Suchergebnisse

Child abuse is usually only prominent with its physical, sexual, or mental dimensions, and the educational dimension, which is based on the educational neglect and exploitation of children, is ignored. In this context, deliberate directing and shaping of the child's interests, needs and expectations, and the attempts of various stakeholders (such as parents, laws, culture, power authorities, capital groups, private enterprises, and interest groups) open the door to the educational abuse of the child. In this sense, the facts that the dominant classes use education systems to adapt their economic, social, political system and orientation, parents' authority and interventions for their children's educational and professional futures thus creating anxiety and pressure on the child, the expectation of the investment groups to raise individuals suitable for market dynamics from education by justifying the labor market and employment and the pressure for this, the educational activities of private enterprises to gain commercial earning by using the privatization ground in education, and the suppression of the child by the norms of the current culture through education and the expectation of adaptation or the provision of a curriculum for this can create an intervention in the child's self or attitude of being himself/herself by destroying the individual expectations and originality of the child. For this reason, not seeing education as an element that liberates the individual spirit and a medium that gives the individual a chance to choose, and structuring individual preferences in a way that rumples the mind or directs individuals to various goals may cause the child to be abused in an educational sense

The relevance of the article is due to the fact that not enough attention is being paid in the scientific and educational legal literature to the problems of administrative conviction, and therefore the questions about its main features and definition remain debatable. The purpose of the article is to find out the essence of administrative conviction. Systematic and historical approaches, methods of analysis and synthesis, comparative method, method of expert assessments were used in the process of realization of this goal. Informational basis of the article are literary sources, Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses, the law "On the National Police". An analysis of the first in the post-Soviet legal literature serious attempt to find out about the features of administrative persuasion has been made. As part of this analysis: 1) it has been shown that the provisions under which: a) the application of an administrative conviction is a monopoly of public authorities; b) administrative conviction is not linked to individual influence; 2) the contradiction between the Ukrainian legislation and the allegations in the legal literature has been pointed out, and it has been confirmed that the factual basis of the administrative conviction is always absent and that its application does not have a regulatory framework; 3) it has been suggested that under the current conditions the primacy of persuasion over coercion should be regarded not as a feature of administrative persuasion but as a desirable tendency for the development of this institution; 4) it has been considered as appropriate to include in the range of features of administrative conviction that: a) it is a universal method of public administration; b) subordination of its influence is voluntary; c) it is a means of preventing and averting an offense Criticism of the view that administrative conviction includes encouragement has been supported. It has been concluded that the administrative conviction is a universal method of public administration, which ...

This article assesses the articulation of vital ethno-national interests and the use and abuse of veto rights in deeply divided societies. In consociational theory, veto rights represent the primary means by which ethnic groups defend their 'vital interests', though they are often criticized for rewarding extremism and producing institutional instability. Situating a case study of Northern Ireland in a comparative perspective, I consider two lines of veto practice: liberal vs corporate (i.e. who has veto rights?) and permissive vs restrictive (i.e. to what issue areas do vetoes apply?), to assess what political incentives, if any, they offer for moderation and stability. Drawing from a review of the legislative debates when a veto was enacted and on semi-structured interviews with members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, I argue that a permissive approach, in which groups can determine their own vital interests, can contribute to moderation, peace and stability in divided societies.

Economists who have proposed government regulation to solve 'market failure' are guilty of short‐sightedness, since regulations are captured by interest groups to maintain monopoly and exclude competition, Catherine Blight (right), a Scottish economist and lawyer, examines the effectiveness of free markets and dynamic legal systems to break down monopolies, and calls for a policy of anti‐regulation.