Suchergebnisse

David J. Bier


President Biden has used the immigration authority known as "parole" to permit many immigrants to enter the country or remain in the country legally. But his actions have deep historical precedent. Under section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1182(d)(5)), the Attorney General and later the Secretary of Homeland Security has had the authority to waive the normal restrictions on entry and allow certain noncitizens to enter the United States since 1952.
Table 1 provides a list of 126 programmatic or categorical parole orders, meaning orders that were nationalized policies intended to permit the entry of certain defined types of noncitizens. This list is certainly not exhaustive. Until recently, programmatic or categorical uses of parole were often not publicized in any formal, consistent, or even public way. The Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) would simply create internal guidance that would only become public if stakeholders or the media publicized it.











For example, one instance in Table 1 is an INS official in 1990 listing six separate categories for parole in operation at the time that no other document refers to before or since. That is an exceptional case. In many cases, however, Congress acknowledged these uses of parole through subsequent or previous congressional actions, allowing for parolees to adjust to legal permanent residence or receive refugee benefits. In some cases, it just acknowledged that these procedures were in effect or expressed support for them.
This list helps dispel some myths. Since the creation of the parole power in the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952—which codified executive powers already in use—Congress has substantively amended the parole authority twice: in the Refugee Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–212, March 17, 1980), barring refugees from being paroled into the United States, and in the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (Public Law 104–208), which made two statutory changes. First, the standard for paroling someone changed from "emergent" or "public interest" reasons to "urgent humanitarian" or "significant public benefit" reasons. Second, each determination had to be made on a case‐​by‐​case basis.
Few at the time thought these changes were substantive, and the categorical parole regulations then in effect were reenacted verbatim. Moreover, the case‐​by‐​case basis requirement was in effect for decades, including for large‐​scale programmatic uses of parole, such as for Cubans and Vietnamese. Case‐​by‐​case determinations always meant an individual determination, even if someone's categorization created a presumption that they met the "emergent/​humanitarian" or "public interest/​significant public benefit" requirement.
In many cases, these parole programs have received almost no attention in many years but contain precedents that the current administration should consider reimplementing. For example, parole used to be available in 1990 for children aging out of eligibility for green cards. In the 1950s, it was used for the employment‐​based first preference category (skilled immigrants) when immigrant visas were unavailable under the cap. These two issues are particularly relevant now, with the employment‐​based cap being exhausted even for Nobel laureates and their children.
Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive set of statistics for the number of people paroled since 1952. Figure 1 shows the data that the INS published from 1982 to 2003. Table 2 shows the programmatic grants under various programs from the 1950s through the year 2000.






















