Suchergebnisse

La ciudad estimó su población de 345.769 pobladores para 1934, habitando 38.000 viviendas en 2100 manzanas con tas solo 1640 instalaciones telefónicas. Tuvo una extensión de 15 km. entre Santa Lucía y Rionegro, por 5 km. de ancho en 1935, con muchos y grandes intersticios vacíos y sin desarrollos al sur y al occidente. El Centro de la ciudad tuvo alta congestión vehicular, a pesar de sus buses y 48,59 km. de líneas de tranvía en 1933. Poseía un aeropuerto privado de Scadta, en el Municipio de Bosa. No contó a comienzos de los treintas con las infraestructuras urgentes en acueducto, alcantarillado ni manejo de residuos sólidos. Las formas de crecimiento urbano características en 1932 fueron la "informal" y la "barraca", que aplazaban el proceso de urbanización y privilegiaban la construcción de las edificaciones. En 1933, se creó el Instituto de Acción Social de Bogotá, para resolver el problema de vivienda y obras públicas en los barrios obreros. Los obreros llevaron una existencia sórdida, antihigiénica, hacinada, con 5,2 miembros por familia, bajos ingresos y con niños y niñas trabajadores. Se relacionó pobreza con hambre y por primera vez con la nutrición. Se asociaron la higiene y la moral en las habitaciones paupérrimas. Se relocalizaron los moradores pobres de los cerros de Bogotá, del proyecto del Paseo Bolívar, en el barrio Centenario en 1938. La urbanización posterior a la ciudad existente fue la gran oportunidad para modernizar la ciudad y que fuera digna de denominarse Capital de la República. Se creó del Departamento de urbanismo en 1933, con Karl Brunner como su primer director al inicio de 1934, y se dispusieron en este Departamento las secciones de Urbanizaciones, Plano Futuro y Arquitectura. Se demandó "el proyecto de planeamiento". Brunner adelantó estudios para urbanizar el occidente y sur de la ciudad, pero no se aprobó ni se conoció bajo su dirección, un plano del futuro desarrollo de la ciudad. La ciudad contó con un Plan de Obras para el Cuarto Centenario propuesto y aprobado inicialmente en 1933 y finalmente modificado en 1935, tras el cual se siguieron proponiendo nuevas obras. En 1938 Bogotá contó con un plano actualizado de la ciudad existente. La ciudad adelantó estadísticas y estudios sociales con el "Departamento de Estadística e Investigación Social" y consideró imprescindible la elaboración de un "censo general". Se modernizaron las entidades municipales, se reorganizaron el Laboratorio de Sanidad, los roperos y restaurantes escolares, los Institutos profesionales para varones y para mujeres y, las licencias y policías específicos para el Departamento de Circulación y Tránsito. Ante el atraso de la urbanización, del acueducto, sus obras de captación, embalse, purificación y conducción, la Nación aportó recursos. Ésta también financió la construcción de la Biblioteca Nacional y del Campus de la Universidad Nacional. Sobre predios donados, el Municipio, con algunos recursos de la Gobernación, construyó el Estadio Municipal El Campín. Se construyeron tramos cortos pero importantes del Paseo Bolívar, Av. Jiménez, Av. Liévano, Av. Caracas, carrera Norte (séptima), Santiago de Chile. En alcantarillado se planteó la construcción de colectores y canales de cuerpos de agua. Respecto de la energía, el tema central crítico fue su ensanche, por el aumento de la demanda, que hicieron necesarias las plantas de El Charquito, y la de El Salto. Se continuó extendiendo la red del tranvía hasta 1938. Se construyeron edificios de la Bolsa de Bogotá y del Instituto Federico Lleras Acosta, el teatro al aire libre de la Media Torta y las 500 casas para obreros en el barrio del Centenario. Se construyeron escuelas para niños y para niñas. Se terminaron y dotaron plazas de mercado, nuevo matadero y pabellón par expendio de carnes. Se construyeron hornos crematorios de basuras. Las Juntas de Mejoras públicas de los barrios continuaron gestionando las obras de pavimentos, alcantarillas, escuelas públicas, plazas de mercado y kioscos sanitarios. La ciudad jardín y el movimiento moderno estuvieron presentes durante la discusión del Plan de Obras del IV Centenario. El Registro Municipal refirió congresos, conferencias internacionales y nacionales, artículos y reseñas, con las diferencias conceptuales de Ciudad Jardín y el Movimiento Moderno de la Arquitectura. Se abordaron: el urbanismo, la vivienda popular, los barrios insalubres y su higienización y las 'casas baratas', el crecimiento de las ciudades y de sus centros, su historia y evolución, el patrimonio natural y construido y la arquitectura. Se mencionaron las ciudades satélites, sus "cinturones verdes", los suburbios, la relación ciudad campo, el planeamiento regional, el metropolitalismo, el régimen especial para la ciudad capital, la zonificación, las vías radiales o diagonales versus los trazados ortogonales. Se redujeron las exenciones para aumentar la tributación y financiar las obras del Centenario, imponiendo normas científicas y modernas de cálculo tributario. Se organizó el sorteo de la Lotería del Centenario para costear las obras. Se creó el Fondo Rotatorio de Fomento social y el Banco Central Hipotecario para estimular el ahorro para vivienda. También se aprobó el impuesto de valorización. Nos comparamos con otras naciones con relación a las migraciones a sus ciudades capitales, las ventajas y desventajas de las ciudades modernas, el ensanche de las calles, la sanidad, el estado del bienestar social, la pobreza, los barrios populares, las finanzas municipales, el tráfico y las condiciones habitables de las viviendas. Se recibieron muchos saludos al Centenario de Bogotá, desde otros municipios nacionales y ciudades extranjeras. Se decretó para 1938 levantar el "censo civil de la República" de edificaciones y población. Se realizó la Exposición Nacional del IV Centenario, con el apoyo de la Nación y del Departamento. La modernización fue la tarea central que se propuso Bogotá para considerarse de manera diferenciada La Capital de la República. Se discutía la municipalización o privatización de los servicios municipales, la elección de alcaldes por los Concejos y no por el Gobernador. El nuevo espíritu cívico dejo de ser de los empresarios o asociaciones privadas para estar desarrolladas por las entidades municipales. Algunas élites municipales dieron importancia a las condiciones sociales de la propiedad, su función social, discutiendo privilegiar prioritariamente a las clases bajas sobre las medias. Se pretendió modernizar las costumbres, el aseo, divulgar el deporte y las granjas urbanas. Se mencionó modernizar la demografía con la pasterización de la leche, "las prácticas anticoncepcionales, el aborto y la esterilización". Se impulsó un "sistema de ahorro postal". El Paseo Bolívar se planteó como una franja sanitaria y una bella vía sobre el paisaje de la ciudad, y como un reconocimiento de las clases menos pudientes con derecho a vivienda urbanizada, como el barrio Centenario. Se llevaron a cabo la construcción de Barrios para empleados Muequetá, Las Mercedes, y para obreros, entre otros el Calderón Tejada. Se continuó insistiendo en otorgarle a Bogotá el carácter de Distrito Capital. Se llevaron a cabo las festividades del Centenario entre el 20 de julio y el 7 de agosto de 1938 en muchos lugares distintos de la ciudad. Se reconoció al Fundador y a los indígenas Chibchas. La celebración de los Juegos Bolivarianos en los nuevos estadios de la Universidad Nacional y el Nemesio Camacho, acogieron de forma permanente el foot ball en la cultura Bogotana. Se modernizó el manejo del tránsito en la ciudad con la compra de buses. ; Abstract: The city: In 1934, the city estimated that its population was 345,769 inhabitants, living in 38,000 homes over 2,100 blocks, and with 1,640 telephone lines. In 1935, the city was 15 km long from Santa Lucía to Rionegro, and 5 km wide, with many large vacant areas and no development to the south and west. In 1933, the city center had considerable traffic congestion, despite its buses and 48.59 km of tram lines. Scadta private airport operated in the municipality of Bosa. In the early 1930s, the city lacked urgently needed aqueduct, sewer, and solid waste management infrastructure. In 1932, the main styles of urban growth were "informal" and "slums," which delayed urbanization and favored self-build construction. In 1933, the Institute of Social Action of Bogotá was created to solve housing and public works problems in the working-class neighborhoods. The workers lived in sordid, unhygienic, overcrowded conditions, with 5.2 members per family, low income, and child labor. Poverty gave rise to hunger, and the impact of nutrition was understood for the first time. Poor hygiene and dubious morals were associated with the housing of the very poor. In 1938, the impoverished residents living on the slopes of Bogotá's mountainsides were relocated to the Paseo Bolivar project in the Centenario neighborhood. Urbanization: The city's subsequent urbanization was a great opportunity to modernize and make the city worthy of its denomination Capital of the Republic. The Department of Urban Planning was created in 1933, with Karl Brunner at the helm as the first director in early 1934. The department included divisions for Urbanization, Future Plans, and Architecture. "Project Planning" was in demand. Brunner led studies to urbanize the western and southern parts of the city, but no plan for the future development of the city was approved or distributed under his direction. The city's Quadricentennial Work Plan was initially approved in 1933 and modified in 1935, after which new works continued to be proposed. By 1938, Bogotá had an up-to-date map of the existing city. The Department of Statistics and Social Research gathered statistics and undertook social studies on the city, and decided that it was essential to do a general census. The municipal agencies were modernized, and reorganization was done of the Health Laboratory, school clothing and food programs, professional institutes for men and women, licenses, and the Traffic and Transit Police force was created. Given the shortcomings in the urban aqueduct system, the nation contributed resources for channeling water, reservoirs, purification, and water distribution. It also financed the construction of the National Library and the National University campus. The municipality, with some resources from the departmental government, built the Nemésio Camacho El Campín Stadium on donated land. Short but important sections of the roads Paseo Bolívar, Av. Jiménez, Av. Liévano, Av. Caracas, Carrera Norte (Carrera 7), and Av. Santiago de Chile were built. The construction of water collectors and channels was considered for the sewage system. In terms of electricity, the critical issue was increasing production to meet increasing demand, which made the El Charquito and El Salto plants necessary. The tramway network continued to spread until 1938. The Bogotá Stock Exchange, the Federico Lleras Acosta Institute, and the Media Torta amphitheater were built, as well as 500 houses for workers in the Centenario neighborhood. Schools for boys and girls were built. Markets were built and provisioned, along with a new slaughterhouse and meat dispensary. Garbage incinerators were built. Neighborhood Public Improvement Boards continued to organize paving projects, sewer systems, public schools, markets, and healthcare posts. The Garden City and the Modern Movement were part of the discussion of the Quadricentennial Public Works Plan. Municipal records mention congresses, national and international conferences, articles and reviews, addressing the different concepts of the Garden City and the Modern Architecture Movement. The issues examined included: urbanism, self-build housing, sanitation and unhealthy neighborhoods and "cheap housing," the growth of cities and their centers, their history and evolution, natural and constructed heritage, and architecture. Satellite cities, green belts, suburbs, city-greenspace proportions, regional planning, metropolitanism, a special planning regime for the capital district, zoning, and radial or diagonal roadways versus grid plan roadways were discussed. Modern and scientific tax calculation standards were used to reduce tax exemptions and increase revenues to finance the Quadricentennial works. The Centennial Lottery was created to help finance the works. The Revolving Fund for Social Development and the Central Mortgage Bank were created to encourage savings for housing. The land betterment tax was created. Colombia looked to other countries to compare itself in terms of migration to the capital cities, the advantages and disadvantages of modern cities, the widening of the streets, healthcare, social welfare, poverty, working-class neighborhoods, municipal finances, traffic, and housing conditions. Many municipalities around the country and foreign cities sent greetings to Bogotá for the Quadricentennial. It was decided that a census of buildings and people would be done in 1938. The Quadricentennial National Exhibition was held, with the support of the nation and the department. Modernization was Bogotá's main goal so that the Capital of the Republic would be seen as different. The municipalization or privatization of municipal services was discussed, as was the proposal to have City Council elect the mayor, instead of being appointed by the departmental governor. Municipal agencies set the tone for the new civic spirit, instead of businesses or private associations. Some municipal decision-makers stressed the importance of the social aspects of property, its social function, arguing in favor of prioritizing the lower-income classes over the middle classes. The aim was to modernize practices, cleanliness, encourage sports and urban gardens. The population would be modernized with the pasteurization of milk, "contraceptive practices, abortion and sterilization." A postal savings bank was created. Paseo Bolívar was conceived to be a greenspace and a beautiful lookout over the city, and also as recognition that the less affluent classes have the right to urban development, such as the Centenario neighborhood. Neighborhoods such as Muequetá and Las Mercedes were built for company employees, and others were built for laborers, such as Calderón Tejada, among others. Importance was placed on continuing to transform Bogota into a Capital District. The Quadricentennial festivities were held between July 20 and August 7, 1938 in locations throughout the city. The city's founder and the Chibcha indigenous origins were commemorated. The Bolivarian Games were hosted in the new stadium at the National University and the Nemésio Camacho El Campín stadium, which is the permanent home of "football" in Bogota. Traffic management in the city was modernized with the purchase of buses. Keywords: Bogotá, urban history, modernization, urban planning. ; Maestría

