Suchergebnisse

The research presented in this thesis deals with the study of the contemporary Iberian nationalism which has influenced the territorial and national questions of Spain. Aragon, despite being a crossroad territory between France, Catalonia, Valencia, Castile and the Basque-Navarrese region, is often missing from this discussion. From a geopolitical point of view, Aragon appears to be like a "buffer" territory between central Spain and its borders. Moreover, due to these characteristics, Aragon has no two-party system PSOE/PP as is the case in Spain's interior regions, but it also doesn't have the hegemonic role of a NSWP (Non State-wide Parties), which defends a non-Spanish nationalism. What we do find in Aragon are two NSWPs with which the two big Spanish SWPs (State-wide Parties) have to form an alliance with, in order to govern in the big cities and at the Autonomous Parliament. The main focus of this thesis is on the Chunta Aragonesista (CHA), the Aragonese left-wing political Party which was created in 1986. Its political tradition, its ideology, its position in comparison to other NSWPs will be studied along with the circumstances that have made it possible for them to obtain a deputy at the Spanish Parliament in 2000 and to become the third major political force of Aragon from 2003 to 2007. Then, the possible causes of the Chunta Aragonesista's electoral failure since 2007 will be analyzed. Finally, this paper will examine the role that Aragon (and the Chunta Aragonesista) could play by putting forward a new configuration of the Spanish state on the basis of a federal republic. ; Les recherches qui ont abouti à cette thèse de doctorat s'inscrivent dans la thématique des nationalismes ibériques contemporains qui ont animé (et animent toujours) les questions territoriales et nationales de l'Espagne. L'Aragon, souvent absent de ce débat, est pourtant un territoire charnière entre la France, la Catalogne, le Pays valencien, la Castille et le bloc basco-navarrais. D'un point de vue géopolitique, l'Aragon ...

The results of previous demographic research according to the ethnic characteristics of the population clearly point to the need for caution when using data from official ethnostatistics. Censuses and vital statistics form a quantitative basis for calculating ethno-demographic indicators whose interpretations can directly affect the creation of public policies aimed at the legal, political, economic and general social position, not only of members of minority ethnic groups, but also of the entire population. Although census ethnostatistics has been suspended in a large number of developed countries, there is a noticeable increase in interest in quantitative research on popu¬lation demographic characteristics relating to ethnicity. On the other hand, in countries that already have developed census ethnostatistics, there is reasonable doubt about the quality of the data, which leads to a review of the census methodology, starting with definitions and statistical categorisations, and ending with the methods of data collection and publication. So far, the results of population surveys according to ethnic characteristics provide enough space for various interpretations of the data because censuses often represent much more than a statistical record of social reality. This is especially noticeable in statistical categorisations based on ethnic characteristics, assigning censuses a significant role in constructing this reality that additionally reinforces the existing population divides. The collection of statistical data on the ethnic characteristics of the population of Serbia has a long tradition, primarily due to the historically inherited heterogeneous ethnic structure. In censuses during the first half of the 19th century, data on ethnic characteristics were collected only spo¬radically, but after Serbia had gained independence in 1878, ethnostatistics became one of the most important factors in political and overall social activity. Although a direct question about national (then ethnic) affiliation first appeared in the 1866 census, the opinion quickly prevailed that it was strongly influenced by the subjective understanding of ethnic identity, which was often equated with citizenship at that time. That is why language was given priority over ethno-national affiliation because, in addition to being of key importance for the creation of ethno-cultural and national identity, it also proved to be a statistically more objective indicator. From then until today, the ethnic structure of Serbia has changed significantly, but the motives for data collection have remained the same because the ethnostatistical census methodology at that time (as well as today) was based primarily on primor¬dial understandings of ethnicity. According to the current census methodology, it is possible to collect data on three ethno-cultural characteristics of the population: national affiliation (in the ethnic sense), mother tongue and religion. The obtained data can be considered a simple quantification of the subjective declaration of the population according to the ethno-identity concept. The citizenship characteristic in the Serbian census has the status of a legal rather than an ethnic category. The official ethnosta¬tistical nomenclatures used in the 2011 census included 45 modalities of nationality, regionally determined, as well as the group category "other nationalities"; and 36 modalities of the mother tongue, with the group category "other languages". On the other hand, early statistical documentation points to the conclusion that, in Serbia, there was also an interest in data on the presence of foreigners who, like ethnic minorities, were viewed through the prism of "others". During the 19th century, censuses periodically contained the question of "subservience", which can be considered a forerunner of the modern interpretation of citizenship. During the Yu¬goslav phase of census statistics, the record of foreigners was an integral part of all eight censuses, and has remained so in all Serbian censuses from 2002 until today. According to the current census methodology, the Republic of Serbia intends to record permanently settled foreigners, foreigners granted temporary residence, asylum seekers and migrants without established status. The main aim of this research is to clarify the relationship between recording foreigners in Serbia and methodological solutions for collecting data on the ethnic characteristics of the population. Although the official ethnostatistical methodology in Serbia focuses primarily on obtaining data on "ethnic nationality", the statistical nomenclature by nationality also includes mo¬dalities such as Belgians, French, Danes, Swedes, Italians, Swiss, Finns, Norwegians, and Chinese, whose national identification is mainly determined by the criterion of citizenship rather than ethnic identity. This means that the same group contains data on ethnicity based on two different theoretical understandings of ethnic identity. The statistical classification of the population by nationality gradually expanded after the Second World War. Since the 1981 census, there have been national modalities whose ethnicity is difficult to determine using the methodology applied, which casts doubt on the quality of the data and further complicates their usability. Obtained by the method of crossing data on citizenship, nationality and language affiliation, among other things, the research results show that a certain number of foreigners exercised the right not to declare their nationality. Therefore, the group of undeclared, undecided and unknown includes a relatively large number of citizens of Austria, China, Denmark, Switzerland, France and Great Britain. In these countries, data on ethnicity are not collected at all or are collected according to different definitions of nationality. Following immigration trends in the last inter-census period, it is realistic to expect that the next census will face a problem of ethnic identification of foreign citizens, especially immigrants from countries where ethnicity is understood differently. The presented research results show that the existing ethnostatistical census methodology hampers demographic research of foreigners in Serbia, but also reopens the dilemma of re-examining the quality and use of official ethnostatistical data, especially in the domain of public policies.