Humanitarian and public interest parole categories (1952—present): This type of parole has evolved over time in the types of categories that fall under it. In 1964, the INS associate commissioner listed several categories of immigrants who would be granted parole: to "either attend to sickness or burial or some close family affair," "accompany servicemen, members of the Armed Forces where the wife or some child would have been technically inadmissible," reunite a mentally handicapped child who would otherwise be excludable with their family, or deal with medical emergencies. Since 1982, at least some of these reasons have been included in regulations. In 1980, the INS provided examples of parole, including children coming for medical treatment, people coming to donate a kidney, and a Chinese woman who was allowed to visit her 81‐​year‐​old adoptive mother, who had been expelled by the communists from China. In 1990, the INS described a "small sampling" of the kinds of humanitarian and public interest categories of parole available at the time: 1) Someone's immediate family member just died or is dying, and consular officers lack time to process a visa or deny the visa; 2) People coming for organ, blood, or tissue donation; 3) Extradited criminals, informants, witnesses; and 4) National security assets (e.g., Soviet dissidents and foreign U.S. spies). In September 2008, ICE, USCIS, and CBP signed a memorandum of agreement on the use of parole by the agencies. This document listed, among other programs described below, parole categories for 1) registered sources of the U.S. intelligence community, 2) transiters through the United States to legal proceedings in a third country, 3) trainees, 4) individuals necessary for prosecutions or investigations, 5) confidential informants, 6) extraditions, 7) civil court participants, and 8) international organization event participants.
Parole from detention (1954—1980): On November 12, 1954, Ellis Island and several other INS detention centers were closed, and detainees were paroled into the United States. The number of detained immigrants fell from a monthly average of 225 to less than 40. Paroles were carried out under section 212(d)(5) of the INA. The INS promulgated a regulation on January 8, 1958, authorizing this practice of parole from ports of entry rather than detention. From 1954 until 1981, "most undocumented aliens detained at the border were paroled into the United States." Even after 1982, when the use of parole was narrowed, its use continued "when detention is impossible or impractical." The INS associate commissioner testified in 1964 that the closing of the detention facilities met the requirement of the parole statute because "it created a better image of the American Government and American public."
Orphan parole (1956): The Refugee Relief Act of 1953 created 4,000 slots for orphans adopted by U.S. citizens, but when the slots were filled, the attorney general authorized the entry of additional orphans under his parole authority on October 30, 1956. A total of 925 orphans were paroled.
Adjustment of status: On September 11, 1957, Congress enacted Public Law 85–316, which authorized the adjustment of status to legal permanent residence of any eligible orphaned paroled into the United States.
Hungarian parole (1956): On November 13, 1956, President Eisenhower ordered that 5,000 Hungarians be paroled into the United States. On December 1, 1956, he revised the limit to 15,000 Hungarians before eliminating the limit on January 2, 1957. By June 30, 1957, 27,435 parolees had entered, and the total reached 31,915 by 1958. For context, only 109 immigrants were admitted from Hungary in 1956, and only 321,625 immigrants were admitted worldwide. The Justice Department said in 1957 that this was "the first time that the parole provision has been applied to relatively large numbers of people." Several U.S. charitable organizations helped prepare their parole applications and to find housing and jobs for them.
Adjustment of status: On July 25, 1958, Congress enacted legislation (P.L. 85–559) that allowed Hungarians to adjust their status to legal permanent residence if they were "paroled into the United States" at any point after October 23, 1956 (including after the enactment of the act) if they had been in the United States for at least two years. Ultimately, 30,491 received legal permanent residence in this way. This set a precedent for handling adjustments of later parolees.
Pre‐​Examination Parole (1957—1959): Regulations of December 6, 1957 provided that someone who was subjected to pre‐​examination in the United States prior to requesting an immigrant visa in Canada who was found inadmissible in Canada "shall be paroled" into the United States. This regulation was revoked in 1959.
Crew Members Parole (1957—present): Regulations of December 6, 1957 provided for the parole of noncitizen crewmembers under certain circumstances and stated that shipwrecked or castaway crew members "shall be paroled." On December 8, 1961 and March 22, 1967, expanded the grounds for parole to asylum seekers from communist countries. On July 27, 1990, this parole was expanded to crewmen facing persecution in any country. On March 6, 1997, this provision was updated and reenacted, and it was revised and reenacted again on February 19, 1999. On April 4, 2004, the parole of lightering crews that were not eligible for D‑1 visas for technical reasons was authorized. The parole of crew members was recognized in Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (Public Law 104–208, 8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(13)(A)).
Cuban parole (1959—1965): Starting about January 1, 1959, following the communist revolution, the Eisenhower administration used parole to allow a "small percentage" of Cubans who had left the island and entered illegally into the United States (INS 1960). By June 1961, there were 4,000 paroled Cubans in the United States (INS 1961). By December 31, 1961, there were 12,200 in parole status. In 1962, Cuban illegal entrants ceased to be referred for deportation hearings and were instead paroled into the United States (INS 1962). By June 1962, the number of Cubans on parole rose to 62,500 (INS 1962). Commercial travel between the U.S. and Cuba was suspended in 1962, and only a few thousand more Cubans made it off the island through the Red Cross (INS 1963). Altogether, about 107,116 Cubans were paroled into the United States from 1959 to 1965.
Adjustment of status: The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 (P.L. 89–732, November 2, 1966) made it possible for Cuban parolees, including future parolees, to adjust their status to legal permanent residence after two years in the United States if they entered after 1959.
Guam parole (1959—1974): Starting in April 1959, the INS began to parole into the United States some Filipinos to work with the Defense Department and the Government of Guam on the island under the Parolee Defense program. At least 16 orders establishing and renewing Guam parole programs went out between 1960 and 1969, and an INS internal memo of January 27, 1960 established the initial rules for the program. Workers received INS Form I‑94 stamped, "Paroled into Guam under section 212(d)(5) I&N Act until the purpose of parole has been served not exceeding—–." Parolees could enter for up to a year and could be extended at least twice. On November 15, 1962, the INS created the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Parole Program to parole workers from the Philippines and the Trust Islands into Guam to help with emergency repairs to homes and defense installations following a storm (INS 1963). From FY 1963 to FY 1974, 26,501 workers received parole to enter Guam temporarily. The Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Parole Program ended in 1970, and the Parolee Defense program was eliminated in 1975 in favor of admitting workers under the H‑2 nonimmigrant work visa program.