Banks perform important functions for the economy. Besides financial intermediation, banks provide information, liquidity, maturity- and risk-transformation (Fama, 1985). Banks ensure the transfer of liquidity from depositors to the most profitable investment projects. In addition, they perform important screening and monitoring services over investments hence contributing steadily to the efficient allocation of resources across the economy (Pathan and Faff, 2013). Since banks provide financial services all across the economy, this exposes banks (as opposed to non-banks) to systemic risk: the recent financial crisis revealed that banks can push economies into severe recessions. However, the crisis also revealed that certain bank types appear far more stable than others. For instance, cooperative banks performed better during the crisis than commercial banks. Different business models may reason these performance-differences: cooperative banks focus on relationship lending across their region, hence these banks suffered less from the collapse of the US housing market. Since cooperative banks performed better during the crisis than commercial banks, it is quite surprising that research concerning cooperative banks is highly underrepresented in the literature. For this reason, the following three studies aim to contribute to current literature by examining three independent contemporaneous research questions in the context of cooperative banks. Chapter 2 examines whether cooperative banks benefit from revenue diversification: Current banking literature reveals the recent trend in the overall banking industry that banks may opt for diversification by shifting their revenues to non-interest income. However, existing literature also shows that not every bank benefits from revenue diversification (Mercieca et al., 2007; Stiroh and Rumble, 2006; Goddard et al., 2008). Stiroh and Rumble (2006) find that large commercial banks (US Financial Holding Companies) perceive decreasing performance by shifting revenues towards non-interest income. Revenues from cooperative banks differ from those of commercial banks: commercial banks trade securities and derivatives, sell investment certificates and other trading assets. Concerning the lending business, commercial banks focus on providing loans for medium-sized and large companies rather than for small (private) customers. Cooperative banks rely on commission income (fees) from monetary transactions and selling insurances as a source of non-interest income. They generate most of their interest income by providing loans to small and medium-sized companies as well as to private customers in the region. These differences in revenues raise the question whether findings from Stiroh and Rumble (2006) apply to cooperative banks. For this reason, Chapter 2 evaluates a sample of German cooperative banks over the period 2005 to 2010 and aims to investigate the following research question: which cooperative banks benefit from revenue diversification? Results show that findings from Stiroh and Rumble (2006) do not apply to cooperative banks. Revenue concentration is positive related to risk-adjusted returns (indirect effect) for cooperative banks. At the same time, non-interest income is more profitable than interest income (direct effect). The evaluation of the underlying non-interest income share shows that banks who heavily focus on non-interest income benefit by shifting towards non-interest income. This finding arises due to the fact, that the positive direct effect dominates the negative indirect effect, leading in a positive (and significant) net effect. Furthermore, results reveal a negative net effect for banks who are heavily exposed to interest generating activities. This indicates that shifting to non-interest income decreases risk-adjusted returns for these banks. Consequently, these banks do better by focusing on the interest business. Overall, results show evidence that banks need time to build capabilities, expertise and experience before trading off return and risk efficiently with regard on revenue diversification. Chapter 3 deals with the relation between credit risk, liquidity risk, capital risk and bank efficiency: There has been rising competition in the European banking market due to technological development, deregulation and the introduction of the Euro as a common currency in recent decades. In order to remain competitive banks were forced to improve efficiency. That is, banks try to operate closer to a "best practice" production function in the sense that banks improve the input – output relation. The key question in this context is if banks improve efficiency at a cost of higher risk to compensate decreasing earnings. When it comes to bank risk, a large strand of literature discusses the issue of problem loans. Several studies identify that banks hold large shares of non-performing loans in their portfolio before becoming bankrupt (Barr and Siems, 1994; Demirgüc-Kunt, 1989). According to efficiency, studies show that the average bank generates low profits and incorporates high costs compared to the "best practice" production frontier (Fiordelisi et al., 2011; Williams, 2004). At first glance, these two issues do not seem related. However, Berger and DeYoung (1997) show that banks with poor management are less able to handle their costs (low cost-efficiency) as well as to monitor their debtors in an appropriate manner to ensure loan quality. The negative relationship between cost efficiency and non-performing loans leads to declining capital. Existing studies (e.g. Williams, 2004; Berger and DeYoung, 1997) show that banks with a low level of capital tend to engage in moral hazard behavior, which in turn can push these banks into bankruptcy. However, the business model of cooperative banks is based on the interests of its commonly local customers (the cooperative act: § 1 GenG). This may imply that the common perception of banks engaging in moral hazard behavior may not apply to cooperative banks. Since short-term shareholder interests (as a potential factor for moral hazard behavior) play no role for cooperative banks this may support this notion. Furthermore, liquidity has been widely neglected in the existing literature, since the common perception has been that access to additional liquid funds is not an issue. However, the recent financial crisis revealed that liquidity dried up for many banks due to increased mistrust in the banking sector. Besides investigating moral hazard behavior, using data from 2005 to 2010 this study moves beyond current literature by employing a measure for liquidity risk in order to evaluate how liquidity risk relates to efficiency and capital. Results mostly apply to current literature in this field since the empirical evaluation reveals that lower cost and profit-efficiency Granger-cause increases in credit risk. At the same time, results indicate that credit risk negatively Granger-causes cost and profit-efficiency, hence revealing a bi-directional relationship between these measures. However, most importantly, results also show a positive relationship between capital and credit risk, thus displaying that moral hazard behavior does not apply to cooperative banks. Especially the business model of cooperative banks, which is based on the interests of its commonly local customers (the cooperative act: § 1 GenG) may reason this finding. Contrary to Fiordelisi et al. (2011), results also show a negative relationship between capital and cost-efficiency, indicating that struggling cooperative banks focus on managing their cost-exposure in following periods. Concerning the employed liquidity risk measure, the authors find that banks who hold a high level of liquidity are less active in market related investments and hold high shares of equity capital. This outcome clearly reflects risk-preferences from the management of a bank. Chapter 4 examines governance structures of cooperative banks: The financial crisis of 2007/08 led to huge distortions in the banking market. The failure of Lehman Brothers was the beginning of government interventions in various countries all over the world in order to prevent domestic economies from even further disruptions. In the aftermath of the crisis, politicians and regulators identified governance deficiencies as one major factor that contributed to the crisis. Besides existing studies in the banking literature (e.g. Beltratti and Stulz, 2012; Diamond and Rajan, 2009; Erkens et al., 2012) an OECD study from 2009 supports this notion (Kirkpatrick, 2009). Public debates increased awareness for the need of appropriate governance mechanisms at that time. Consequently, politicians and regulators called for more financial expertise on bank boards. Accordingly, the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision states in principle 2 that "board members should remain qualified, individually and collectively, for their positions. They should understand their oversight and corporate governance role and be able to exercise sound, objective judgement about the affairs of the bank." (BCBS, 2015). Taking these perceptions into consideration the prevailing question is whether financial experts on bank boards do really foster bank stability? This chapter aims to investigate this question by referring to the study from Minton et al. (2014). In their study, the authors investigate US commercial bank holding companies between the period 2003 and 2008. The authors find that financial experts on the board of US commercial bank holding companies promote pro-cyclical bank performance. Accordingly, the authors question regulators view of more financial experts on the board leading to more banking stability. However, Minton et al. (2014) do not examine whether their findings accrue due to financial experts who act in the interests of shareholders or due to the issue that financial experts may have a more risk-taking attitude (due to a better understanding of financial instruments) than other board members. Supposed that their findings accrue due to financial experts who act in the interests of shareholders. Then financial experts on the board of banks where short-term shareholder interests play no role (cooperative banks) may prove beneficial with regard on bank performance during the crisis as well as in normal times. This would mean that they use their skills and expertise to contribute sustainable growth to the bank. Contrary, if this study reveals pro-cyclical bank performance related to financial experts on the board of cooperative banks, this finding may be addressed solely to the risk-taking attitude of financial experts (since short-term shareholder interests play no role). For this reason, this chapter aims to identify the channel for the relation of financial experts and bank performance by examining the following research question: Do financial experts on the board promote pro-cyclical bank performance in a setting where short-term shareholder interests play no role? Results show that financial experts on the board of cooperative banks (data from 2006 to 2011) do not promote pro-cyclical bank performance. Contrary, results show evidence that financial experts on the board of cooperative banks appear to foster long-term bank stability. This suggests that regulators should consider ownership structure (and hence business model of banks) when imposing new regulatory constraints for financial experts on the bank board. ; Banken nehmen wichtige Funktionen innerhalb einer Volkswirtschaft wahr. Innerhalb ihrer Rolle als Finanzintermediär stellen sie Liquidität bereit und übernehmen elementare Aufgaben der Fristen- und Risikotransformation (Fama ,1985). Sie stellen sicher, dass die Liquidität der Depotinhaber den profitabelsten Investitionsprojekten zukommt. Darüber hinaus übernehmen Banken wichtige Prüfungs- und Überwachungsfunktionen über ihre Investitionsprojekte und sorgen damit für eine stetig effiziente Ressourcenallokation innerhalb einer Volkswirtschaft (Pathan and Faff, 2013). Da jedoch Banken ihre Finanzdienstleistungen der gesamten Volkswirtschaft zur Verfügung stellen, erzeugen sie damit auch (im Gegensatz zu Firmen) ein gewisses Systemrisiko: die Finanzkrise 2007 – 2008 hat gezeigt, dass Banken ganze Staaten in eine Rezession ziehen können. Gleichzeitig hat die Krise allerdings auch gezeigt, dass bestimmte Banktypen deutlich stabiler sind als andere. So sind beispielsweise die genossenschaftlichen Volks- und Raiffeisenbanken deutlich besser durch die Krise gekommen als nahezu alle Universalbanken. Genossenschaftsbanken existieren in allen größeren westlichen Volkswirtschaften und nehmen innerhalb dieser oft eine bedeutende Rolle ein. Aufgrund der einerseits hohen Bedeutung von Genossenschaftsbanken in den genannten Volkswirtschaften und der andererseits vergleichsweise geringen Beachtung in der Literatur, ist es das Ziel dieser Dissertation mit den folgenden drei empirischen Studien die bestehende Forschung der Genossenschaftsbanken voranzutreiben. Die drei empirischen Studien beschäftigen sich mit jeweils unabhängigen Forschungsfragen, die für den Bankensektor in jüngster Zeit von hoher Relevanz sind. Kapitel 2 beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, welche Genossenschaftsbanken von einer Einnahmendiversifikation profitieren können: bestehende Literatur offenbart den Trend innerhalb des Bankensektors, wonach Banken nach Diversifikation streben, indem sie ihre Einnahmen immer stärker im zinsunabhängigen Geschäft generieren. Jedoch zeigt sich in der Literatur ebenfalls, dass längst nicht alle Banken durch die Einnahmendiversifikation profitieren (Mercieca et al., 2007; Stiroh and Rumble, 2006; Goddard et al., 2008). Bei der Untersuchung von Genossenschaftsbanken ergibt sich folgendes Bild: es profitieren diejenigen Banken von einer weiteren Einnahmendiversifikation, welche bereits einen hohen Anteil ihrer Einnahmen durch das zinsunabhängige Geschäft generieren. Des Weiteren zeigt die Untersuchung einen negativen Nettoeffekt für diejenigen Banken, welche den Großteil ihrer Einnahmen durch das Zinsgeschäft generieren. Insgesamt deuten die Hinweise der empirischen Untersuchung darauf hin, dass Banken eine gewisse Zeit benötigen um entsprechende Expertise und Erfahrung aufzubauen damit eine Einnahmendiversifikation eine konkurrenzfähige risikoadjustierte Rendite erzeugt. Kapitel 3 beschäftigt sich mit der Beziehung zwischen dem Risiko, der Kapitalausstattung und der Effizienz einer Bank. Das Geschäftsmodell von Genossenschaftsbanken beruht auf der Förderung der Interessen der Mitglieder (§ 1 GenG). Das legt die Vermutung nahe, dass die in der Literatur weit verbreitete Ansicht des moralischen Risikoverhaltens nicht auf Genossenschaftsbanken zutrifft. Darüber hinaus könnten die besonderen Governance-Strukturen von Genossenschaftsbanken diese These stützen: kurzfristige Eigentümerinteressen als mögliche Ursache für moralisches Risikoverhalten spielen bei Genossenschaftsbanken keine Rolle. Die Ergebnisse der empirischen Untersuchung von Genossenschaftsbanken zeigen, dass eine niedrigere Kosten- und Gewinneffizienz zu einem höheren Kreditrisiko führt. Gleichzeitig bestätigen die Ergebnisse, dass ein negativer Zusammenhang zwischen dem Kreditrisiko von Banken und deren Kosten- und Gewinneffizienz besteht. Als zentraler Unterschied zu bestehenden Studien zeigt sich jedoch, dass ein positiver Zusammenhang zwischen der Eigenkapitalposition und dem Kreditrisiko besteht. Das bedeutet, dass moralisches Risikoverhalten ("moral hazard") bei Genossenschaftsbanken, wie bereits vermutet, nicht stattfindet. Insbesondere der Zweck der Genossenschaftsbanken (§ 1 GenG) und die damit einhergehenden besonderen Governance-Strukturen sind nach Ansicht der Autoren die wesentliche Begründung für diese Erkenntnis. Kapitel 4 widmet sich den Governance-Strukturen von Genossenschaftsbanken. Speziell wird in diesem Kapitel die Forschungsfrage behandelt, ob Finanzexperten im Aufsichtsrat von Genossenschaftsbanken zu einer prozyklischen Bankperformance führen. Dieser Zusammenhang wurde in der Studie von Minton, Taillard und Williamson (2014) bei kapitalmarktorientierten Banken aufgezeigt. Die Ergebnisse der Genossenschaftsbanken hingegen zeigen, dass Finanzexperten in den Aufsichtsräten von Genossenschaftsbanken im Zeitraum von 2006 bis 2011 keine prozyklische Bankperformance erzeugen. Im Gegenteil, die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass Finanzexperten in den Aufsichtsräten von Genossenschaftsbanken eine langfristige Stabilität der Banken gewährleisten. In der Konsequenz bedeutet das, dass Regulatoren die Eigentümerstrukturen (und damit das Geschäftsmodell) von Banken berücksichtigen sollten, wenn sie neue regulatorische Anforderungen hinsichtlich Finanzexperten in den Aufsichtsräten von Banken einführen.