The authors examine the emergence of nationalism among the Egyptian middle class during the 1930s and 1940s, and its growing awareness of an Arab and Muslim identity. Previously Egypt did not define itself in these terms, but adopted a territorial and isolationist outlook. It is the revolutionary transformation in Egyptian self-understanding which took place during this period that provides the focus of this study. The authors demonstrate how the growth of an urban middle class, combined with economic and political failures in the 1930s, eroded the foundations of the earlier order. Alongside domestic events, the momentum of Arabism abroad and the impact of events in Palestine, necessitated Egyptian regional involvement. Egypt's present position as a major player in Arab, Muslim and Third World affairs has its roots in the fundamental transition of Egyptian national identity at this time

After the collapse of the Soviet bloc, its twenty-seven successor states were charged with devising policies with respect to their ethnic minorities. This shock enables an analysis of the conditions that render states more likely to repress, exclude, assimilate or accommodate their minorities. One would anticipate that groups that are most 'threatening' to the state's territorial integrity are more likely to experience repression. However the data do not validate this expectation. Instead, the analysis suggests that minority groups' demographics and states' coercive capacities better account for variation in ethnic minority policies. While less robust, the findings further indicate the potential importance of lobby states and Soviet multinational legacies in determining minority rights. The results have implications for ethnic politics, human rights, nationalism, democratization and political violence. Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, the emergence of multiple crisis in the midst of the celebrations of the bicentennial have wither the nationalist discourse and politics that encouraged symbolic national fervor and identity in Peru. This study discusses a few contemporary moments of nationalist appeal, by tackling them from their mutual transitions and intertwining narrative, and by critically dismantling cultural objects of mass circulation that symbolize the nation from different ideological standpoints and affective horizons. By drawing a distinction between the historiographical studies on nationalism, which focus on the debate over perennialist approaches based on the ancestral origins of nations, and on the other hand, the modern paradigm, a constitutional and constructed national identity, I focus on the strategies and tactics through which nationalist fabrications settle in the subjectivities and in the public opinion. In particular, the attachment to identities that are affixed to psychic investments that link subjective desire and affection with the need of experiencing nationality. ; En los últimos años, los discursos y las políticas de ímpetu nacionalista que han animado procesos de identificación y construcción simbólica en el Perú se han desvanecido ante la emergencia de una crisis múltiple que coincide con las truncas celebraciones del bicentenario. El presente estudio discute algunos momentos contemporáneos de apelación nacionalista, pero analizándolos desde sus transiciones mutuas y entrelazamientos narrativos, a partir del desmontaje de objetos culturales de circulación masiva que enuncian lo nacional desde diversos lugares ideológicos y horizontes afectivos. Haciendo una distinción con los estudios historiográficos del nacionalismo, que se centran en la discusión entre los enfoques perennialistas asentados en los orígenes ancestrales de las naciones, y por el otro, el paradigma moderno, constitucional y construido de la identidad nacional, me concentro en las estrategias discursivas por las cuales las invenciones nacionales se cimentan en las subjetividades y la opinión pública. En particular, a partir del apego a identificaciones que se sostienen en investimentos psíquicos y que vinculan el deseo y el afecto de los sujetos con la necesidad de asir la experiencia de la nacionalidad.