Refugee‐​escapee parole (1960—1965): On July 14, 1960, Congress passed the Fair Share Law (Public Law 86–648), a joint resolution to "enable the United States to participate in the resettlement of certain refugees." The law directed the INS to parole into the United States any refugee who fled from a communist or Middle Eastern country in an amount not to exceed 25 percent of the total number of such refugees accepted by other countries in the world, and it allowed any of those paroled to receive legal permanent residence after two years. During fiscal year 1961, 2,942 refugees entered as parolees (INS 1961), the largest portion of which were from Yugoslavia. In 1962, the total reached 8,260 (INS 1962). By 1966, the total had reached 19,705 (INS 1966). Public Law 86–648 included a sunset date for this use of parole of July 1, 1962, but authorization to continue to parole was extended indefinitely by section 6 of the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act Public Law 87–510 (July 1, 1962). Section 16 of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 ended this parole program, and the law introduced a new capped category of immigrant visas for refugees.
Adjustment of status: Public Law 86–648 of 1960 (the original statute establishing the refugee‐​escapee parolees) allowed parolees to adjust their status to legal permanent residence after two years in the United States. Section 16 of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 terminated this provision.
First Preference parole (1961): In January 1962, the INS reported that "recent changes in regulations" allowed for the parole of two groups of first preference skilled workers who could not receive green cards or immigrant visas as a result of the annual caps: 1) those who were abroad if they will be coming to work in defense industries; and 2) anyone in the United States. It's not clear exactly what change in regulation made this possible, but in 1964, the INS associate commissioner testified that this was the policy for "many years." He testified, "The basis for this policy was this incompatible situation that seemed to exist in that, with one hand, the Service was in effect making a finding that the alien's services were urgently needed and, at the same time, in contradiction, we were seeking to expel him." Congress revised the caps in 1965, which may have ended this practice.
Hong Kong Chinese parole (1962—1965): On May 23, 1962, Attorney General Robert Kennedy ordered the INS to parole into the United States Chinese who had fled to Hong Kong so long as they were "relatives of United States citizens and resident aliens" or "Chinese persons possessing special skills needed in the United States" (INS 1962). By the end of FY 1963, the total number reached 7,047 (INS 1963). Processing continued into 1964, during which the total reached 10,617 (INS 1964). The number reached 13,619 in 1965 (INS 1965). By 1966, the total reached 14,757 (INS 1965, Table 14B). A few stragglers were approved in 1966 but did not arrive until later, bringing the total to 15,111 (INS 1966). The program ended in June 1965.
Adjustment of status: The INA was amended in 1960 to allow parolees to adjust their status to legal permanent residence for the first time—which many were eligible to do since parolees generally had to meet the standards for an immigrant visa except for a cap spot being available—but no law provided any special category for Hong Kong parolees. Nonetheless, when Congress created a new general refugee category in December 1965, the administration used it to enable most other Hong Kong Chinese refugees to adjust their status. On October 5, 1978, P.L. 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Russian Orthodox Old Believer parole (1963): The Russian Orthodox Old Believer church was being forced out of Turkey to the Soviet Union, where they would be persecuted. In response, the INS authorized the parole of 210 church members on May 10, 1963.
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, P.L. 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Cuban airlift parole (1965—1973): Starting on December 1, 1965, based on a November 6, 1965 memorandum of understanding with the Cuban government, the Johnson administration operated daily "Freedom Flights" from Cuba to Miami. During its operation, 281,317 Cubans were paroled into the United States. At its peak year, 46,670 Cubans arrived via parole in 1971. This compares to 361,972 total immigrants that year. The airlifts were funded by congressional appropriations. In May 1972, the flights were suspended by the Cuban government before being terminated permanently on April 6, 1973.
Adjustment of status: The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 made it possible for Cuban parolees entering after 1959, including future parolees, to adjust their status to legal permanent residence after two years in the United States.
Czechoslovak parole (1970): Following the failed uprising against the Soviets in Czechoslovakia on September 4, 1968, Secretary of State David Rusk asked the president to authorize the attorney general to parole for Czechoslovaks fleeing the fallout of the failed anti‐​communist uprising. When the refugee numbers permitted under the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 ran out, every member of the House Judiciary Committee wrote in November 1969 to the administration to request that it parole Czechoslovakian refugees. On January 2, 1970, the attorney general authorized the use of parole. Nearly 5,000 were processed from February to November 1970, with 6,500 total. These parolees were given I‑94 documents that stated that the period of admission was "indefinite" and the purpose of the parole was "refugee." This type of indefinite parole document was still available throughout the 1980s for other parole types.
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, Public Law 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Soviet Union minority religious groups (1971): Following a letter from Rep. Peter Rodino of the House Judiciary Committee, on October 1, 1971, Attorney General John Mitchell announced that the United States would parole Soviet religious minorities who secured exit permits from the Soviet Union. The first four arrived on January 7, 1972, and in FY 1973, 200 were processed this way (INS 1973).
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, Public Law 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Advance Parole (1971): Advance parole appears to date to 1971 when the INS implemented a regulation in 1971 deeming an adjustment of status application abandoned if a person left the country while it was still pending unless "he had previously been granted permission by the Service for such absence." If someone had entered with a nonimmigrant visa and tried to adjust status, they would have had to prove "nonimmigrant intent" (i.e., intention to leave) upon reentry, which would be impossible with a pending adjustment of status application, and the only alternative to a visa is parole. Advance parole would not have helped prior to the effective date of the 1960 act, which authorized parolees to adjust their status (under a normal immigrant visa category) for the first time. The first advance parole regulation from 1982 stated that "parole [may be] authorized for an alien who will travel to the United States without a visa." Since then, advance parole has often been the top reason for granting parole. In several acts since then (1986, 1990, and 1996), Congress specifically mentioned how "advance parole" can be granted to people already paroled into the United States (8 U.S.C. 1151(c)(4)(A)).
Ugandan Asian parole (1972): The Ugandan government ordered Ugandan Asians to leave the country in 1972, and Attorney General Mitchell responded by initially ordering the INS to parole 1,000 Ugandan Asians. It ended up paroling almost 1,200 into the United States in FY 1973 (INS 1973). Another roughly 1,300 came thereafter.
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, P.L. 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Asylum parole (1972—1980): Following the United States acceding to the Protocol to the U.N. Convention on the Status of Refugees in 1968, the INS had no uniform process or status providing to asylum recipients because Congress had not created a specific status for them, but some were granted "individual parole." The April 10, 1979 regulations specifically provided for immigration judges to "grant asylum by parole under section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act."
Adjustment of Status: The Refugee Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–212, March 17, 1980) provided the opportunity for those granted asylum to adjust their status to receive legal permanent residence.