Zusammenfassung Das in der westlichen Hälfte der Insel Neuguinea liegende Papua unterliegt einer raschen, unzureichend geplanten sozialen und ökonomischen Entwicklung. Zunehmende Umweltzerstörung (Habitatdegradierung) bedroht den hohen Artenreichtum und die einheimische Biodiversität. Süßwasserökosysteme sind sehr stark bedroht durch Umweltverschmutzung, Habitatsveränderung und das Einschleppen von fremden Arten. Bisher wurde dieser menschliche Einfluss an den Süßwasserarten unzureichend erforscht, speziell an den Fischen in stehenden und fliessenden Gewässern in Papua. Der Sentani See liegt in Nordpapua, in der Nähe von Jayapura, der Hauptstadt der Provinz Papua. Es repräsentiert das größte Süßwasserökosystem in Papua und spielt somit eine wichtige Rolle für das Überleben der Menschen und anderer Lebewesen in dieser Gegend. Menschliche Aktivitäten beeinflussen die lokale Flora und Fauna, insbesondere solche mit engem Verbreitungsgebieten wie z.B. Regenbogenfische Chilatherinasentaniensis und Glossolepisincisus, und der Sentani Goby. (Glossogobius sp.) Der See liegt nahe an urbanen Zentren, sodass in allen Himmelsrichtungen Umweltverschmutzungen aller Art stattfinden., dies betrifft insbesondere Veränderungen im Uferbereich und das Einschleppen fremder Arten. Trotz dieser Bedenken und der Bedeutung für die lokale Regierung findet das Thema kaum Beachtung im Hinblick auf Erhalt des Ökosystems. Trotz einiger Forschung in Richtung Mollusken, Phytoplankton und Limnologie, und Wasserqualität des Sees gibt es keine spezifischen Untersuchungen über die Korrelation zwischen menschlichen Aktivitäten und der Artenveränderung im See. Deshalb ist das Ziel dieser Arbeit die Ökologie des roten Regenbogenfisches als einem der meistbedrohten endemischen Fischarten im Sentanisee sowie den menschlichen Einfluss auf sein Habitat zu dokumentieren. Im Speziellen beschreibt diese Arbeit den Einfluss auf die Häufigkeit, Größe, Geschlechterverteilung und Populationsveränderung nach Einführung fremder Arten. Um den menschlichen Faktor zu messen, wurden acht physiochemische Parameter untersucht, von denen der größte Einfluss auf die Häufigkeit des Vorkommens beschrieben wird in neun verschiedenen Gegenden dreier verschiedener Zonen. Die Gegenden wurden nach Kriterien unterschiedlicher menschlicher Aktivität ausgesucht unter der Hypothese, dass eine höhere menschlicher Population einen entsprechenden Einfluss auf die Fischpopulation hat. Zone I beschreibt hohen menschlichen Einfluss, Zone II mittelmäßige menschliche Aktivität, Zone III hat die niedrigste menschliche Aktivität und wurde als "Kontrollgegend" genutzt. Diese Gegenden wurden später neu eingeteilt gemäß der physiochemischen Parameter des Wassers. Fisch und Wasserproben wurden entlang des Ufers gesammelt, in bis zu zwei Meter Tiefe. Fisch wurde morgens in jeder Zone gefangen. Dies wurde dreimal an anderen Tagen wiederholt, sodass 27 verschieden Daten für jede Zone zusammenkamen, insgesamt 81 Daten für drei Zonen innerhalb eines Jahres, und somit 243 Daten in drei Jahren. Die gesammelten Regenbogenfische wurden nach Geschlecht gezählt, gemessen und wieder freigelassen. Wasserproben wurden nach dem gleichen Muster entnommen, dreimal täglich; morgens (6.00 – 9.00am), mittags (11.00 bis 13.00pm) und nachmittags (16.00 – 18.00pm) und dreimal in jeder Zone an drei weiteren Tagen gesammelt. So wurden ebenfalls 81 Wasserproben gewonnen. Die Wasserparameter, Nitrate, Nitrite, Phosphate, der biologische Sauerstoffbedarf und der chemische Sauerstoffbedarf wurden in einem Labor analysiert, während Wassertemperatur, PH Wert und gelöster Sauerstoff direkt vor Ort gemessen wurden. Dann wurde das Umfeld des Regenbogenfisches beschreibend analysiert, um die Habitatpräferenzen einschliesslich Substrat, Typ, Wassertiefe, Wasserbewegung und Vegetation kennezulernen. Um die physiochemischen Parameter des Wassers zu analysieren, wurde das RStatistikanalyse Programm benutzt., um somit Verbreitung und Größe des Regenbogenfisches in jeder Probe, und somit eine Korrelation zwischen den Wasserparametern und der Größe und Verteilung des Regenbogenfisches zu entdecken. Nachdem der Grad der Wasserverschmutzung bestimmt worden war, wurden die Fischproben in drei Gruppen eingeteilt, je nach Verschmutzungsgrad der Gebiete. Das Analysetool in Excel 2007 und die Version von SPSS 17.0 wurden genutzt, um die Fischgröße jeder Gruppe, sowie den Unterscheid der Gruppen zueinander, das Verhältnis der Anzahl der Fische zur Zahl der eingeführten fremden Fische, sowie die Korrelation der Zahl der Regenbogenfische zur Nitratkonzentration zu bestimmen. Basierend auf den bereits erwähnten Wasserparametern wurden die Untersuchungsgebiete in drei Gruppen geteilt. 1 und 2 mit hohem menschlichen Einfluss, 3 mit geringem menschlichem Impact. Es gab signifikante Unterschiede bei bestimmten Wasserparametern innerhalb der Gruppen, insbesondere bei Nitraten und Nitriten, Phosphate, biologischem Sauerstoffbedarf und chemischen Sauerstoffbedarf. Die erste Gruppe hatte die höchste Konzentration an Nitraten und Nitriten, Gruppe II hatte die höchste Konzentration an Phosphaten, biologischem, sowie chemischen Sauerstoffbedarf . Gruppe drei hatte die beste Wasserqualität und niedere bis mittlere Konzentration der obengenannten Parameter. Die Phosphatlevel übersteigen den in Indonesien staatlich zugelassenen Grenzwert von Phosphat in Trinkwasser und Fischereiwasser. Nitrat und Nitritbelastung liegen unter den zulässigen Grenzwerten. Es wurde kein Bereich ohne nachweisbaren menschlichen Einfluss gefunden, nicht mal bei so geringer Bev.dichte wie 2Menschen /km2; Diese Ergebnisse zeigen die deutliche Verschmutzung des Sentani Sees durch die Menschen. Die Anzahl des roten Regenbogenfisches war in allen Gruppen gleich, ausser es wurde nach Geschlecht getrennt gezählt. Die männlichen Fische war in allen Gruppen ähnlich, während die Anzahl weinblichen Fische in der Gruppe drei niedriger war. Nitrat war der einzige Parameter, dem ein direkter inverser Zusammenhang mit der Anzahl der Regenbogenfische nachgewiesen werden konnte. Die Körperlänge der Fische war signifikant unterschiedlich in den einzelnen Gruppen. Gruppe drei hatte das durchschnittlich größte Körpermass. Phosphat war der einzige Parameter mit Einfluss auf die Körperlänge, obwohl nicht signifikant. Die Anzahl der Fremdfische korrelierte schwach mit der Anzahl der Regenbogenfische. Gruppe zwei hatte eine leicht negative Korrelation, Gruppe eins und drei waren leicht positiv korreliert. Das bedeutet, dass die Anzahl der Fremdfische keinen Einfluss auf die Zahl der Regenbogenfische hat. Die Zahl der männliche Regenbogenfische war in der Flachwasserzone am Ufer höher, während die weiblichen mehr in den tiefen Wassern gefunden wurden. Diese Korrelation war ähnlich in Gruppe eins und zwei, während in der dritten weniger verschmutzten Gruppe eine höhere Anzahl männlicher Fische war. Die unterschiedliche Geschlechterverteilung war abhängig von Habitat, Licht und Temperaturpräferenzen. Grundsätzlich bevorzugen rote Regenbogenfische klares, flaches Wasser mit Sand, Kiesel und Steinsubstrat und halten sich gerne auf zwischen Hydrilla verticillata, Valisneria americana, Eichhornia crassipes, Metroxylon sagu und Gräsern. Das Angebot von Futter war ebenfalls attraktiv für die Fische, insbesondere unter traditionellen Pfahlhäusern, den Wurzeln einiger Pflanzen, Schmutz, Abfall und Holzresten. Pollen und Insekten waren ebenfalls eine bedeutende Nahrungsquelle für die Fische, sowie auch die Larven von Wasserinsekten und Algen. Pflanzwurzeln waren ebenfalls als Rückzugs- und Aufzuchtsgebiet sowie als Spielplatz attraktiv für die Fische. Die Fische vermieden Bereiche mit hohen Lichtintensitäten und zogen schattige Gebiete in tiefem Wasser vor. Diese Faktoren beeinflussten die Verbreitung der Regenbogenfische in den Habitaten und konsequenterweise auch ihre Anzahl. Menschliche Aktivitäten haben Einfluss auf die Qualität des Habitats und des Wassers in und um den Sentanisee. Obwohl die Wasserqualität keinen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Verbreitung der Regenbogenfische hat, dank seiner Fähigkeit, sich auch an schlechtere Konditionen anzupassen, wird eine zunehmende Verschmutzung doch als Bedrohung gewertet. Zunehmende Verschmutzung des Wassers wird sich in einer Verschlechterung des Ökosystems zeigen und wird dazu führen, dass die Arten um geringere Ressourcen konkurrieren müssen. Das wird ultimativ zum Aussterben von endemischen Arten führen, von denen der rote Regenbogenfisch nur ein Vertreter ist. Deshalb sollte der Sentani See prioriär als Naturschutzgebiet in Papua behandelt werden, um einheimische und endemische Arten zu schützen. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie liefern Grundlagen Daten für den Schutz des roten Regenbogenfisches im Sentani See. Somit erhalten Politiker Strategien zum Erhalt des Habitats, Möglichkeiten Verschmutzung einzudämmen, und Kommunen zum Naturschutz zu motivieren. Weitere Studien werden benötigt, um das Verhältnis des roten Regenbogenfisches und seine Vorlieben, sowie seine Anfälligkeiten bestimmten Noxen gegenüber zu erforschen. Verschiedene Möglichkeiten der Kontrolle der Verschmutzung sollten ebenfalls erforscht werden. Andere Regionen des Sees, die in dieser Studie nicht erforscht werden konnten, sollten überwacht werden. Unabhängig von den bearbeiteten Untersuchungen am Ökosystem des "Sentani Sees" als Teil eines ganzheitlichen "Sentani See Programms" sollten weitere Studien zur Wasserqualität und insbesondere zum Einfluß anthropogener Umweltverschmutzung auf Flora und Fauna angestellt werden. Eine Überwachung des gesamten Sees zur Bestimmung der Ökologie wäre sinnvoll, damit ein Gesamtprogramm zur ökologischen Rehabilitation folgen kann. ; Summary Located in the western half of New Guinea, Papua is facing rapid and poorly-planned social and economic development, increasing habitat degradation and threatening its high level of species richness and endemicity. Freshwater ecosystems, more than any other biotope in Papua, face the worst consequences from human development through sedimentation, habitat alteration, pollution, and the introduction of exotic species. However, little research has been conducted on the impact of human activities on aquatic species, and specifically fish in lentic and lotic ecosystems, in Papua. Lake Sentani is located in northern Papua, near Jayapura, the capital of Papua Province. It is the largest lowland lake in Papua, and plays a critical role in the survival of the humans and organisms living in and around it. Human activities are negatively affecting its local flora and fauna, especially those with very narrow distributions, such as the rainbowfishes, Chilatherina sentaniensis and Glossolepis incisus, and the Sentani Goby (Glossogobius sp.). The lake is located close to an urban center and heavy development occurs in the north, east, and northeast, while other threats include non-point pollution of human activities, habitat alteration along the shoreline, and introduced species. Despite these concerns, and its proximity to the local government, the lake has received no attention in terms conserving its ecosystem. Moreover, although there is some research on the mollusks, phytoplankton, limnological aspects, and water quality of the lake, none exists specifically on the correlation between human activities and the lake's inhabitants. Therefore, the aim of this study was to document the ecology of the Red Rainbowfish (Glossolepis incisus), one of the threatened endemic fishes in Lake Sentani, and the impact of human activities on its habitats. Specifically, this study was designed to focus on the impact of human activities on the abundance of the Red Rainbowfish, its body length, and sex ratio, and the abundance of introduced fishes and correlation between their abundance and Red Rainbowfish abundance. Assessing the impact of human activities was done by measuring eight water physicochemical parameters that were reported to have the most potential influence on the abundance of the Red Rainbowfish, in nine locations from three zones. The zones were predetermined based on visual assessments of the level of human activities, where higher numbers of people were assumed to have higher impacts on the environment. Zone I's locations had heavy human activity, Zone II's locations had medium human activity, and Zone III's locations had the lowest human activity and was considered a "control area". These zones' locations were later regrouped following analyses of the water physicochemical parameters. Fish and water samples were collected along the shoreline, at depths of up to two meters. Fish were sampled in the morning at each sampling site of a single location, and replicated three times on alternate days, yielding 27 data sets for each zone, or 81 data sets for all three zones within a year, and a total 243 data sets in three years. Collected rainbowfish were differentiated by sex, counted, measured, and released. Water parameters were measured in the same sites in which fish sampling was conducted, three times a day—morning (06.00–09.00 am), midday (11.00 am–13.00 pm), and afternoon (16.00–18.00 pm)—and repeated three times in each sampling site on three alternate days. Thus, a total of 81 water parameter data sets were collected. Water parameters, including nitrate, nitrite, phosphate, biological oxygen demand, and chemical oxygen demand were analyzed in a laboratory, while water temperature, pH, and dissolved oxygen were directly measured in the field. Then, the ecology of the rainbowfish was descriptively analyzed to assess the preferred habitat of the fish, including substrate type, water depth, turbidity, and vegetation. The R statistical analysis program was used to analyze the water physicochemical parameters in order to determine the level of pollution in the water, abundance of Red Rainbowfish in each sampling group, and correlation between water physicochemical parameters and Red Rainbowfish abundance and body size. After the level of water pollution was determined, fish samples were arranged into three groups based on the level of pollution in their location. The Analysis Toolpak in Microsoft Excel 2007, and SPSS version 17.0 were used to calculate Red Rainbowfish body length for each group, as well as the difference between groups, correlation between Red Rainbowfish abundance and introduced fish abundance, and Red Rainbowfish abundance and nitrate concentration. Based on the aforementioned water physicochemical parameters, the sampling sites were distinguished into three groups: Groups 1 and 2 indicated heavy pollution (human impact) and Group 3 indicated low pollution (human impact) with fairly good water quality. There were significant differences in certain physicochemical parameters between groups, specifically in nitrate, nitrite, phosphate, BOD, and COD. Group 1 had the highest concentrations of nitrate and nitrite, while Group 2 had the highest concentrations of phosphate, BOD and COD. Group 3 had the best water quality of the three groups, with low to medium concentrations of each parameter. Phosphate levels in all three groups exceeded the Indonesian government's phosphate limit in drinking water and fisheries, with BOD and COD. Nitrate and nitrite were both still within the limit. No area with zero human impact was found, even in sites with a population as low as two people. These results indicate that Lake Sentani already suffers from a high level of organic matter, which enters the lake as the result of human activities around it. Red Rainbowfish abundance was not different between groups, except when fish were counted based on their sex. Male abundance remained similar across groups, whereas female abundance was similar in Groups 1 and 2, but much lower in Group 3. Nitrate was the only water parameter significantly correlating negatively with Red Rainbowfish abundance, suggesting that increased nitrate levels had an effect in decreasing fish abundance in Lake Sentani, although the impact was still low. Red Rainbowfish body length was significantly different between groups, with Group 3 having the longest mean body length. Phosphate was the only parameter found to contribute to Red Rainbowfish body length, albeit non-significantly. Introduced fish abundance correlated weakly with Red Rainbowfish abundance. While Group 2 showed a weak negative correlation, Group 1 and Group 3 revealed a weak positive correlation, suggesting that, whether positive or negative, introduced fish species had a very low influence on the abundance of the Red Rainbowfish. Male Red Rainbowfish were more abundant than females in the shallow waters along the shoreline, the latter being found more commonly in deeper waters. This ratio was similar in Groups 