring twenties – arising from the alchemy between dark representations and the urban experience. Through a tripartite coalition between Heinrich De Fries's mimesis theory, Michel De Certeau's flâneur and Karl Grune's 1923 expressionist city film Die Straße (The Street), the paper explores the cinematic representation of a once-divided metropolitan city.

In 1912, Yaḥyā Dawlatābādī composed two poems, the form of which diverged greatly from the canonical rules of tradition. Both poems were based on syllabic meters. Critics and historians of modern Persian literature have given these poems little consideration, and discussed them merely from the point of view of metrics. When compared to the great modernist endeavors in the poetry of the time, these pieces were judged severely, or altogether disavowed. This paper aims to show that, beyond mere metrical audacity, Yaḥyā Dawlatābādī's syllabic poems were in fact innovative. As the article argues, they were born out of the same quest for fresh poetic forms that induced contemporaneous modernists to create new, individualized poetic patterns.

It is a known fact that classical Persian poets were partial to poetic meters composed of eight feet, known asmuthamman. On this topic, however, two issues remain unsolved: How did the Persian poets devise these meters in the first place? Despite their flagrant predilection for eightfold meters, why did the Persians never use such meters assarīʿandqarībin this form? This paper argues that the Persians, influenced by the structure of the Arabic eightfold base meters, crafted theirmuthammanmeters after a specific process of reduplication. This theory also accounts for the lack of eightfoldsarīʿandqarībmeters, their structure being incompatible with the reduplication process.

This study employs keyword searches of literary databases such as Literature Online (LION) in an attempt to map the image of "Persia" in nineteenth-century English poetry as it was molded by a proliferation of thoughts and ideas in a variety of contexts. Completeness is not possible, of course, but the article aims to identify and explore some of the major categories within which the image of Persia was formed and disseminated in the nineteenth-century. The scope of the study is not confined to a corpus of poetic works that were written specifically on or about "Persia," but takes account of a broader range of poems, and attends to the structure, texture and variations of the presence of "Persia" in nineteenth-century English poetry.

Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks "facts of power" in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be "war by other means". ; La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de ...