Cuban third country parole (1973—1978): On October 26, 1973, the INS created a parole program for Cubans outside of Cuba who had family in the United States (INS 1975). A total of 11,577 were paroled in FY 1974, 6,940 in FY 1975, 2,341 in FY 1976, 413 in FY 1977, and 580 in FY 1978.
Adjustment of status: The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 made it possible for Cuban parolees entering after 1959, including future parolees, to adjust their status to legal permanent residence after two years in the United States.

South American/​Chilean parole (1975—1979): On June 12, 1975, the INS permitted 400 detained Chilean dissidents (and their families) to be paroled into the United States. A total of 1,600 people were ultimately paroled from 1975 to 1977. On October 27, 1976, the INS again authorized parole of 200 households, representing 800 people in FY 1977, and included some Uruguayans and Bolivians. On June 14, 1978, the parole of 500 households was authorized, and 2,000 people were admitted, including some Brazilians and Argentinians. More would have come if the government of Argentina had allowed more of them to leave.
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, Public Law 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Laotian parole (1975—1980): In late March 1975, a parole program was authorized for Vietnamese orphans, and the first 2,279 Vietnamese orphans were flown out on April 2, 1975 (INS 1975), and on April 18, 1975, the president authorized a large‐​scale evacuation to Guam using parole. In FY 1975 alone, about 135,000 received parole. Congress funded (partially retroactively) the processing under the Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act (Public Law 94–23, May 23, 1975). In August 1975, the program was expanded to Cambodians and Vietnamese with special connections to the United States, and on May 6, 1977, 11,000 more were authorized from Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos. The three countries were grouped together in expansive programs starting August 11, 1977, January 25, 1978, June 14, 1978, December 5, 1978, April 13, 1979, October 16, 1979, and December 15, 1979. From 1975 to the middle of 1980—when the Refugee Act was enacted and replaced the parole programs—more than 330,000 Vietnamese, Cambodians, and Laotians were paroled into the United States. These refugees were all assessed on a case‐​by‐​case basis.
Adjustment of status: In 1977, Congress passed Public Law 95–145 (October 1977) that authorized adjustment of status to anyone from Vietnam, Laos, or Cambodia who was paroled as a refugee before March 31, 1979—that is, about two years in the future. On October 5, 1978, Public Law 95–412 extended the date to September 30, 1980 and allowed any refugee to adjust from any country.
Soviet and Eastern European parole (1977—1980): On January 13, 1977, the attorney general created a Special Parole Program for 4,000 Soviet Jewish refugees (INS 1977). In December 1978, another program was initiated for 5,000 Soviet Jews and Romanians (INS 1978). On June 14, 1978, the INS launched another parole program for Eastern European refugees, with 3,260 processed in FY 1978 and 8,740 processed in FY 1979 (INS 1978). On April 12, 1979, 25,000 additional entries were authorized and occurred under parole in 1979. On October 16 and December 15, 1979, 3,000 additional entries were authorized per month until the enactment of the Refugee Act in March 1980.
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, Public Law 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Lebanese parole (1978): On December 6, 1978, the attorney general announced the creation of a new parole program for 1,000 victims of civil strife in Lebanon, and by 1980, 349 had been used, and 107 were pending.
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, Public Law 95–412 authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Cuban prisoner parole (1978, 1985): On December 6, 1978, following an invitation by the Castro regime to take them, the attorney general announced the creation of a new parole program for 3,500 political prisoners who were then imprisoned or released since August 1978 plus their family. Ultimately, 12,000 Cubans were paroled in FY 1979. On December 14, 1984, Cuba and the United States signed an agreement under which the United States would take 3,000 Cuban political prisoners through parole and the refugee program. In fiscal year 1988, the State Department and INS approved 2,040 prisoners for entry to the United States, and 928 entered the United States.
Adjustment of status: The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 made it possible for Cuban parolees entering after 1959, including future parolees, to adjust their status to legal permanent residence after two years in the United States.

Iranian parole (1979—1982): On April 16, 1979, following the Islamic revolution in Iran, the INS granted "extended voluntary departure" to Iranians in the United States and began paroling others into the country. Precise parole figures were not kept, but "a large number" ("thousands") were paroled. Part of this parole effort was a program under which—as the State Department put it—"not too many questions were asked" about B‑2 visa applicants from Iran, and those clearly not qualified were often paroled anyway. In 1983, Iranians were included under the Refugee Act cap for the first time, which—the administration said—replaced "the practice of the past several years of admitting them through the Attorney General's parole authority."
Adjustment of Status: On October 5, 1978, authorized adjustment of status for "any refugee, not otherwise eligible for retroactive adjustment of status, who was or is paroled into the United States by the Attorney General pursuant to section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and Nationality Act before September 30, 1980."

Cuban/​Haitian entrant parole (1980): In April 1980, thousands of Cubans began arriving in Florida from Mariel, Cuba, by boat. Initially, these Cubans were granted parole for 60 days and allowed to seek asylum under the procedures of the newly‐​passed Refugee Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–212, March 1980). As the crisis escalated, INS declared on June 20, 1980 that it would extend 6‑month parole documents to Cubans and Haitians who had already arrived. On October 21, 1980, these 6‑month paroles were then authorized to be extended again to those who arrived before October 10, 1980. More than 125,000 Cubans and 25,000 Haitians were paroled. Congress passed a statute that recognized the existence of the Cuban and Haitian "entrant status" parole in 1981. Congress specifically authorized benefits for both past and future Cuban and Haitian parolees in The Refugee Education Assistance Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–422, October 10, 1980). On December 28, 1987, INS finalized a special regulation on the parole of Mariel boatlift Cubans detained since the boatlift ended, which resulted in about 7,000 additional paroles (or re‐​paroles).
Adjustment of Status: The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1980 (P.L. 99–603, November 6, 1986) allowed any Cuban or Haitian who entered before 1982 and either received Cuban/​Haitian entrant status or had a "record created" with the INS.

Parole from detention (1982—present): In 1981, the INS reversed its prior practice of not detaining people unless they were deemed a flight risk or a danger to the community. A court enjoined the policy, and the INS issued an interim regulation on July 9, 1982 that detailed the grounds under which it would issue parole from detention. On October 19, 1982, it finalized the regulation. This included the following categories of people eligible for parole from detention: people needing medical care, pregnant women, young children and teenagers whose processing will take longer than 30 days and who cannot be held with an accompanying adult; people with U.S. family eligible to petition for an immigrant visa for them; witnesses going to testify; people subject to prosecution; any other person whose "continued detention is not in the public interest." On March 6, 1997, INS reiterated its categories for those eligible for parole under the language of the new parole statute. On December 21, 2000, the INS revised its procedures for the parole of people ordered removed who could not be removed.
Khmer border parole (1986): In May 1986, the attorney general created a parole program for Cambodians who fled the Khmer government to Thailand, had approved immigrant petitions filed by U.S. citizen family in the United States, and had no visa available to them because of the caps. A total of 53 approvals were made in 1986, and only 418 were made as of March 1988. In 1991, 1,123 received parole. This program ended in FY 1992. About 3,500 total paroles were issued.
Adjustment of Status: The Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act of 1989 (P.L. 101–167, November 21, 1989) allowed any Cambodian paroled into the United States between 1988 and September 30, 1990 (about ten months in the future) to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year if they had been denied refugee status.