1 and 2, whereas Group 3, whose habitats were the least polluted, had a higher ratio of males. The disparity in sex ratio was possibly caused by their different habitat preferences, as well as light and temperature preferences. The overall habitat preference of the Red Rainbowfish was clear, shallow water, sand, gravel, and cobble substrate, and shoaling amidst Hydrilla verticillata, Valisneria americana, Eichhornia crassipes, Metroxylon sagu, and grasses. The availability of food also attracted fish to certain areas, such as under traditional stilt houses, roots of some plants, litter, and wood debris. The pollen of terrestrial plants, as well as terrestrial insects, also served as a food source for the fish, along with the larvae of aquatic insects and algae. Roots of plants were also important for refuge, and as nursery and playing grounds. Moreover, the fish avoided high light intensities by moving to shaded areas or deeper water. These factors influenced the Red Rainbowfish's distribution and habitat selection, and consequently, its abundance. Human activities in and around Lake Sentani have impacted the quality of its habitats and water. Although water quality did not have a significant influence on the Red Rainbowfish, owing to its ability to adapt to changes in water quality, changes to its habitat will have a significant impact on its ability to survive in Lake Sentani. The outcome of the present rate of pollution of its water will be further and more serious deterioration of its ecosystem, force its inhabitants to compete for increasingly fewer resources, and ultimately result in the extinction of its endemic species, of which the Red Rainbowfish is just one example. Therefore, Lake Sentani should be made a priority in Papuan conservation and management efforts, especially for native and endemic species. The results of this study provide baseline data for Red Rainbowfish conservation in Lake Sentani, and will allow policy-makers to pursue the protection of its habitats, create a strategy to control pollutants, and encourage community-based environmental management. Further research is needed on the correlation between the Red Rainbowfish and its preferences, and its susceptibility to certain types and concentrations of pollutants. Different strategies of pollution control should also be investigated. Other parts of Lake Sentani that were beyond the scope of this research should also be surveyed, along with a lake-wide program examining the exact condition of Lake Sentani's ecosystem, whether it be the quality of its water or the response of its flora and fauna to ongoing anthropogenic disturbance, after which a more comprehensive rehabilitation program may follow.

El agua es un recurso natural, a menudo escaso en cantidad y calidad, susceptible de ser analizado desde una perspectiva económica. El valor económico total del agua tiene su origen en los distintos servicios ambientales que proveen los ecosistemas hídricos, los cuáles tiene la capacidad de producir bienestar de forma activa y pasiva. A pesar del interés social en preservar y proteger estos servicios ambientales, las presiones e impactos generados por la actividad humana ha deteriorado el estado de los ecosistemas hídricos. Para hacer frente a esta situación, en la Unión Europea han sido desarrolladas diferentes normativas, de las cuáles la más ambiciosa de todas es la Directiva Marco del Agua (DMA). El objetivo de la DMA es alcanzar el buen estado ecológico de las aguas europeas en el año 2015. Sin duda, una de sus contribuciones más relevantes para la política de aguas es el papel dado al Análisis Económico. Aunque dicho papel está claramente establecido, todavía existen aspectos que necesitan ser desarrollados de una manera más operativa: (i) la estimación de costes ambientales y del recurso y de los beneficios ambientales resultantes del buen estado ecológico, (ii) la selección de medidas coste-efectivas para conseguir los objetivos de la DMA, y (iii) la evaluación de la proporcionalidad de los costes de los Programas de Medidas. El objetivo general de esta Tesis Doctoral es contribuir al desarrollo y perfeccionamiento de métodos de Análisis Económico para la implementación de la DMA. Esta investigación parte de la hipótesis de que existe una demanda social de servicios ambientales producidos por los ecosistemas hídricos que debe ser internalizada en la evaluación de políticas, planes, programas y proyectos de conservación y mejora del estado ecológico de las masas de agua. Así, las decisiones que se tomen a este respecto disfrutarán de una mayor aceptación social cuanto más se ajusten a las preferencias de los diferentes agentes implicados. Esta hipótesis es contrastada mediante la aplicación de métodos y técnicas de Análisis Económico para el caso de la Demarcación Hidrográfica del Segura. Con este propósito, esta investigación se desarrolla a través de dos etapas sucesivas y complementarias que se corresponden con dos momentos clave de la Directiva Marco del Agua. La primera etapa consiste en valorar en términos monetarios cambios en el estado ecológico de las masas de agua, con el fin de estimar los beneficios o costes ambientales de dichos cambios, así como costes del recurso. En el primer caso de estudio, se estima el valor económico total de las aguas del acuífero del Gavilán. El Método de la Función de Producción es utilizado para calcular el valor de esta agua subterránea en su uso en regadío, y el Método de la Valoración Contingente es aplicado para estimar el valor de los servicios de recreo y de soporte del ecosistema. En el segundo caso de estudio, se ha simulado un mercado hipotético a través de un Modelo de Elección (Ranking Contingente) para el caso del río Segura. Así, este método ha sido utilizado para la valoración económica de los beneficios ambientales de la mejora de la calidad del agua del río y para conocer las preferencias sociales acerca de las actuaciones de recuperación ambiental que en él se están ejecutando. El último escenario de valoración económica tiene como objetivo valorar los beneficios ambientales de la mejora de la calidad del agua en el Mar Menor mediante el Método de la Valoración Contingente. La segunda etapa metodológica de esta investigación consiste en la evaluación de Programas de Medidas. Este trabajo propone un enfoque novedoso para seleccionar medidas coste-efectivas que combina, en un procedimiento de dos etapas, Análisis Coste-Eficacia y la participación activa de stakeholders, basado en caso del Mar Menor. Primero, se llevan a cabo entrevistas personales para involucrar activamente a los stakeholders. En esta etapa, la eficacia y el impacto relativo de un conjunto de medidas son evaluados mediante la técnica de la Comparación por Parejas. En segundo lugar, la eficacia relativa de cada medida es comparada con sus costes para analizar su coste-efectividad. Finalmente, el Programa de Medidas propuesto para el Mar Menor es evaluado utilizando diferentes enfoques de Análisis Coste Beneficio (ACB) (Convencional, Extendido y Extendido Dual), para determinar si su implantación es económica y socialmente viable. Los principales resultados de esta investigación se pueden resumir en los siguientes. (i) El valor económico total de las aguas subterráneas del acuífero del Gavilán ha sido estimado en 0,45 €/m3. Si el recurso fuera modificado o eliminado y, por tanto, no pudiera cumplir con sus funciones, este valor actuaría como coste de la actividad causante del cambio del estado original. El coste del recurso incluiría el valor de agua para riego, mientras que el valor ambiental y de recreo de las aguas se incluiría en la categoría de costes ambientales. (ii) En cuanto al caso del Río Segura, desde el punto de vista social, la prioridad de gestión es mejorar la calidad del agua, seguida de las medidas de restauración de su entorno. El valor económico del caudal ecológico en el tramo estudiado es de 0,45 €/m3, y su pérdida daría lugar a un coste ambiental de esa magnitud. (iii) Los beneficios ambientales de mejorar el estado ecológico del Mar Menor han sido estimados en 17,4 millones de euros, de los cuales 7,7 se corresponden con un incremento en los valores de uso del ecosistema y 9,7 con valores de no uso. (iv) De acuerdo con las opiniones de los stakeholders entrevistados, la medida más coste-efectiva para mejorar la laguna costera del Mar Menor es construir humedales artificiales para la retención de nutrientes a modo de zonas tampón o filtros verdes. También arguyeron que los beneficios de mercado y no mercado generados por dicha mejora justificarían incluso la ampliación del Programa de Medidas. (v) El valor actual neto de mejorar el Mar Menor mediante las medidas ya propuestas ha sido estimado en 275 (ACB Extendido) y 363 (ACB Extendido Dual) millones de euros. Estos resultados también confirman la viabilidad socioeconómica de ampliar el número de medidas a aplicar. Como conclusión, una política de aguas, basada en la DMA, eficiente desde el punto de vista económico debe prestar atención a aspectos intangibles. Por un lado, no debe ignorar la existencia de valores de uso indirecto, no uso o de opción, pues también contribuyen de manera significativa al bienestar social. De otro lado, el compromiso con las generaciones actuales y futuras debe estar reflejado en los procesos de toma de decisión. En el caso de la Demarcación Hidrográfica del Segura, este trabajo ha demostrado que hay una demanda social de la mejora y conservación de los ecosistemas hídricos. Por esta razón, los gestores deben ser conscientes de los múltiples beneficios que el buen estado de los ecosistemas hídricos genera, que van más allá del simple uso consuntivo del recurso. Los casos de estudio aquí presentados constituyen un buen ejemplo de las potencialidades positivas de la apuesta por una política de conservación de los ecosistemas hídricos. En definitiva, el actual marco institucional y territorial favorece un cambio en la política de aguas, tradicionalmente basada en un modelo de oferta de recursos, hacia un paradigma basado en la concepción del agua como un activo ecosocial. Water is a natural resource – frequently scarce in terms of quantity and quality - that can be analysed from an economic perspective. The total economic value of water is due to the different ecosystem services that aquatic ecosystems provide, which are able to generate social welfare actively and passively. Despite the social interest in preserving and protecting aquatic ecosystems services, the pressures and impacts of human activities have damaged them. Being aware of this, the European Union has created many laws to protect and preserve aquatic ecosystems. The most ambitious measure for the protection of the aquatic environment is the Water Framework Directive (WFD, 2000/60/CE). The objective of the WFD is to achieve a good ecological status of European water bodies by 2015. One of the most important contributions of the WFD for water policy is the crucial role given to Economics. Although such role is established clearly in the WFD, there are three main questions that still need to be operationalized: (i) the estimation of environmental and resource costs as well as the environmental benefits resulting from the good ecological status, (ii) the selection of cost-effective measures for achieving the WFD targets, and (iii) the assessment of the proportionality of Programmes of Measures. The overall objective of this PhD dissertation is to contribute to the development and improvement of economic analysis methods for implementing the main economic aspects of the WFD. The hypothesis underlying this work is that there is a social demand of aquatic environmental services that must be internalized in the decision-making processes to evaluate policies, plans, programmes and projects related to the management of water bodies. Thus, final decisions will have high acceptance if they are adopted taken into account social preferences of the different societal actors. This hypothesis is contrasted by the application of economic methods and techniques for the case of the Segura River Basin District. For this purpose, this research is developed through two successive and complementary stages that correspond to two key moments of the WFD. The first stage consists in valuing changes in the ecological status of water bodies in order to estimate environmental benefits or cost as well as resource costs. In the first case study, the total economic value of the groundwater of the Gavilán aquifer is estimated. The Production Function Approach is used to calculate the value of this groundwater for irrigation and the Contingent Valuation Method is applied to estimate the value of recreation and supporting services. In the second one, a hypothetical market is simulated through the Choice Modelling Method (via Contingent Ranking). This method is used for the economic valuation of the environmental benefits of the improvement on water quality and for knowing the social preferences about projects related to the recovering of a stretch in the Segura River. The last economic valuation scenario is aimed at valuing the benefits of the improvement of the water quality in the Mar Menor by means of the Contingent Valuation Method. The second methodological stage of this PhD dissertation deals with the evaluation of Programmes of Measures. This work proposes a novel approach to select cost-effective measures by combining Cost-Effectiveness Analysis and stakeholder participation in a two-stage procedure based on the Mar Menor case study. Firstly, face-to-face interviews are conducted to actively involve stakeholders. In this stage, relative effectiveness and relative impacts of a set of measures are estimated by means of the Pairwise Comparison Technique. Secondly, relative effectiveness is compared with costs to obtain cost-effectiveness ratios. Finally, the Programme of Measures proposed for the Mar Menor is evaluated using different schemes of Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) such as Classical, Extended and Dual Extended approaches in order to determine whether its implementation is economic and socially feasible. The main findings of this research can be summarised as follows. (i) The total economic value of the groundwater of the Gavilán Aquifer has been estimated in 0.45 €/m3. If the resource was modified or eliminated, and, therefore, their functions were not fulfilled, this value would act as costs for the activity responsible for the change of the original status. The resource cost would include irrigation use value, whereas both the environmental value and recreational use value would have to be included in the environmental cost category. (ii) Regarding the Segura River case study, the management priority for the society is to ensure the river water quality, followed by the restoration measures of its surroundings. The economic value of its ecological flow value is 0.45 €/m3 and its lost would lead to an environmental costs. (iii) The environmental benefits of improving ecological status in the Mar Menor have been estimated at 17.4 million euros, of which 7.7 and 9.7 are related to the increase in the use and non-use values, respectively. (iv) As stakeholders agreed, the most cost-effective measure to improve the Mar Menor coastal lagoon is to construct wetlands as buffer zones or "green filters". They also argued that market and non-market benefits generated by the improvement of this lagoon would justify even the extension of the Programme of Measures. (v) The net present value of improving the Mar Menor by such set of measures has been estimated in 275 (Extended CBA) and 363 million of euros (Dual Extended CBA). These results also confirm the socioeconomic feasibility of extending the number of measures to be applied. To conclude, we believe that an economically efficient water policy, based on the Water Framework Directive, must pay attention to intangible aspects. On one hand, it must not ignore the existence of indirect, non-use or option values, because they also contribute meaningfully to social welfare. On the other hand, the commitment with the current and future generations must be reflected in the decision-making processes. In the case of the Segura River Basin District, this work has demonstrated that there is a social demand for improving and preserving aquatic ecosystems. For that reason, practitioners must be aware of the multiple benefits that the good ecological status of water ecosystems generates, which go beyond consumptive uses. Finally, we believe that the current institutional and territorial framework facilitates an outright shift in water policy, traditionally based on a resource supply approach, towards a paradigm based on the conception of water as an eco-social asset.