This dissertation examines what one Volhynian writer called a "sea of blood and tears" - the three-year Nazi occupation of the Eastern European borderland region, Volhynia, in western Ukraine. Over the course of the occupation, this multi-ethnic society endured the loss of over a quarter million people, the majority of whom were civilians. Nazi occupiers brutalized the local population through a series of policies: anti-partisan reprisals that destroyed over one hundred villages and their inhabitants, mass deportations for slave labor, the starvation of countless prisoners of war, and the genocide of the Jews. Volhynia not only bore the brunt of Nazi occupation, but was also the site of civil war conditions in which Ukrainian nationalist organizations, the Soviet partisan movement, and other armed groups engaged in internecine violence. Tens of thousands of Volhynians participated and were murdered in these campaigns. In contrast to work that treats wartime violence as solely a result of the Nazi regime, this study argues that local cleavages and political currents in Volhynia were also critical to its production. Additionally, many Nazi policies would not have been possible nor as successful without the coordination provided by and participation of local Volhynians. Drawing on a wealth of testimonial and archival sources, including newly declassified KGB records in Ukraine, this project provides a microhistorical view of the violence and analyzes the occupation through the lens of the local population. Three realms of participation in violence are explored: collaboration with Nazi occupiers, notably the role of local auxiliary police forces and governments in the Holocaust; participation in the Ukrainian nationalist movement, which carried out an ethnic cleansing of Poles; and participation in the Soviet partisan movement, which attacked nationalists, collaborators, and the general populace. By probing the lives and tracing the biographies of Volhynians, that is, Ukrainians, Poles, Jews, Russians, Germans, and Czechs, it is possible to show how and why they participated in these movements and were also victimized by them. In the end, various factors influenced Volhynians' decisions to participate in violence or not: ideology (nationalism or communism), social-psychological factors (peer pressure, group dynamics, local networks), and self-preservation.

Artykuł dotyczy jednego z najważniejszych referendów w historii Zjednoczonego Królestwa - głosowania nad niepodległością Szkocji, które odbędzie się w 2014 r., które j est wynikiem w ygranych p rzez S zkocką P artię N arodową ( SNP) w yborów d o Parlamentu w Edynburgu w 2011 r. Referendum może przesądzić o początku rozpadu Zjednoczonego Królestwa, może jednak zapoczątkować merytoryczną debatę na temat statusu prawnopolitycznego Szkocji w brytyjskich strukturach władzy. Przede wszystkim jednak artykuł porusza problem natury szkockiego nacjonalizmu oraz dalszych szans ruchu nacjonalistycznego na scenie politycznej. Dotychczasowe reformy zwiększające zakres autonomii Szkocji, w tym ustanowienie parlamentu w Edynburgu w 1999 r., nie zadowoliły szkockiego elektoratu. Artykuł stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie czy zwycięstwo partii narodowej wynika ze zmęczenia Szkotów tradycyjnymi rozwiązaniami politycznymi i zbyt dużą zależnością Edynburga od Westminsteru, czy też rzeczywistym krystalizowaniem się poglądów Szkotów i przekonaniem, iż ich kraj może zyskać gospodarczo i politycznie, pozostając niezależnym od władz Westminsteru ; The article concerns one of the most important referenda in the history of the United Kingdom – a vote on Scotland's independence to be held at the end of the 2014, following the Scottish National Party's (SNP's) victory in the Scottish elections in 2011. The referendum may become decisive to the future of the Kingdom and its likely break-up; likewise it may trigger a serious debate on Scotland's political and legal status in the British national power structures. Above all, the article aims at analysing the issue of Scottish nationalism and the chances of nationalist movement on the political scene. The reforms conducted so far, i.e. the enlargement of Scottish autonomy, including the re-establishing of Parliament in Holyrood in 1999, have not satisfied the Scottish electorate's aspirations. The article attempts to answer whether the SNP's popularity is due to Scots' being tired of the traditional political power structures and their dependence on Westminster, or whether it is an authentic sign of maturity and conviction that Scotland may gain economically and politically becoming independent of Westminster

Examines nationalism 'from below' in an exploration of four ways that nationhood is produced & reproduced in everyday life. The process by which the nation is constituted & legitimated as a discursive construct through 'talking the nation' is described, along with ways that nationhood frames the choices that citizens make ('choosing the nation'). The everyday meanings & invocations of national symbols constitute 'performing the nation,' while 'consuming the nation' refers to the constitution & expression of nationhood in everyday consumption practices.

"We live in a world in which being a 'citizen' of a state and being a 'national' are by no means the same. Amidst much scholarly debate about 'nations' and 'nationalism', comparatively little has been written explicitly on 'national identity' and a great deal less is solidly evidence-based. This book focuses on national identity in England and Scotland. Using data collected over twenty years it asks: does national identity really matter to people? How does 'national identity' differ from 'nationality' and having a passport? Are there particular people and places which have ambiguous or contested national identities? What happens if someone makes a claim to a national identity? On what basis do others accept or reject the claim? Does national identity have much internal substance, or is it simply about defending group boundaries? How does national identity relate to politics and constitutional change?"..