Parole for U.S. expats (1987): On December 12, 1987, the United States announced that it would parole former‑U.S. citizens who renounced their U.S. citizenship and then were ordered deported by their new state of nationality.
Soviet/​Moscow Refugee Parole (1988—present): In August 1988, the attorney general overturned the presumption that Soviet Jews qualified as refugees. On December 8, 1988, he created a "public interest" parole program for 2,000 Soviets per month who were denied refugee status. Parolees needed to have sponsors in the United States and were not eligible for refugee benefits. A total of 7,652 were paroled in FY 1989. Congress reinstated the presumption of refugee status for Jews and Evangelical Christians from the Soviet Union in 1989 (P.L. 101–167, November 21, 1989). Parole continued after this change in part because Jews had a plausible offer of alternative resettlement in Israel and continued after the Soviet Union dissolved under the label of the Moscow Refugee Parole Program. About 17,000 Soviets were paroled from 1992 to 1998 (INS 1996, 1998). On August 6, 2007, responsibility for the Moscow Refugee Parole Program was transferred to USCIS. In July 2011, it was canceled.
Adjustment of Status: The Foreign Operations Appropriations Act of 1989 (P.L. 101–167, November 21, 1989) allowed any Soviet paroled into the United States between 1988 and September 30, 1990 (about ten months in the future) to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year if they had been denied refugee status. In 1992, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania were added explicitly. This provision was then repeatedly reauthorized.

Orderly Departure Vietnam parole (1989—1999): In February 1989, the attorney general created a parole program to supplement the Orderly Departure refugee program from Vietnam, which was offered only to those denied refugee status. About 770 entered in 1989. Parole was also used for Vietnamese with immigrant visa petitions approved but who could not immigrate due to the caps. Some Laotians and Cambodians also were paroled. This program was created after the attorney general overturned the presumption that Vietnamese (and others) in refugee camps qualified as refugees under the Refugee Act of 1980. Parolees had to prepay their travel expenses. The program was closed at the end of fiscal year 1999 after about 32,000 paroles.
Adjustment of Status: The Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act of 1990 (P.L. 101–167, November 21, 1989) allowed any Vietnamese paroled into the United States between 1988 and September 30, 1990 (about ten months in the future) to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year if they had been denied refugee status. On November 6, 2000, Congress enacted the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act of 2001 (Public Law 106–429), which authorized adjustment of status for citizens or natives of Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos paroled before October 1, 1997, even if they had not been denied refugee status.

Hungarian and Polish parole (1989): In the middle of 1989, Hungary and Poland's communist governments fell, meaning that refugees from those countries no longer feared persecution on political grounds. On November 21, 1989, the INS began denying them refugee status and paroled some 832 people who were already in the process, had been interviewed, and had family in the United States.
Adjustment of Status: Section 646 of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (Public Law 104–208, September 30, 1996) granted legal permanent residence to these parolees.

Undated 1990s parole categories: In 1990, the INS described the following grounds for parole at the time without giving a date for when they started being used:
Spouses of U.S. military members who cannot qualify for visas because of the caps;
Aged‐​out children of immigrant visa applicants who had waited for years for a visa;
Children of immigrant visa recipients who failed to immigrate soon after visa receipt and for whom a visa number is not immediately available;
Someone who was trying to legalize their status by getting an immigrant visa, but the State Department erred in scheduling an appointment because there were no visa numbers available for them and is attempting to return to their U.S. residence.
Adopted children of U.S. citizens who do not qualify as orphans; and
Unaccompanied children in refugee camps with family in the United States.

Chinese parole (1990): On April 11, 1990, the president ordered the attorney general to defer the removal of unauthorized Chinese until January 1, 1994. The INS determined that parole for detained Chinese should be considered in the public interest.
Adjustment of Status: Congress enacted the Chinese Student Protection Act of 1992 (Public Law 102–404, October 9, 1992) that provided permanent residence to Chinese who were covered by the president's order and in the United States on April 11, 1990, if they were inspected and admitted or paroled.

Parole of asylum seekers (1990—present): Paroling asylum seekers is a subset of parole under the 1982 regulations, the final category of which (public interest) was amenable to several interpretations. On May 1, 1990, INS launched a "pilot parole program" for detained asylum seekers with a limit of 200. The pilot was expanded and made permanent everywhere on April 20, 1992. From 1993 to 1996, there were about 3,800 to 4,500 asylum paroles. On October 7, 1998, the INS made having established a "credible fear" of persecution a presumptive category of eligibility for parole. On November 6, 2007, DHS eliminated this presumption. On December 8, 2009, DHS reinstated the presumption to parole those establishing a credible fear of persecution. Despite a memorandum from the DHS secretary in 2017 that stated parole should be used "sparingly," the 2009 directive remained in force, though widely flouted during the Trump administration years. On March 29, 2022, DHS lowered the standard to parole someone who had not yet established credible fear.
Haitian Guantanamo parole (1991): A 1991 coup led to refugee flows by sea from Haiti to the United States. The U.S. government intercepted the boats and relocated Haitians to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, for processing. In September 1991, the INS announced a new parole program for Haitians at Guantanamo Bay who demonstrated a "credible fear" of persecution. The program continued until May 1992 when it was suspended. A small number of Haitians continued to be paroled thereafter, but they faced a strong presumption that they should be returned to Haiti. They received one‐​year parole authorizations. About 13,000 Haitians received parole from 1992 to 1996 (INS 1996, 1998; INS Parole Report 1999).
Adjustment of Status: The Haitian Refugee Immigration Fairness Act (P.L. 105–277, October 21, 1998) provided for the adjustment of status to legal permanent residence for any Haitian in the United States as of December 31, 1995 who applied for asylum or was paroled into the United States after a finding of credible fear.

ABC Settlement Parole (1991): On January 31, 1991, the INS settled a lawsuit that challenged its asylum adjudication policies for certain Salvadorans and Guatemalans. As part of the agreement, certain Salvadorans and Guatemalans were permitted to reapply for asylum. Among these were 20,000 who were paroled into the United States to reapply in fiscal years 1993 and 1994.
Adjustment of Status: Section 203 of the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act (P.L. 105–100, November 2019) permitted these Guatemalans and Hondurans subject to the settlement agreement to apply for suspension of deportation (which provides legal permanent residence) under the lower pre‐​1996 standards.