Vážení čtenáři,S potěšením vám oznamujeme, že po několika měsících intenzivní práce je první anglické číslo Envigogiky na světě – a může být vypuštěno do světa. Envigogika se od roku 2006 postupně stává důležitou platformou pro komunikaci a šíření znalostí v oblasti environmentálního vzdělávání či vzdělání pro udržitelný rozvoj. Dosud byly publikovány "anglické verze" časopisu formou přehledů anglických abstraktů, samozřejmě s několika výjimkami plně anglických textů.Nyní, v roce 2013, jsme pokročili zásadním způsobem kupředu – začínáme publikovat plně anglická čísla časopisu vedle čísel víceméně pouze českých (a slovenských). To je možné zaprvé díky stále vzrůstajícímu počtu autorů: učitelé různých stupňů, kteří se o naše témata zajímají, se jimi také stále více zabývají v praxi. Mají potřebu reflektovat svou činnost, sdělovat si navzájem své zkušenosti; někteří dokonce plánují svůj výzkum tak, aby se pak o jeho výsledky mohli podělit s našimi čtenáři – to vše samozřejmě podporuje rozvoj této oblasti. Naši autoři tak postupně vytvářejí společnou "zásobárnu vědění", a sdělují si informace potřebné pro spolupráci a společné aktivity. Za druhé, a zde je třeba vyjádřit opravdovou vděčnost, nám pomáhají také četní anonymní recenzenti. V procesu nezávislého posuzování (peer-review) na sebe berou část odpovědnosti za publikované články, a také díky jim pak vidíme, jak celková úroveň našich textů postupně roste. Ochota vést tuto (kritickou) diskusi, a vývoj média, kde probíhá, nám pak nyní umožnily vykročit na mezinárodní scénu.Toto první anglické číslo Envigogiky je zaměřeno na environmentální vzdělávání (EV), vzdělávání pro udržitelný rozvoj (VUR), či vytváření obecného povědomí o environmetálních problémech; týká se i jejich širšího kulturního kontextu a politických podmínek ve specificky českém prostředí. S ohledem na udržitelný rozvoj společnosti se soustavně zabýváme jeho bariérami – které brání hlubším změnám ve společenských zvyklostech a pravidlech, životním stylu, nebo eticky podložených přístupech a způsobech rozhodování; soustřeďujeme se na naši oblast expertizy, kde čerstvé myšlenky, metody výuky/učení, nové postupy hodnocení atd. mohou být inspirací pro kritický pohled na systém vzdělávání jako takový. Snažíme se stát součástí mezinárodního společenství EV i VUR, přičemž současně očekáváme jeho podporu; všechny zásadnější změny či inovace jsou totiž založeny na širších diskusích (v našem případě vedených v evropském měřítku), teoretických úvahách, sdílených strategiích a společných iniciativách. A také doufáme v podíl zahraničních kolegů (z dalších zemí střední a východní Evropy jakož i odjinud) na obsahu i přípravě dalších čísel Envigogiky.Během posledních týdnů jsme také usilovali o zlepšení formy časopisu, a tím i jeho postavení mezi časopisy v mezinárodním měřítku. Součástí tohoto vývoje bylo převedení celého obsahu Envigogiky z původního systému (Joomla) do nového, tzv. Open Journal System (OJS) [1] – "otevřeného" systému pro správu a publikování časopisů. Tento systém pomáhá v každé fázi publikačního procesu: od zasílání/přijímání příspěvků, přes recenzní řízení a publikační proces v elektronickém prostředí, až po indexování.Využití OJS znamená pro Envigogiku kvalitativní krok kupředu – nyní se metadata z jednotlivých článků okamžitě načtou do EndNote, Zotera a dalších systémů správy referencí; časopis je již v tuto chvíli indexoán v Google Scholaru, a v nejbližší budoucnosti jej plánujeme zařadit do dalších důležitých databází jako např. DOAJ atd. Ve spolupráci s vydavatelstvím Karolinum Univerzity Karlovy v Praze bude Envigogika také zařazena do databáze CrossRef a každý článek získá své jedinečné číslo DOI.V následujících letech tak bude připraveno několik anglických čísel časopisu, a ty ponesou v názvu pro snadnou orientaci označení "ENGLISH ISSUE". Na základě zkušeností z tohoto období se pak rozhodneme, zda ve vydávání na jedné straně čistě anglických, na straně druhé českých/slovenských čísel pokračovat, nebo zda se v budoucnu vrátíme k číslům dvojjazyčným, například tematicky zaměřeným.Ale nyní se můžete podívat do obsahu tohoto prvního anglického čísla Envigogiky: V textu Jana Činčery si můžete přečíst o hodnocení interaktivní výstavy určené pro středoškolské studenty, která se zaměřuje na globální problémy a zodpovědnost konzumentů. Autor, který sledoval její působení na třech školách, dochází k zajímavému závěru: i když byla výstava úspěšná z hlediska zaujetí studentů a napomohla zvýšení jejich povědomí o daných problémech, někteří studenti ji hodnotili jako manipulativní, zatímco v jiných vyvolala pocit bezmoci. V článku je navržena změna strategie výuky a provádění aktivit týkajících se globálních problémů. Vzdělávací aspekty kurzu Environmentální ekonomie a politiky vyučovaného na Vysoké škole ekonomické v Praze zkoumal Petr Šauer a Martin Zahradník. Výzkum se zaměřil na postoje studentů vůči životnímu prostředí a na jejich hodnocení různých částí kurzu; snažil se odpovědět na otázku, v čem byl pro studenty kurz přínosný, jaké preferovali informační zdroje a jakou roli v jejich přístupu ke studiu sehrál zájem o stav životního prostředí. Autoři dospěli k závěru, že environmentální ekonomii považují za užitečnou jak studenti klasifikovaní jako "environmentalisté", tak i "ne-environmentalisté" (či dokonce "anti- environmentalisté"). V závěru diskutují klíčové faktory pro udržení zájmu studentů a možnosti analýzy tzv. přístupů ke studiu (learning strategies). Mezigeneračními rozdíly v osobním vztahu k přírodě se zabývá Markéta Vacínová a Tomáš Matějček . Sledují žáky a jejich rodiče z hlediska jejich vztahu k přírodě a zjišťují určité rozdíly v jejich osobním přístupu: zatímco žáci dávají přednost "moderním" aktivitám, jejich rodiče praktikují spíše více "tradiční" činnosti. Článek Anny Poláškové poskytuje pohled na environmentální gramotnost a postoje mladých technicky orientovaných českých studentů na farmaceutické fakultě, kteří se připravují na profese mimo oblast ekologie. Autorka věří, že environmentální gramotnost a povědomí univerzitních studentů v technických oborech jsou velmi důležité, protože právě na úrovni manažerů a vedoucích pracovníků vznikají politiky, které jsou více, či méně, šetrné k životnímu prostředí. Zjišťuje převážně pozitivní vztah k ochraně přírody a vzdělávání u těchto více techniky orientovaných studentů a studentek; na druhé straně úroveň environmentálních znalostí získaných během středoškolského vzdělání hodnotí jako v mnoha případech nízkou.V rubrice Informace připomínají Andrew Barton a Jan Vávra konferenci "Naše společná přítomnost (Our Common Present) - Jaké jsou současné výzvy Střední Evropy?", která se konala 24. dubna 2013 se na Filozofické fakultě Univerzity Karlovy v Praze; představují hlavní přednášející, jejich příspěvky a závěry z konference. První z autorů píše též o mezinárodní konferenci "Transdisciplinární výzkum udržitelnosti v Evropě" (23.-24. května 2013, UK), kde byl diskutován tento hraniční prostor ve vědě a byla též formulována doporučení pro Evropskou komisi utvářející budoucí vědecké příležitosti v transdisciplinární oblasti.Přejeme vám inspirativní čteníZa redakci EnvigogikyV Praze 28.8.2013Zvláštní poděkování patří všem, kteří přispěli k procesu publikování na straně vydavatele, včetně Univerzity Karlovy, která bude zajišťovat archivaci Envigogiky a vydávání čísel DOI pro texty v dalších číslech. Redakční tým chce také poděkovat těm, kteří pro tento krok poskytli finanční podporu, zvláště projektu Mezioborová síť spolupráce pro policy development v oblasti udržitelného rozvoje (MOSUR) financovanému Evropským sociálním fondem (ESF OPVK), jehož prostřednictvím jsou vydávána čísla od roku 2011, a v jehož rámci bylo též zahájeno vydávání anglické verze časopisu.[1] OJS je systém tzv. open source software vyvinutý v rámci projektu Public Knowledge Project (http://pkp.sfu.ca), který je financován kanadskou vládou, a který je poskytnut celosvětově všem časopisům – umožňuje jim publikovat formou, tzv. open access, tj. přístup k plným verzím článků není nijak omezen . V současné době jej využívá 12 000 vědeckých časopisů po celém světě. ; Dear readers,We are very pleased to announce that after several months of intense work the first fully English issue of the journal Envigogika is ready to be shared with the community of those interested in the field we strive to systematically cultivate! Envigogika has been an important communication and knowledge-sharing platform on educational topics regarding the environment and sustainability in the Czech- and Slovak-speaking professional community since 2006. English abstracts were previously included, but full texts were available predominantly in Czech and Slovak (with a few exceptions in English).Now, in 2013, the journal is taking a big leap forward by starting publication of additional issues in English alongside the Czech/Slovak issues. This is possible thanks to teachers at various educational levels in the Czech Republic involved in environmental education/ESD who are becoming more active and fostering a dialogue in this field that will support its ongoing development.The number of authors from different disciplinary backgrounds that publish their articles in Envigogika is growing, and some of them even plan their research with regard to our readership. We are happy that these authors thus contribute to a common pool of knowledge, share their experiences "from the field" and provide up-to-date information necessary for joint initiatives. We are also grateful to have numerous anonymous reviewers who are willing to undertake the difficult task of contributing to the quality of the published articles. Thus, we feel that the quality of our articles has been consistently improving since the journal's inception, which has also enabled us to step onto the international stage recently.This first English issue is primarily focused on the specific context of the Czech Republic: not only environmental education (EE) and education for sustainable development (ESD), but also awareness raising and the wider cultural context and political conditions necessary to achieve a transition towards sustainability. We are constantly challenging historically constructed and economically justified barriers to this development that also prevent deeper changes to habits, customs, lifestyles and ethical approaches; we concentrate on our field of expertise where fresh new ideas, teaching/learning methods, assessment techniques etc. could provide inspiration for and a critical view into the educational system per se. Thus, we are endeavouring to become a part of the international ESD community while also anticipating its support; any more profound innovation is based upon broader (in our case, European-wide) discussions, theoretical considerations, shared strategies, and joint initiatives. And we hope to involve colleagues from abroad (from other Central and East European countries, as well as further afield) in future English issues.During past few weeks, we have been working hard towards strengthening the position of the journal internationally and therefore, as part of further developments, we have transferred the content of Envigogika from the original Joomla system to the new Open Journal System (OJS) [1] – an open source journal management and publishing system. OJS assists with every stage of the refereed publishing process, from submissions through to online publication and indexing.For Envigogika, using OJS means a qualitative step forward – now you can immediately download metadata from articles to EndNote, Zotero and other reference management software, it is already indexed in Google Scholar and, in the near future, we plan to add it to other important databases such as DOAJ, etc. In cooperation with Charles University's publishing house Karolinum, Envigogika will also soon be included in the CrossRef database and each article will have a unique DOI.A number of English-only issues will be prepared in 2013 and 2014 and these will be marked "ENGLISH ISSUE" in the volume name for easy identification. Based on our experience from this period, we will decide whether to publish articles based on language (Czech/Slovak vs. English) or whether to produce bilingual (possibly thematic) issues in the future instead.But for now, in this first 2013 English-only issue, you can read about:1) An evaluation of an interactive exhibition for secondary education students, focusing on global problems and consumer responsibility by Jan Činčera. The author comes to an interesting conclusion: even if the exhibition was successful in terms of involving students and increasing their awareness of the problems, it was evaluated as being manipulative by some students while some of the others experienced a feeling of hopelessness. Modification of the exhibition and related activities is proposed in the article.2) Educational aspects of Environmental Economics – a course taught at the University of Economics in Prague for environmentally as well as non-environmentally oriented specialisations – are explored by Petr Šauer and Martin Zahradník. The focus of attention of their research is especially on what aspects of the course the students valued, what benefits they got from the course, how they managed the information resources and what role this played with regards to students' concern for environmental issues. The authors come to the conclusion that the students clustered as both 'environmentalists' and 'non-environmentalists' (or even 'anti-environmentalists') advocate environmental economics as a beneficial part of the curriculum.3) Intergenerational differences in personal relationships to nature are examined by Markéta Vacínová and Tomáš Matějček. They concentrate their research on pupils and their parents on selected aspects of their personal relationship to nature. They discover certain differences between these two groups of respondents in feeling a need to be in the countryside: while parents prefer more "classic" or "traditional" pursuits, the students practice mainly "modern" activities in the countryside.4) Anna Polášková's article offers an insight into the environmental literacy and attitudes of young technically-oriented Czech university students at a faculty of pharmacy in preparation for non-teaching and non-ecological professional careers. The author believes that environmental literacy and consciousness among university students in technical fields is very important, since it is usually among middle managers and executives with technical education that environmentally friendly policies and strategies more or less begin. She found that positive relationships to environmental protection and education in this faculty prevailed; however, the level of environmental knowledge gained from their secondary education seemed to be low in most cases.5) Information texts: Andrew Barton and Jan Vávra report on the proceedings of an academic conference held in Prague in April 2013 called Our Common Present which focused on the array of current challenges facing Central Europe. In addition, Andrew Barton also writes about a workshop on Transdisciplinary Research on Sustainability held in Prague in May in collaboration with the Schumacher Institute for Sustainable Systems, UK.We wish you inspirational reading,The Envigogika editorial teamIn Prague on 28.8.2013With special thanks to those who contributed to the publication process on the part of publisher, including Charles University which has been supportive in the archiving of Envigogika and providing DOI for future issues. The editorial team would, moreover, like to thank all who made this important step possible with financial support obtained via the project Interdisciplinary Sustainable Development Network (MOSUR, OP VK) for all issues published since 2011, including the current English issue.[1] OJS is open source software development by the Public Knowledge Project (http://pkp.sfu.ca) funded by Canadian Government and made freely available to journals worldwide for the purpose of making open access publishing a viable option for more journals. About 12 000 titles of scientific journals are using this system worldwide.

