Suchergebnisse

In this article, the Ostpolitik of European transnational parties is examined as a "process within the process" of the eastward enlargement of the European Union. First, the Eastern politics of major European transnational parties is analyzed within the framework of their development and institutionalization processes. Then, the European transnational party-level dimension is examined as part of the development of party systems and party politics in the postcommunist candidate countries, with specific references to the eu enlargement policy and a focus on Central Europe.

Abstract: Freedom of contract is a fundamental principle of European private law. It is also implicitly recognized as a general principle of European Community Law. An open market economy with free competition, which the Treaty aims to implement (see Article 4 I), can only be achieved if contractual freedom in connection with a system ensuring effective competition within the internal market is guaranteed. However, the acknowledgement of contractual freedom as a general principle of Community Law stands in notable contrast to the European legislation on contract law. This legislation may be characterized by its fragmentation into numerous legal instruments which address issues of contract law by a great number of mandatory provisions in a rather selective and isolated manner. Even more problematic are the intrusions into the freedom of contract embodied in the various anti–discrimination directives, which go far beyond the traditional field of labour relations and directly impair the freedom of unhindered selection of a contractual partner in general business life. This conflict between the anti–discrimination provisions and the market economy principle may become even more apparent when the Charter of Fundamental Rights comes into force. Anchored within the Charter are not only several aspects of the freedom of contract, but also an extensive anti–discrimination provision. Directly applied in private law, it might endanger the market economy as the foundation of the European Union.
Résumé: La liberté de contracter constitue le principe fondamental du droit privé européen. Il y a bien longtemps qu'elle est également reconnue comme un des principes généraux du droit de l'Union européenne. Une économie de marché ouverte gouvernée par la libre concurrence qui est envisagée par l'Art. 4 I CE ne peut être mise en place qu'en lien avec la liberté de contracter et la protection effective de la concurrence. Or, la reconnaissance de la liberté de contracter comme un principe général du droit de L'Union Europeenne fait clairement contraste à la législation européenne concernant le droit des contrats. Celle–ci est justement caractérisée par sa nature impérative et par sa fragmentation en plusieurs actes de législation successifs, qui ne s'adressent aux problèmes différents que de manière sélective et sans cohérence. Un véritable danger à la liberté de contracter émane des différentes directives anti–discrimination qui, désormais, vont bien au–delà du domaine initial du droit du travail. De cette façon celles– ci empiètent sur la liberté d'accepter ou de refuser un partenaire de contrat dans les relations civiles en général. Ceci rend manifeste un confl it avec les principes d'une économie de marché ouverte qui pourrait être considérablement accentué après que la Charte des droits fondamentaux sera mise en vigueur. Bien que celle–ci protège quelques aspects de la liberté de contracter, son Art. 21 pourrait se prêter à une interprétation dans le sens d'une stipulation anti–discriminatoire globale, qui, si appliquée directement aux rapports juridiques privés, menacerait le principe d'une économie ouverte fi gurant à la base de l'Union Européenne

This book provides an analysis of the enlargement of the European Union. Drawing upon such diverse fields as history, sociology, political science and international relations.

The civil servants of the European Union represent the people who have been appointed to work in the permanent department of an institution of the European Union, according to a written document issued by an authority invested by the respective institution with such powers. Their juridic regime understood as the sum of all the rights and obligations they have in what concerns their relationship with the European Union and its institutions has been established by the European Community Civil Service Status adopted on February 29th, 19681, being amended several times. Therefore, the Regulations adopted by the European Union Council of March 22nd, 2004, at the proposal of the European Commission set forth even a new career system for the European public servants. The provisions of the status also apply for the people appointed by the community institutions, people that have been generically called "agents", which means that institutions such as: The European Economic and Social Committee; the European Committee of the Regions; the European Union Mediator or the European Data Protection Supervisor are assimilated, from this point of view, into the institutions of the European Union. The state forbids any sort of discrimination whatsoever, such as the discrimination based on sex, race, colour, social or ethnic origin, genetic characteristics, language, religion, political opinion or beliefs or any other opinion, affiliation to a national minority, wealth, birth, disability, age or sexual orientation. Another new aspect related to the enforcement of the status is that the non-marital partnership is regarded and treated in the same way marriage is. An extremely important significance for the activity and moral status of the European Union public servants is rendered to the European Code of good Administrative Behaviour. This document was proposed by the Eurpean Mediator and was approved of on September 6th, 2001, by means of a resolution of the European Parliament; it consists of a set of behaviour rules which the community institutions, the administrations as well as the public servants have to comply with, in what concerns their relationship with the public.

Intro -- The European Union: A Political Sociology -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction: A New Approach to Studying European Integration -- 2 The European Union and Globalization -- 3 The Question of the European State -- 4 European Society -- 5 Unemployment, Social Exclusion, and Citizenship -- 6 Cohesion Policy and Regional Autonomy -- 7 Rethinking Core-Periphery Relations -- 8 Europe and Democracy -- 9 EU Enlargement -- 10 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index.

The purpose of this article is to discuss the type of attachment and allegiance propounded in the recently proclaimed Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Charters such as Bills of Rights are generally held to be reflective of and evocative of a rights-based constitutional patriotism. The EU is not a state; there are widely different conceptions of what it is and should be, one of which is the vision of a Europe of nation states. Is the spirit of the Charter thus instead that of deep diversity, i.e. reflective of a wide diversity of views, visions and values as to what the EU is and ought to be? The article contrasts constitutional patriotism and deep diversity as alternative underlying philosophies of the Charter and also briefly examines the Charter's presumed ability to produce either type of sentiment of allegiance.