Adoptee parole (1994): On November 25, 1994, the INS created a new parole program for children adopted by U.S. citizens who did not fall into the "orphan" category required to receive an immigrant visa.
Adjustment of Status: Congress passed Public Law 104–51 (November 15, 1995) to amend the definition of "child" to create green card eligibility for these children and other adoptees moving forward.

Cuban Migration Accord paroles (1994—present): On September 9, 1994, the United States and Cuba signed an agreement to pursue policies designed to reduce illegal immigration, including the United States maintaining a minimum level of 20,000 legal admissions of Cubans per year. The U.S. Coast Guard interdicted Cubans and moved them to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. On October 14, 1994, the White House announced that the INS would parole unaccompanied children, people over age 70, and chronically ill people at Guantanamo Bay. On December 2, 1994, it announced it would consider paroling family units if children would be adversely affected by staying in Guantanamo Bay on a case‐​by‐​case basis. On May 2, 1995, the United States agreed to accept all 18,500 Cubans currently detained at Guantanamo Bay detention facility through parole, but end the practice of taking Cubans there and simply return them to Cuba. In order to meet the 20,000 immigration quota, the United States created the Special Cuban Migration Program to grant parole to about 5,000 Cubans per year through a lottery (which was restricted to those who met at least two of the following criteria: 1) having any relatives living in the United States, 2) 3 years of work experience, and 3) a high school or college degree). In 1995, 1,898 were granted parole through the lottery out of 189,000 applicants. On March 15, 1996, the second parole lottery registration was opened. There were 433,000 applicants. On June 15, 1998, the final registration period was opened for the lottery, and 541,00 applied by July 15, 1998. Those qualifying under the 1998 registration continued to be paroled thereafter. Since 1998, the Cuban government has refused to allow another registration to occur in the country. Around 75,000 Cubans were paroled under these programs from 1994 to 2003 (the last year that statistics were available).
Adjustment of Status: All Cubans paroled after 1959 are eligible to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year in the United States under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966.

Cuban Wet Foot, Dry Foot parole (1995—2017): On May 2, 1995, the U.S. government announced that it would not parole any Cubans intercepted at sea, even if in U.S. waters, but it would parole anyone on U.S. soil or arriving at a port of entry. The Customs and Border Protection field manual provided that Cuban asylum seekers "may be paroled directly from the port of entry" except for those who "pose a criminal or terrorist threat." Subsequently, the number of Cubans paroled at ports of entry (mainly along the southwest border) increased significantly. From 2004 to 2016, 226,000 Cubans were paroled at U.S. land borders. On January 12, 2017, DHS canceled the wet foot, dry foot parole process.
Adjustment of Status: All Cubans paroled after 1959 are eligible to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year in the United States under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966.

Iraqi parole (1996): On September 17, 1996, the United States began airlifting some Iraqi Kurds to Guam, where they were granted parole. A total of 6,550 Iraqi Kurds who worked with the United States and 650 opposition activists were granted parole starting in September 1996.
Adjustment of Status: The FY 1999 Omnibus Appropriations Act (Public Law 105–277, October 21, 1998) waived the cap on green cards for those adjusting after receiving asylum for Iraqis evacuated via parole but did not create a special green card category.

Cuban Medical Professional Parole (CMPP) Program (2006—2017): On August 11, 2006, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) created a new parole program for Cuban doctors in third countries conscripted by the government of Cuba. In fiscal year 2007, 480 of 28,000 Cuban physicians applied for parole. As of December 2010, 1,574 physicians were paroled. On January 12, 2017, DHS canceled the program except for dependents of the physicians already in the program.
Adjustment of Status: All Cubans paroled after 1959 are eligible to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year in the United States under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966.

Parole in Place for family of U.S. veterans (2007—present): On June 21, 2007, DHS announced that it would grant parole to a spouse of a U.S. active duty soldier, enabling the spouse to adjust to a green card. This policy continued for the next six years. On November 15, 2013, DHS issued a memorandum that provided clearer guidance on this program and expanded it to include veterans of the armed forces. On November 23, 2016, DHS expanded the program to cover family of deceased veterans and adult or married children of veterans. The National Defense Authorization Act of 2020 (P.L. 116–92) expressed congressional support for an ongoing parole program for relatives of U.S. military members.
Adjustment of Status: Spouses of U.S. citizens have an uncapped opportunity to apply for a green card, but parole enables them to apply for a green card by allowing them to meet the requirement that they were "admitted or paroled" prior to applying.

Cuban Family Reunification Parole (2007—2017, 2021—present): On November 21, 2007, the DHS created a new parole program for any Cuban with an approved family‐​based petition for legal permanent residence. In December 2017, USCIS shut down its field office in Cuba and suspended the program. In 2014, DHS started requiring a fee for the parole program. On May 16, 2022, DHS announced that it would resume processing Cuban Family Reunification Parole cases.
Adjustment of Status: All Cubans paroled after 1959 are eligible to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year in the United States under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966.

Haitian Orphan Parole Program (2010): Following a 2010 Earthquake, on January 18, 2010, DHS announced that it would parole Haitian orphans in the process of being adopted by U.S. citizens. It accepted applications through April 2010.
Adjustment of Status: Help Haitian Adoptees Immediately to Integrate Act of 2010 (Help HAITI Act, Public Law 111–293, December 2010) authorized DHS to adjust the status of adoptees to legal permanent residence even if the formal adoption process was not complete in Haiti as a result of the Earthquake.