Can we, today, address the citizens' healthcare without talking about his territory ? This seems unbelievable, and the French government has already understood this and to answer to this question has designed and launched the "ARS", which stand for "Healthcare Regional Agency", in order to define and manage healthcare strategy at its own territory level (region). But, before arriving to this conclusion, the healthcare system had to reform itself along four centuries moving from healthcare concept to healthcare system concept. This has been conducted through several reforms from decision makers that had to use quantifiable elements to perform so. Therefore, some specific indicators, called "health deterministic indicators", have been put in place. Then, the sum of all these along the years bring the French government to launch the ARS which are defined within the law called "HPST" standing for Hospital Patient Healthcare and Territory). Now, if we are looking closer to the ARS mission, it clearly appears that they are closely linked to the notion of "sustainable performance" for which it is important to define underneath concepts as "Performance", "sustainable performance" and of course "healthcare sustainable performance". Then, to applied those healthcare sustainable performance principles, the ARS would have to learn how this performance could be increased or decreased based on some specific mechanisms. Therefore, the notions of "risk" and "vulnerability" became key components of such an approach. However, looking forward it appears that the vulnerability has a close link to risk and that the risk is essentially linked to a mismatch between the "offering" and the "demand" or the "needs" of the citizens. Then, by integrating all those aspects, the ARS would became a healthcare sustainable performance for a territory vector, thanks to new governances, a better risk management politic and the usage of performance measures as healthcare expenses for a territory, regulation tool. Based on this it is easy to understand that the ARS will be at the heart of the reform and will have to drive the regional health system. But, and it is true for all sectors (private and public), the management of such a system cannot be done without an accurate information system. Then, the next question is "what is an information system for a health system?" but also, "how to feed this information system in order to let it provide relevant information?" Therefore, to understand this, it is necessary to understand the definition of all existing information system types and their role in the healthcare environment and how the citizen and the patient will take benefits of that. Based on this theory, it is now interesting to better understand the status of the current health information system and why he has failed in his pupil service missions, and that in order to better understand how, through a new ARS governance, it will be possible to have health information system able to reach the sustainable performance goals. The failure notification and the willingness to get the French healthcare system out of this trap is real. However, it is important to notice that to succeed in the mission regarding the information system, it will be necessary to adopt an accurate methodology. But, it is also important to understand that after investigation, no such methodology has been found and it appears necessary to build one in order to satisfy the needs of health professionals, citizens, patients. The final goal being to allows the French health system to reach the health sustainable performance goals by the understanding and the resolution of business pains coming from the citizen requests known and understood at the right time and the right location. It is easy to understand that cannot be done without a better understanding of the human, geographical, politic, social and health environment that could be better handled through new technologies. Therefore, it will be possible to put in place certain of these technologies that will enable this approach by allowing a global access to data or simplifying application integration into complex business processes or providing analysis and permanent traceability tools allowing to take "preventive" decisions (real time) or "corrective" decisions (after past facts analysis) . Everything, of course, being at maximum secured and with maximum integrity guarantee. This thought has bring to the definition of MAEVA methodology which seat in the middle of a particular context composed by actors (health professionals, citizens, politicians, patients, etc.), stimulus (known or unknown meaning handled or not), the health system itself (on which the methodology is applied) and results (benefits for the health system increasing the sustainable performance of the health system). To do so, I has been necessary to build the method in two "layers". The first layer is made of components called "fundamentals" which permit to define the project foundations that has to be implemented by following MAEVA rules. These fundamentals, counted as four (plus one) allow the definition of a global consensus for the project and for the associated community of practice in order to successfully deliver the related project. The "fifth" fundamental allows the rationale to pursue on a new version or to stop the project in its current stage if the necessary condition to continue it are not met. Once these basis have been setup, the method offer the capability to define five actions which will allow to manage the project from the beginning until the final delivery. These actions are: "Integration", allowing the integration of the data sources needed to the project implementation; "Detection", allowing the definition of "actuators" components bringing to a risky situation ; "Anticipation", allowing the definition of self defense mechanisms against the previously mentioned "actuators"; "Action", allowing the realization of the project mission; and at the end, "Evaluation", offering factual elements to analyze project outcomes and provide therefore facts to the fundamental "Decide". All these components are linked within the methodology through two "tools": Iteration, allowing to complete a phases with results coming from an upfront phase; and the Active Memory Zone (ZAM) which is used to be the project memory in order to store traceability data, but also "keep in mind" all taken decisions. This methodology, as defined, hasn't been designed theoretically in few months, but has been the result of real life projects analyze done during the past five years in the area of health system performance. It is also good to know that the MAEVA approach based on consensus will be a great help for the ARS, as they will have, since the beginning, work with people, processes and information coming from diverse horizons that were, until now, more in competition rather than in collaboration mood. But all of this is just about the first version of the methodology and already, due to read publications, it appears that some research works, like "Design Thinking" should be integrated partially or totally in a future "release" of MAEVA. ; Est-il possible, de nos jours, de parler de santé des citoyens sans faire référence au territoire qu'ils occupent ? Ceci est fort peu probable, et le gouvernement français en a pris conscience et pour cela a créé et mis en place les " Agences Régionales de Santé " (ARS) permettant de définir et gérer la stratégie de la santé sur son territoire régional. Mais avant d'en arriver là, le système de santé a dû se réformer, pendant près de quatre siècles, afin d'évoluer du concept de santé au concept de système de santé. De plus, pour mener à bien ces réformes, il a fallut que les différents organismes décideurs puissent s'appuyer sur des éléments concrets, et, de fait, des indicateurs particuliers, appelés " déterminants de santé " ont été mis en place. Ainsi, tout ceci a amené le gouvernement français à créer les ARS organisés autour d'un territoire de santé et dont le cadre légal est défini à travers la loi HPST (Hôpital Patient Santé Territoire). Dès lors, en s'intéressant de plus près à la mission des ARS, il apparait qu'elle est clairement liée à la notion de performance durable, d'où l'importance de définir les concepts sous jacents à savoir : " Performance ", " Performance durable " et bien sur " Performance durable en santé ". Ainsi, pour pouvoir appliquer des principes de performance durable en santé, les ARS vont devoir s'appliquer à comprendre les mécanismes favorisant ou pénalisant une telle performance. Dès lors, les notions de " risque " et de " vulnérabilité " sont devenus des éléments clés d'une telle approche. De fait, en regardant, une fois de plus, d'un peu plus près, il apparait que la vulnérabilité est liée au risque, et que le risque est essentiellement lié à une inadéquation, ou déséquilibre, entre " l'offre " la " demande " et les " besoins " du citoyen. De fait, en intégrant ces éléments, les ARS vont devenir un véritable vecteur de performance durable en santé au niveau d'un territoire, grâce à un nouveau pilotage, à une meilleure gestion des risques et l'utilisation de la mesure de performance comme d'un outil de régulation des dépenses de santé sur le dit territoire. De part ces propos, on comprend bien que les ARS vont être au cœur de la réforme et du pilotage du système de santé en région. Or, et cela est vrai dans tous les secteurs (aussi bien privés que publics), la gestion d'un tel système ne peux s'effectuer sans un système d'information adapté. Ainsi va se poser la question de ce qu'est un système d'information pour un système de santé, mais aussi comment faire en sorte que ce système d'information consomme et produise des informations de qualité. De fait, et pour mieux comprendre tout cela, il est nécessaire d'appréhender la définition de tous les types de systèmes d'information existants, mais aussi leurs rôles dans le domaine de la santé et comment cela va bénéficier au citoyen et patient. Fort de cette approche théorique, il est maintenant intéressant de s'attarder sur l'état du système d'information en santé, et de comprendre pourquoi, en l'état actuel, il a échoué dans sa mission de service public, et ce afin de mieux comprendre comment à travers la nouvelle gouvernance des ARS, il sera possible d'avoir un système d'information en santé permettant d'atteindre des objectifs de performance durable. Le constat d'échec, ainsi que la volonté de sortir le système de santé français de l'ornière dans laquelle elle s'est enfoncée est réel. Cependant, force est de constater que pour mener à bien cette mission, et notamment en regard des systèmes d'information, il sera nécessaire d'utiliser une méthodologie adaptée. Or, après investigation, il apparait qu'une telle méthode ou approche n'existe pas, d'où la nécessité d'en définir une nouvelle, afin de satisfaire les besoins des professionnels de la santé, des citoyens et patients, et ce pour permettre au système de santé français d'atteindre des objectifs de performance durable en santé par la compréhension et la résolution de problèmes métiers issue de la demande, connue et comprise en temps et en lieu, des citoyens. Il est clair que ceci ne peut se réaliser que par une meilleure compréhension de l'environnement humain, géographique, politique, social et médical qui peut mieux être appréhendé au travers des nouvelles technologies. Ainsi, il sera possible de mettre en œuvre un certain nombre de ces technologies facilitant cette approche, soit en garantissant un accès global aux données, soit en simplifiant l'intégration d'applicatifs au sein d'un processus métier complexe, soit en fournissant des outils d'analyse et d'audit permettant des prises de décision " préventives " (temps réel) ou " correctives " (après analyse des faits passés). Le tout, évidemment, en garantissant un niveau de sécurité et d'intégrité maximum. Ainsi, cette réflexion a amené à la définition de la méthode MAEVA qui se situe au milieu d'un contexte bien particulier, composé d'acteurs (professionnels, citoyens, politiques, patients, etc.), de perturbants (connus ou inconnus, donc maitrisés ou non), du système de santé en soit (sur lequel la méthode s'applique) et des résultantes (résultat de la méthode appliquée sur l'accroissement de la performance du système de santé). Pour se faire, il a été nécessaire de bâtir la méthode en deux " couches ". La première couche, composée d'éléments appelés " fondamentaux ", permet de définir les fondations du projet à implémenter selon MAEVA. Ces fondamentaux, au nombre de quatre (plus un), permettent de définir un consensus global, pour le projet et pour la communauté de pratique associée afin de mener à bien ce projet. Le " cinquième " fondamental permettant lui de définir les éléments de poursuite vers une nouvelle version ou d'arrêt du projet si les conditions nécessaires ne sont pas atteintes pour reconduire une nouvelle version du projet. Une fois ces fondements posés, la méthode offre la possibilité de définir cinq actions qui vont permettre de gérer le projet du début à la fin. Il s'agit de : " l'Intégration ", qui permet d'intégrer les sources de données nécessaires à la réalisation du projet ; la " Détection ", qui permet de définir les éléments " déclencheurs " amenant à des situations à risque ; " l'Anticipation ", qui permet de définir des mécanismes d'auto défense vis-à-vis des " déclencheurs " ; " l'Action ", qui permet de réaliser la mission pour laquelle le projet a été défini, et enfin " l'Evaluation " qui va offrir les éléments pour analyser le projet et de fait fournir des éléments factuels au fondamental " Décider ". Tout ces éléments, étant relié au sein de la méthode à travers deux " outils " : l'itération, qui permet de compléter une phase amont avec des éléments issus d'une phase aval ; et la Zone Active de Mémorisation (ZAM) qui sert de mémoire au projet et permet non seulement d'entreposer des données de traçabilité, mais aussi de garder la mémoire des décisions prises. Cette méthode ainsi définie n'a pas été établie de façon théorique en quelques mois, mais a été issu de l'analyse d'expériences vécues au fil de cinq ans de labeur dans le domaine de la performance du système de santé. Il est à noter que l'approche consensuelle proposée par MAEVA sera d'une grande utilité pour les ARS qui vont devoir, dès le début de leur existence, travailler avec du personnel, des processus et des informations issus de divers horizons jusqu'à présent plutôt compétitifs que collaboratifs. Mais tout ceci ne constitue que la première version de la méthode, et déjà, compte tenu des publications lues ces derniers temps, il est apparut que certains travaux de recherche tels que le " Design Thinking " devraient pouvoir être intégrés partiellement ou totalement dans une prochaine " release " de MAEVA.

Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articles on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty," the "underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problems of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions and politics to respond; in their response we believe these institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy, metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs--such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs--could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "nonparticipants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickledown effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefitted financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing sound economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemmas of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformulation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew our of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketts, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (at Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arleda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articls on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty,", the underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problem of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs -- such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs -- could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "non-participants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickle-down effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefited financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization; the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing around economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private-sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemma of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew out of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketta, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (et Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arieda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

Adequate energy supply has become one of the vital components of human development and economic growth of nations. In fact, major components of the global economy such as transportation services, communications, industrial processes, and construction activities are dependent on adequate energy resources. Even mining and extraction of energy resources, including harnessing the forces of nature to produce energy, are dependent on accessibility of sufficient energy in the appropriate form at the desired location. Therefore, energy resource planning and management to provide appropriate energy in terms of both quantity and quality has become a priority at the global level. The increasing demand for energy due to growing population, higher living standards, and economic development magnifies the importance of reliable energy plans. In addition, the uneven distribution of traditional fossil fuel energy sources on the Earth and the resulting political and economic interactions are other sources of complexity within energy planning. The competition over fossil fuels that exists due to gradual depletion of such sources and the tremendous thirst of current global economic operations for these sources, as well as the sensitivity of fossil fuel supplies and prices to global conditions, all add to the complexity of effective energy planning. In addition to diversification of fossil fuel supply sources as a means of increasing national energy security, many governments are investing in non-fossil fuels, especially renewable energy sources, to combat the risks associated with adequate energy supply. Moreover, increasing the number of energy sources also adds further complication to energy planning. Global warming, resulting from concentration of greenhouse gas emissions in the atmosphere, influences energy infrastructure investments and operations management as a result of international treaty obligations and other regulations requiring that emissions be cut to sustainable levels. Burning fossil fuel, as one of the substantial driving factors of global warming and energy insecurity, is mostly impacted by such policies, pushing forward the implementation of renewable energy polices. Thus, modern energy portfolios comprise a mix of renewable energy sources and fossil fuels, with an increasing share of renewables over time. Many governments have been setting renewable energy targets that mandate increasing energy production from such sources over time. Reliance on renewable energy sources certainly helps with reduction of greenhouse gas emissions while improving national energy security. However, the growing implementation of renewable energy has some limitations. Such energy technologies are not always as cheap as fossil fuel sources, mostly due to immaturity of these energy sources in most locations as well as high prices of the materials and equipment to harness the forces of nature and transform them to usable energy. In addition, despite the fact that renewable energy sources are traditionally considered to be environmentally friendly, compared to fossil fuels, they sometimes require more natural resources such as water and land to operate and produce energy. Hence, the massive production of energy from these sources may lead to water shortage, land use change, increasing food prices, and insecurity of water supplies. In other words, the energy production from renewables might be a solution to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but it might become a source of other problems such as scarcity of natural resources.The fact that future energy mix will rely more on renewable sources is undeniable, mostly due to depletion of fossil fuel sources over time. However, the aforementioned limitations pose a challenge to general policies that encourage immediate substitution of fossil fuels with renewables to battle climate change. In fact, such limitations should be taken into account in developing reliable energy policies that seek adequate energy supply with minimal secondary effects. Traditional energy policies have been suggesting the expansion of least cost energy options, which were mostly fossil fuels. Such sources used to be considered riskless energy options with low volatility in the absence of competitive energy markets in which various energy technologies are competing over larger market shares. Evolution of renewable energy technologies, however, complicated energy planning due to emerging risks that emanated mostly from high price volatility. Hence, energy planning began to be seen as investment problems in which the costs of energy portfolio were minimized while attempting to manage associated price risks. So, energy policies continued to rely on risky fossil fuel options and small shares of renewables with the primary goal to reduce generation costs. With emerging symptoms of climate change and the resulting consequences, the new policies accounted for the costs of carbon emissions control in addition to other costs. Such policies also encouraged the increased use of renewable energy sources. Emissions control cost is not an appropriate measure of damages because these costs are substantially less than the economic damages resulting from emissions. In addition, the effects of such policies on natural resources such as water and land is not directly taken into account. However, sustainable energy policies should be able to capture such complexities, risks, and tradeoffs within energy planning. Therefore, there is a need for adequate supply of energy while addressing issues such as global warming, energy security, economy, and environmental impacts of energy production processes. The effort in this study is to develop an energy portfolio assessment model to address the aforementioned concerns.This research utilized energy performance data, gathered from extensive review of articles and governmental institution reports. The energy performance values, namely carbon footprint, water footprint, land footprint, and cost of energy production were carefully selected in order to have the same basis for comparison purposes. If needed, adjustment factors were applied. In addition, the Energy Information Administration (EIA) energy projection scenarios were selected as the basis for estimating the share of the energy sources over the years until 2035. Furthermore, the resource availability in different states within the U.S. was obtained from publicly available governmental institutions that provide such statistics. Specifically, the carbon emissions magnitudes (metric tons per capita) for different states were extracted from EIA databases, states' freshwater withdrawals (cubic meters per capita) were found from USGS databases, states' land availability values (square kilometers) were obtained from the U.S. Census Bureau, and economic resource availability (GDP per capita) for different states were acquired from the Bureau of Economic Analysis.In this study, first, the impacts of energy production processes on global freshwater resources are investigated based on different energy projection scenarios. Considering the need for investing on energy sources with minimum environmental impacts while securing maximum efficiency, a systems approach is adopted to quantify the resource use efficiency of energy sources under sustainability indicators. The sensitivity and robustness of the resource use efficiency scores are then investigated versus existing energy performance uncertainties and varying resource availability conditions. The resource use efficiency of the energy sources is then regionalized for different resource limitation conditions in states within the U.S. Finally, a sustainable energy planning framework is developed based on Modern Portfolio Theory (MPT) and Post-Modern Portfolio Theory (PMPT) with consideration of the resource use efficiency measures and associated efficiency risks.In the energy-water nexus investigation, the energy sources are categorized into 10 major groups with distinct water footprint magnitudes and associated uncertainties. The global water footprint of energy production processes are then estimated for different EIA energy mix scenarios over the 2012-2035 period. The outcomes indicate that the water footprint of energy production increases by almost 50% depending on the scenario. In fact, growing energy production is not the only reason for increasing the energy related water footprint. Increasing the share of water intensive energy sources in the future energy mix is another driver of increasing global water footprint of energy in the future. The results of the energies' water footprint analysis demonstrate the need for a policy to reduce the water use of energy generation. Furthermore, the outcomes highlight the importance of considering the secondary impacts of energy production processes besides their carbon footprint and costs. The results also have policy implications for future energy investments in order to increase the water use efficiency of energy sources per unit of energy production, especially those with significant water footprint such as hydropower and biofuels.In the next step, substantial efforts have been dedicated to evaluating the efficiency of different energy sources from resource use perspective. For this purpose, a system of systems approach is adopted to measure the resource use efficiency of energy sources in the presence of trade-offs between independent yet interacting systems (climate, water, land, economy). Hence, a stochastic multi-criteria decision making (MCDM) framework is developed to compute the resource use efficiency scores for four sustainability assessment criteria, namely carbon footprint, water footprint, land footprint, and cost of energy production considering existing performance uncertainties. The energy sources' performances under aforementioned sustainability criteria are represented in ranges due to uncertainties that exist because of technological and regional variations. Such uncertainties are captured by the model based on Monte-Carlo selection of random values and are translated into stochastic resource use efficiency scores. As the notion of optimality is not unique, five MCDM methods are exploited in the model to counterbalance the bias toward definition of optimality. This analysis is performed under (")no resource limitation(") conditions to highlight the quality of different energy sources from a resource use perspective. The resource use efficiency is defined as a dimensionless number in scale of 0-100, with greater numbers representing a higher efficiency. The outcomes of this analysis indicate that despite increasing popularity, not all renewable energy sources are more resource use efficient than non-renewable sources. This is especially true for biofuels and different types of ethanol that demonstrate lower resource use efficiency scores compared to natural gas and nuclear energy. It is found that geothermal energy and biomass energy from miscanthus are the most and least resource use efficient energy alternatives based on the performance data available in the literature. The analysis also shows that none of the energy sources are strictly dominant or strictly dominated by other energy sources. Following the resource use efficiency analysis, sensitivity and robustness analyses are performed to determine the impacts of resource limitations and existing performance uncertainties on resource use efficiency, respectively. Sensitivity analysis indicates that geothermal energy and ethanol from sugarcane have the lowest and highest resource use efficiency sensitivity, respectively. Also, it is found that from a resource use perspective, concentrated solar power (CSP) and hydropower are respectively the most and least robust energy options with respect to the existing performance uncertainties in the literature.In addition to resource use efficiency analysis, sensitivity analysis and robustness analysis, of energy sources, this study also investigates the scheme of the energy production mix within a specific region with certain characteristics, resource limitations, and availabilities. In fact, different energy sources, especially renewables, vary in demand for natural resources (such as water and land), environmental impacts, geographic requirements, and type of infrastructure required for energy production. In fact, the efficiency of energy sources from a resource use perspective is dependent upon regional specifications, so the energy portfolio varies for different regions due to varying resource availability conditions. Hence, the resource use efficiency scores of different energy technologies are calculated based on the aforementioned sustainability criteria and regional resource availability and limitation conditions (emissions, water resources, land, and GDP) within different U.S. states, regardless of the feasibility of energy alternatives in each state. Sustainability measures are given varying weights based on the emissions cap, available economic resources, land, and water resources in each state, upon which the resource use efficiency of energy sources is calculated by utilizing the system of systems framework developed in the previous step. Efficiency scores are graphically illustrated on GIS-based maps for different states and different energy sources. The results indicate that for some states, fossil fuels such as coal and natural gas are as efficient as renewables like wind and solar energy technologies from resource use perspective. In other words, energy sources' resource use efficiency is significantly sensitive to available resources and limitations in a certain location.Moreover, energy portfolio development models have been created in order to determine the share of different energy sources of total energy production, in order to meet energy demand, maintain energy security, and address climate change with the least possible adverse impacts on the environment. In fact, the traditional (")least cost(") energy portfolios are outdated and should be replaced with (")most efficient(") ones that are not only cost-effective, but also environmentally friendly. Hence, the calculated resource use efficiency scores and associated statistical analysis outcomes for a range of renewable and nonrenewable energy sources are fed into a portfolio selection framework to choose the appropriate energy mixes associated with the risk attitudes of decision makers. For this purpose, Modern Portfolio Theory (MPT) and Post-Modern Portfolio Theory (PMPT) are both employed to illustrate how different interpretations of (")risk of return(") yield different energy portfolios. The results indicate that 2012 energy mix and projected world's 2035 energy portfolio are not sustainable in terms of resource use efficiency and could be substituted with more reliable, more effective portfolios that address energy security and global warming with minimal environmental and economic impacts. ; 2013-12-01 ; Ph.D. ; Engineering and Computer Science, Civil, Environmental and Construction Engineering ; Doctoral ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

