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THIS ESSAY EXAMINES THE DECISION TO OUTLAW THE "KACH" AND "KAHANE IS ALIVE" MOVEMENTS AND TO ANALYZE SOME OTHER MEASURES THE ISREALI GOVERNMENT HAS UTILIZED IN ITS STRUGGLE AGAINST POLITICAL EXTREMISM. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT WHILE THE DECISION TO OUTLAW THE MOVEMENTS WAS JUSTIFIED, RESORTING TO ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTIONS AT TIMES WHICH DO NOT CONSTITUTE A REAL EMERGENCY IS AN UTTERLY UNETHICAL AND UNJUSTIFIED MEANS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY. HOWEVER, ISRAEL SHOULD MAKE AN EXCEPTION TO ITS LAW OF RETURN TO THE EFFECT OF EXCLUDING NON-ISRAELI MEMBERS OF THESE TWO MOVEMENTS FROM SOCIETY BY DENYING THEM THE RIGHT OF OBTAINING ISRAELI CITIZENSHIP. ISRAEL WOULD BE JUSTIFIED IN APPLYING CONTENT-BASED REASONING TO ITS DECISION OF WHETHER OR NOT TO GRANT CITIZENSHIP TO EXTREME ELEMENTS WHO WISH TO SETTLE ON ITS SOIL.

Spectral analysis and ARMA models have been the most common weapons of choice for the detection of cycles in political time series. Controversies about cycles, however, tend to revolve around an issue that both techniques are badly equipped to address: the possibility of irregular cycles without fixed periodicity throughout the entire time series. This has led to two main consequences. On the one hand, proponents of cyclical theories have often dismissed established statistical techniques. On the other hand, proponents of established techniques have dismissed the possibility of cycles without fixed periodicity. Wavelets allow the detection of transient and coexisting cycles and structural breaks in periodicity. In this article, we present the tools of wavelet analysis and apply them to the study of two lingering puzzles in the political science literature: the existence of cycles in election returns in the United States and in the severity of major power wars.

AbstractWe take advantage of the data set compiled by Masuoka et al. (2007,PS: Political Science and Politics40 (1): 361–66) on lifetime citation counts of political science faculty at PhD granting institutions in the United States to look for "lucky names," that is, names parents can give babies that predispose them toward scholarly success in political science. Seeking to test an hypothesis offered by Wuffle (1972,PS: Political Science and Politics(Summer): 290), we also briefly look at the importance of middle initials for citation success in political science.

We construct a simple political economy model with imperfect capital markets to explain infrastructure investments across Indian states. The model predicts that: i) the fixed cost of accessing the modern sector, ii) the initial stock of infrastructure, iii) median voter wealth, and iv) corruption, can all potentially explain why different states have different level of infrastructure investments. The theoretical model is motivated by recent empirical work on India that argues that there as on why per capita income across Indian states have diverged is because of the distribution of infrastructure investments. The model suggests that reducing leakages in funds earmarked for infrastructure and reducing the ?xed costs of accessing the modern sector - beyond their other well known effects - are policy complements. Together, they can incentivize politicians to spend more on infrastructure.

International audience ; The paper is based on intensive longitudinal field research. It suggests an interpretative model of territorial governement in France. Relations between national and local authorities as well as policy-making processes suggest that the centralized state has face a major decline of its hegemony and that decentralization reforms have induced a polycentric dynamic. Seven basic characteristics and three key properties of the model are discussed. The emerging model is neither a new localism nor a new centralism pattern. It is the product of incremental and ongoing trade-offs between centrifugal and centripetal forces. This complexity reflects a situation that is under the rather conservative, as well tight, control of national politicians who hold multiple local elected mandates ; Cet article donne un modèle interprétatif synthétique de l'état et de l'évolution du gouvernement des affaires territoriales en France, en prenant appui sur une large gamme d'enquêtes de terrain. Il énonce dix propriétés fondamentales de ce modèle. Il explique comment un milieu trans partisan de politiciens cummulant des mandats exerce un contrôle étroit sur le maintien de ce modèle, malgré les forces centrifuges qui le traversent.