Haitian Earthquake paroles (2010—2016): Following a 2010 Earthquake, on January 13, 2010, ICE suspended deportations to Haiti, and ICE began to generally parole detained Haitians. CBP at ports of entry along the U.S.-Mexico border likewise began to parole Haitians rather than detain them for transfer to ICE. On January 25, 2010, DHS authorized an automatic extension of advance parole documents through March 12, 2010 for Haitians who had traveled outside the United States prior to the Earthquake after receiving advance parole. From 2010 to 2016, about 16,000 Haitians were paroled after being deemed inadmissible at ports of entry.
Central American Minors (CAM) parole (2014—2017, 2021—present): On November 14, 2014, DHS and the State Department announced a combination refugee and parole program for Salvadoran, Guatemalan, and Honduran children with U.S. family sponsors in legal status in the United States (and the minor children of the child and in‐​country parent of the child if married to the sponsoring U.S. parent). On July 26, 2016, DHS expanded the program to include other relatives, including siblings and any in‐​country biological parent of the child. On August 16, 2017, DHS announced it would be canceling the parole program. On March 10, 2021, DHS and the State Department announced it would be restarting the program for those who previously applied before the termination in 2017. On June 15, 2021, they announced the program would reopen to new applicants, including children whose parents were in the United States with pending asylum applications. The parole is indefinite. On April 11, 2023, it expanded the program to allow sponsorship by parents of children who have pending T visa applications. As of December 2016, there were 10,758 applicants for the CAM program. Of these applicants, 873 had received refugee status, and 2,086 had received parole. In 2017, another 2,700 were permitted to enter.
Haitian Family Reunification Parole (2014—present): On December 18, 2014, DHS created a new parole program for any Haitian with an approved family‐​based immigrant visa petition if they have a priority date within two years of being current. On August 2, 2019, DHS announced it would terminate the program but would extend the parole of current participants. On October 12, 2021, it reversed its decision and continued the program.
Filipino World War II Veterans Parole (FWVP) program (2016—present): On May 9, 2016, DHS created a new parole program for Filipino World War II veterans who have approved family‐​based immigrant visa petitions. On August 2, 2019, DHS announced its plans to terminate the program but would extend the parole of current participants. On December 28, 2020, it proposed a regulation to finalize this change. On October 12, 2021, it reversed its earlier decision and continued the program.
International Entrepreneur Parole (2017): On January 17, 2017, DHS created a parole program for certain entrepreneurs. On July 11, 2017, DHS published a rule delaying the effective date of the program. In December 2017, the rule delaying the rule was vacated by a court and was forced to implement the rule. From 2017 to 2019, 30 people applied, and only one approval was granted.
Parole + Alternatives to Detention program (2021): On July 31, 2021, Border Patrol created a policy of paroling detained immigrants at the border when ICE cannot accept custody of the person, there isn't a risk to national security or public safety, processing capacity exceeds 75%, and arrivals exceed discharges, the average processing time exceeds two days, and arrivals will likely exceed discharges the following day. On November 2, 2021, the Border Patrol chief formalized this policy with respect to family units. On July 18, 2022, Customs and Border Protection expanded this policy to cover both families and single adults. On March 8, 2023, the policy was blocked by a federal district court judge after about 700,000 paroles.
Afghan evacuation parole (2021): After the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, the U.S. military began to fly thousands of Afghans to U.S. military bases in the region. On August 23, 2021, DHS launched a new parole operation under Operation Allies Welcome (OAW). In the next few weeks, it paroled more than 75,898 Afghans into the United States. After the initial evacuation, DHS received 50,000 parole requests from Afghans, adjudicated about 9,500, and denied all but about 500. In September 2022, DHS stated that Afghans abroad would generally no longer be considered for parole at all. On June 8, 2023, DHS announced it would extend the parole of Afghan parolees in the United States. The Extending Government Funding and Delivering Emergency Assistance Act of 2021 (P.L. 117–43, May 2022) provided refugee benefits to Afghan parolees, explicitly appropriating money for those benefits, and directing the creation of a plan to process pending Afghan parole applications between July 31, 2021, and September 30, 2022 or paroled into the United States after September 30, 2022 if a spouse or child of an Afghan parolee or parent or legal guardian of an unaccompanied Afghan child.
Uniting for Ukraine (2022): After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, DHS decided to parole Ukrainians arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border ports of entry, formally announcing the policy on March 11, 2022, and about 23,000 were paroled with 1‑year admissions. On April 27, 2022, DHS created a new parole program for Ukrainians with U.S. sponsors. As of May 2022, DHS had paroled about 125,000 Ukrainians under the Uniting for Ukraine sponsorship program with 2‑year admissions. The Additional Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations Act of 2022 (P.L. 117–128, May 2022) provided refugee benefits to Ukrainians paroled between February 24, 2022 and September 30, 2023 or paroled into the United States after September 30, 2022 if a spouse or child of a Ukrainian parolee or parent or legal guardian of an unaccompanied Ukrainian child. On March 13, 2022, DHS extended the parole of the 23,000 paroled at ports of entry.
Adjustment of Status: A Ukrainian Adjustment Act (H.R.3911) was introduced in 2023.

Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, and Venezuelan parole sponsorship processes (2022—2023): On October 19, 2022, DHS created a parole program for Venezuelans with U.S. sponsors modeled on Uniting for Ukraine with a cap of 24,000. On January 9, 2023, DHS replaced this cap with a combined 30,000 per month cap for Venezuela, Haiti, Cuba, and Nicaragua (each of which received its own parole sponsorship programs the same day). 1.5 million applicants had applied by May 2023, and about 131,000 had been admitted.
Adjustment of Status: All Cubans paroled after 1959 are eligible to adjust to legal permanent residence after one year in the United States under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966. A Venezuelan Adjustment Act (H.R. 7854) was introduced in 2022.

Family Reunification Parole Processes (2023): On July 10, 2023, DHS created family reunification parole programs for Colombians, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Hondurans who have approved immigrant visa petitions. Parole applicants had to be invited by the U.S. government. This announcement followed up on the May 2023 announcement that the United States wanted to accept as many as 100,000 individuals from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras through the family reunification pathway. As of May 2023, there were 73,500 eligible for the program, but many more were waiting for their immigrant visas to be approved.