Correspondence between Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón and his father Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who is exiled in San Diego California in 1938. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles asks his son Rodolfo that Cholita (Soledad González), Alfredo Elías Calles and Arturo M. Elías send him information to solve the matter of the debt with a store in New York. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs his father about the progress of his matters in Mexico. He informs he spoke with González Arias concerning the matter with the bank and that according to his instructions he will delay the project. The Bank of Mexico will support him, and the issue will be solved within a month. The issue of Navolato has been solved and within a few days, Aarón Sáenz will be back from El Mante to deliver the documents. He informs that the situation of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara is progressing. However, it is still in risk. Rodolfo Elías Calles apologizes with her father for not writing more often but states that news are not good and he prefers to inform him about solved issues. He informs him about the liquidation of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara, sale of livestock and equipment, lease of facilities. He informs that people did not know the magnitude of the land expropriation nor the deadlines to give the land that was granted to other people from a far village. The neighbors have not allowed giving the land and the people in Ayotla not even allowed measuring the land. Concerning El Mante, the strike ended and the government is analyzing a new organization for the sugar industry. It seems there will be absolute control. He informs the creation of the Wheat Workers Committee and soon will be created one for corn workers, which will favor monopolies. Regarding the decision of the Supreme Court against oil companies, he informs that it has caused serious consequences such as flight of capital and discomfort. There are rumors that Montes the Oca will submit his resignation because he does not agree with the tax policy. Bankers are required to acquire bonds. It was decreed the installation of hydroelectric plants and a paper factory, but he does not think these projects can be accomplished. Concerning the issue of Jorge Almada, it is more complicated. Carlos Herrera is traveling to Hermosillo to try to solve the issue and Aarón Sáenz wants to talk about recent issues. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs his father of the liquidation of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara and the lease of what remained. People who were granted the land have not taken it and he waits that with the help of Engr. Navarrete they can save the farm. As for Hermosillo, the liquidation of the business is completed. He suggests him to write to González Arias so he can send him the documents to José Elías once the debt with the Bank of Mexico is settled. He informs that the general situation in Mexico is not good and there is pessimism. It seems there is not a solution for the oil issue and the companies have stated his opposition to the verdict of the Supreme Court. The workers have requested the cancellation of the collective contract and it seems that the seizure of the companies is coming. In a postscript, he describes the new measure of the government regarding the oil conflict and the prohibition of gold and silver sale. In a pessimistic tone, Rodolfo Elías Calles tells his father how difficult it is to manage family finances during a crisis. He informs of the misfortune of the business ant the discouragement caused by his family for not being able to accept the difficult economic situation they are going through. Regarding the hacienda Santa Bárbara, it is completely abandoned and people who were granted the land have not been able to take it because of the opposition of the neighbors. He adds reports of expenses and incomes until the month of April stating the amount exchanged to gold and a money order in dollars. He keeps a part of the money to cover expenses such as the monthly amount given to Tinina (Ernestina Elías Calles). He complains about the incertitude of the national currency, variations in currency exchange rates and states he is concern about a depreciation of the peso. For the sugar industry, the situation is favorable because they can export with expensive prices. Furthermore, they are not concern about the government policy that is trying to eliminate previous actors. He thinks to create a fund that helps those who had to leave the cane sowing. Other sectors of the economy are encouraged because the government will not allow more strikes and will stop the workers' claims. Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón sends to his father Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles a letter that he sent to Engr. Domínguez, his reply and a newspaper clipping informing that Engr. Ezequiel Domínguez (Manager of El Mante) would fire the workers unjustifiably and without any compensation and that, he does not help workers on leave for work reasons. Copy of the letter that Domínguez sends to B.A. Aarón Sáenz informing to have made a report for the shareholders of the Industrial and Colonizer Company of the Mante River in which he informs of the management of the company, its costs and profitability, which is not favorable. Report presented by Ezequiel Domínguez to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón concerning the economic situation and profitability of the cane sowing in the Hacienda El Mante. He gives a detailed account of the sowing processes, risks, management, accounting, work issues and concludes informing that there is not balance between production costs and price of sugar, which makes the business not profitable. Economic outcomes for the use of chemical fertilizers in the Hacienda El Mante. Chart of expenses per ton of cane and hectare fertilized. Analysis of the probable economic outcomes of the sugar harvest during 1937 – 1938 in the region El Mante from the viewpoint of its profitability. Reply by Rodolfo Elías Calles to Ezequiel Domínguez approving the measures he has taken and stating that according to the attorney they must reduce expenses as much as they can. (It continues in the next record …) / Correspondencia entre Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón y su padre el Gral. PEC, quien se encuentra exiliado en San Diego, Cal., E.U.A. en 1938. El Gral. PEC pide a su hijo Rodolfo que Cholita (Soledad González), Alfredo Elías Calles y Arturo M. Elías le envíen la información necesaria para aclarar asunto de la deuda por compra de mercancías en una tienda de Nueva York, cuando Alfredo estudiaba en esa ciudad. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre de la marcha de sus asuntos en México. Que ya habló con González Arias respecto al banco y que de acuerdo a sus instrucciones se aplazará el proyecto y que el Banco de México si va a ayudar, por lo que el asunto se resolverá en un mes; en cuanto a Navolato ya se arreglo el problema y en unos días Aarón Saénz regresará de El Mante y entregará los documentos, y por último informa de la situación económica de la Hacienda de Santa Bárbara que es mejor, pero que siempre está en riesgo. Rodolfo Elías Calles se disculpa con su padre por no escribirle más seguido pero las noticias son muy malas y prefiere informarle asuntos resueltos. Con pena le amplía los informes respecto a la liquidación total del negocio de Santa Bárbara, la venta del ganado y enseres y la renta de instalaciones, debido a la inseguridad por no conocer al detalle la magnitud de la expropiación y de los plazos para entregar la propiedad que le fue otorgada a gente del pueblo más lejano, por lo que los vecinos de los sitios cercanos no han permitido la entrega de la tierra y los de Ayotla ni siquiera han permitido medirla. En cuanto a El Mante, ya terminó la huelga y el gobierno estudia la nueva organización para la industria azucarera, todo indica que habrá control absoluto; le comenta la creación del Comité de Trigueros y que pronto se hará el de Maiceros, con lo que se favorecen los monopolios. Respecto al fallo de la Suprema Corte de Justicia en contra de las compañías petroleras le comenta que ha provocado graves consecuencias como fuga de divisas y malestar, corre el rumor de que Montes de Oca va a renunciar porque no está de acuerdo con la política hacendaria; a los banqueros se les exige fuerte suscripción de bonos de caminos y ellos por supuesto ya pusieron a salvo su efectivo; acaba de decretarse la instalación de plantas hidroeléctricas y una fábrica de papel, él no cree posible concretar estos proyectos. Del asunto de Jorge Almada le comunica que no se resolvió, que cada vez se complica más; Carlos Herrera va a Hermosillo a tratar de arreglar algo y Aarón Sáenz quiere hablar de las dificultades recientes. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a a su padre del negocio de Santa Bárbara, que ha sido liquidado y lo que queda, rentado en las mejores condiciones posibles; todavía los favorecidos no toman posesión de las tierras afectadas y espera que con la ayuda del Ing. Navarrete pueda salvarse la huerta. En cuanto a Hermosillo, la liquidación del negocio está prácticamente terminada, le sugiere escriba a González Arias para que en cuanto el adeudo con el Banco de México quede saldado le remita los documentos a José Elías para que se pague su depósito. Le informa que en general la situación del país es mala, que el pesimismo es general. El lío petrolero no parece tener solución, las compañías se han declarado en rebeldía contra el fallo de la Suprema Corte, los obreros ya pidieron la recesión del contrato colectivo de trabajo y parece que el siguiente paso es la incautación de los negocios. En una posdata anuncia las nuevas medidas del gobierno en el asunto petrolero y la prohibición de venta de oro y plata, lo que le impide enviarle el remanente previsto, cunde el pánico general. En un tono pesimista, Rodolfo Elías Calles comenta a su padre lo difícil que es manejar las finanzas familiares en situación de crisis; de los reveses que han sufrido sus negocios, del desaliento que le provoca la incredulidad e incapacidad de la familia de aceptar las adversas condiciones económicas por las que atraviesa. En cuanto a Santa Bárbara, está en completo abandono, el pueblo beneficiado no ha podido tomar posesión de las tierras por la oposición de los pueblos vecinos, por lo que parece que se está estudiando el decreto de expropiación para darles tajada a todos. Adjunta relaciones de gastos, entradas y salidas hasta abril, en las que da cuenta de lo que se cambió a oro nacional y de un envío que le hizo en efectivo en dólares, él se queda con un sobrante para cubrir gastos como la mensualidad de la Tinina (Ernestina Elías Calles). Se queja de lo incierto del valor de la moneda, el dólar sufre variaciones en su cotización y se teme una fuerte devaluación del peso. A los azucareros la situación les favorece porque exportan más caro, tampoco les preocupa la intervención del gobierno que planea eliminar los ingenios anticuados para lo cual piensa en un fondo para ayudar a quienes tengan que abandonar la siembra de caña para dedicarse a otros cultivos. Los otros sectores de la economía están animados porque el gobierno no permitirá más huelgas y pondrá un alto a las exigencias obreras. Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón envía a su padre, el Gral. PEC, carta que le dirigió el Ing. Domínguez, la contestación y recorte de periódico que informa que el Ing. Ezequiel Domínguez, administrador de El Mante, despedirá injustificadamente a trabajadores sin indemnización, y no ayuda a los que se incapacitan por motivos laborales. Copia de la carta que Domínguez envía al Lic. Aarón Sáenz en la que le informa haber elaborado un informe para los accionistas de la Compañía Industrial y Colonizadora del Río Mante en la que los pone al tanto del manejo de la empresa, su costo y rentabilidad, que es desfavorable. Informe que rinde Ezequiel Domínguez al Sr. Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón respecto de la situación económica y la costeabilidad del cultivo de la caña de azúcar en la Hacienda del Mante; hace un detallado recuento de los procesos de cultivo, riesgos, administración, contabilidad, problemas laborales, concluyendo que hay un desequilibrio entre costos de producción y precio de liquidación del azúcar, lo que resulta en una obvia incosteabilidad del negocio. Anexa resultados económicos obtenidos con el uso de abonos químicos en la Hacienda El Mante; cuadro de gastos por tonelada de caña y por hectárea abonada; análisis económico de los resultados probables de la zafra 1937-1938 en la región de El Mante desde el punto de vista de costeabilidad. Respuesta de Rodolfo Elías Calles a Ezequiel Domínguez aprobando las medidas que ha tomado, opina que de acuerdo con el abogado del ingenio las reducciones en gastos deben llevarse hasta sus últimas consecuencias. (Continúa en el siguiente registro)

Dieses Buch zeigt, wie die Balanced Scorecard eingesetzt werden kann, um personalpolitische Kernziele des Unternehmens zu definieren und zu messen. Dabei werden die folgenden wesentlichen Aspekte des Personalmanagements berücksichtigt:o Personalauswahl und -einsatzo Entwicklung einer Unternehmens- und Feedbackkulturo Führungsqualität und Mitarbeiterengagemento Spezielle Instrumente des Personalmanagements: Mitarbeiterbeurteilung, Mitarbeitergespräch, Zielvereinbarung, Potenzialanalyse, Nachwuchs-, Team- und OrganisationsentwicklungDurch ihren gezielten Einsatz im Personalmanagement wird die BSC zu einem Motor der lernenden Organisation und trägt wesentlich zum Unternehmenserfolg bei.

The main impetus for this report (and for the reports prepared for the other six growth poles) is a request received from the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Administration. The request came within the context of on-going preparations for the 2014-2020 programming period, with energy efficiency being one the major themes of the Europe 2020 strategy, and a critical priority for all EU member countries. Within Romania, local authorities that will want to access energy efficiency funds under the 2014-2020 Regional Operational Program will need to first prepare energy efficiency strategies. The TRACE tool is specifically targeted at local authorities, and is a good instrument for drafting such strategies after the 1989 Revolution; Romania began its transition from a centralized system to a market-run economy. Today the country is a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO. After more than a decade of economic restructuring and political change, the country has taken significant steps to catch up with the economic performance of more developed EU countries. Although radical reforms brought about significant changes, the standard of living of Romanians is still behind the EU average. Cluj-Napoca (Cluj) is one of cities where such disparities are less pronounced, as the region is more developed and prosperous than most regions in the country. Cluj has developed quite well in the past few years, and it has become one of the most flourishing cities in the country, having a good growing potential. At present, the city is an important economic center, home to several local brands that have become famous nationwide as well as in Europe. Moreover, Cluj is known today as the 'capital' of the IT sector in the country, due to an aggressive expansion of this field in recent years.

This study on Bangladesh was undertaken to analyze the gender dimensions of climate change and the role of institutions in reducing gender gaps. The study was carried out in 20 sites covering 600 households, from March 2010 to May 2011, using both qualitative and quantitative instruments. This note is organized into five sections. The next section gives an overview of climate change and the gender and institutional context in Bangladesh. The third section presents the key study findings and is divided into three subsections: site- and household-specific vulnerabilities; analysis of gender dimensions of climate change using the household data and four propositions; and description of institutional challenges and gaps in supporting the resilience of women and men. Section four provides examples of adaptation programs in Bangladesh, and section five provides recommendations for enhancing gender-responsive adaptive capacity in Bangladesh.

The debt market in Thailand has made important strides since the financial crisis of 1997. The Thai government has made significant progress in building an orderly yield curve and is beginning to establish some benchmarks. However, more needs to be done if the government is to achieve its objective of enhancing liquidity in the market. In particular, liquidity in the secondary market would be enhanced by reducing the frequency of auctions, while increasing the size of each individual offering. Such a change will require primary dealers to change their mode of operation from effectively a broking operation to the provision of greater underwriting and market making services; consequently a review of the primary dealer system is warranted. Nevertheless, prospects for development of the government securities market will be constrained overall by the likely limited financing need going forward, unless the authorities can secure some additional flexibility to restructure the existing portfolio or otherwise establish more meaningful benchmarks. The corporate debt market suffers from too few issuers of corporate debt and too little diversity of debt offerings. This reflects, in part the limited corporate need for long-term financing, the ready availability of alternative financing by commercial banks at competitive rates, and regulatory policies that emphasize investor protection by imposing substantial limitations on the ability of institutional investors to purchase anything but investment grade debt, which effectively precludes issuance of below investment grade debt.

An up-close account of policing during the Ferguson protests, providing insights from both police officers and members of the communityPolicing Unrest presents the frontline experiences of police officers during the intense three weeks of protest, vigils, looting, violence, and large civil demonstrations in and around Ferguson, Missouri, following the fatal shooting of Michael Brown by a police officer. Looking closely at the lived experiences of police officers and community residents, Tammy Rinehart Kochel raises important questions about police-community relations and the role of police as peacekeepers in support of social justice.Drawing on interviews with dozens of police personnel who policed the protests, Kochel offers insight into their shared experiences and provides compelling personal accounts of how they performed their jobs during the protest. The book covers a range of topics such as police-community relationships and community policing principles; how factors such as police subculture and organizational culture stacked up against social identity during this crisis; the role of an officer's characteristics, especially an officer's race, play in an officer's self-legitimacy; and the implications for police recruitment and training. Kochel's unique access allowed her to provide a balanced perspective on police officers' cynicism and public protests against police that were rampant in the year following Ferguson against the need to restore police-community relations and police legitimacy through increased transparency, accountability, and procedural justice. Policing Unrest explains how the Ferguson protests ushered in an era of police reform and reveals what it is like being a police officer facing public unrest, particularly in the wake of widely publicized incidents of police brutality around the country