[ES] Esta tesis es un estudio sobre la clemencia ejercida por los soberanos durante el período omeya andalusí (ss.II/VIII-V/XI). Se trata del primer trabajo dedicado al estudio del perdón en un contexto arabo-islámico, desde una perspectiva no solo religiosa de este concepto, sino atendiendo a la dimensión política y social del mismo. El estudio se basa principalmente en el análisis de fuentes cronísticas árabes medievales relativas a este período, en las que se han localizado los episodios en los que se narran manifestaciones de perdón, tratando de comprender los procesos políticos, económicos, sociales o religiosos que subyacen a la narración de esos relatos. Hemos comprobado que el estudio del perdón es una herramienta válida para el análisis de los procesos políticos, religiosos y sociales de este período, como son las relaciones que se establecen entre los distintos grupos que se mueven en el entorno del gobernante, los mecanismos mediante los cuales se reestablecen los vínculos rotos durante el transcurso de rebeliones o tras muestras de desobediencia o el valor simbólico de determinados lugares o edificios. Asimismo, la clemencia juega un papel fundamental en la recreación de los acontecimientos y en la descripción de los soberanos, desde un punto de vista retórico. Hemos dedicado una extensa parte de este trabajo al análisis de la institución del amán o pacto de protección, tanto en su variante dirigida a un no musulmán - con carácter temporal o permanente ("pacto de la dhimma") - como en el dirigido a los individuos musulmanes que se rebelaban contra el poder establecido, a los que se les permite volver a la obediencia sin sufrir ningún daño, a cambio de su sumisión y el cumplimiento de ciertas condiciones. El análisis de este último caso, que hasta el momento no había recibido una atención exhaustiva, nos ha permitido determinar qué caracterizó a esta práctica y qué clases de condiciones estuvieron presentes en las negociaciones. Así, hemos visto que además del intercambio de mensajeros entre los rebeldes y el soberano para negociar la paz, se producía a menudo la estancia de los rebeldes sometidos en la capital cordobesa, la entrega de rehenes, así como la concesión por parte del soberano a los antiguos rebeldes de ciertos beneficios sociales y económicos, como la entrega de concesiones territoriales (iqta'), títulos de propiedad (tasyil), exenciones fiscales o la inscripción en el registro del ejército (diwan al-yund). Por otro lado, nos hemos centrado también en el estudio del perdón del soberano a los individuos de su entorno más cercano, tanto familiares como las élites de la corte cordobesa. Hemos visto que es fundamental prestar atención a los vínculos personales establecidos entre los distintos individuos y el soberano, ya que muchos de los miembros de esta elite pertenecían a las familias más influyentes de al-Andalus y, por tanto, los soberanos debían hacer un cuidadoso cálculo de ganancias y pérdidas a la hora de decidirse por el castigo o el perdón cuando alguno de estos individuos cometían una falta. También hemos prestado atención a las redes que servían de apoyo para los individuos, dentro de un contexto "faccional" como el de la corte. Gracias a estas redes de apoyo, lograban hacer frente a las intrigas palaciegas, así como la arbitrariedad de los soberanos a la hora de castigar o perdonar. En la tercera parte de esta tesis, nos hemos centrado en el contexto religioso del perdón. Después de dedicar un capítulo a la revisión de los conceptos religiosos asociados con el perdón, tales como el arrepentimiento, la intercesión o la distinción entre pecados mayores y menores (al-kaba'ir wa-l-saga'ir), y su tratamiento en las fuentes fundamentales del Islam (Corán, Sunna y escritos teológicos), hemos abordado el análisis de los ejemplos obtenidos en las fuentes sobre el perdón de conductas heterodoxas (apostasía, blasfemia o herejía, principalmente). Esto nos ha permitido ver hasta qué punto el contexto influyó en la definición en cada momento de lo que era considerado o no heterodoxo, haciendo que ciertos delitos fueran castigados con mayor o menor dureza según la época o incluso pasados por alto. Asimismo, se ha demostrado que los lazos personales y los contactos con los que contaba cada individuo influyeron también en el resultado de algunos de estos procesos sobre delitos religiosos. En la cuarta y última parte de esta Tesis, se ha prestado especial atención a la dimensión retórica de las prácticas clementes, puesta de manifiesto en los lugares y prácticas vinculadas con el perdón, así como con el castigo. Hemos revisado los principales lugares donde se llevaron a cabo las manifestaciones públicas de castigo y perdón, entre las cuales destaca la Puerta de al-Sudda y, en general, todo el entorno del alcázar cordobés, junto a la mezquita aljama. Las muestras de perdón que encontramos en las súplicas dirigidas a los soberanos, así como en sus propias manifestaciones orales y escritas han recibido también una especial atención en esta parte. Se ha analizado el modo en que las fuentes reflejan la puesta en marcha de las peticiones de perdón, tanto a través de poemas, cartas o gestos de súplica, lo que nos ha permitido ver hasta qué punto estas manifestaciones se insertan en los rituales islámicos de poder. Asimismo, los cronistas caracterizaron a los soberanos como gobernantes clementes a través del recurso historiográfico de poner en su boca ciertas palabras que reflejan sus propias intenciones, de modo que los gobernantes omeyas aparecen manifestando su preferencia por el perdón frente a la violencia y destacando la naturaleza clemente que habría caracterizado a los omeyas. Finalmente, se ha dedicado un capítulo a las prácticas violentas como contrapunto del perdón, viendo en ambos casos una concepción de las mismas de carácter "vertical", es decir, que tanto los castigos como el perdón de los soberanos en esta vida aparecen vinculados directamente con el perdón de Dios en el Más Allá. ; [EN] This thesis is a study of the clemency exercised by the sovereign during the Andalusian Umayyad period (ss.II / VIII-V / XI). This is the first work devoted to the study of forgiveness in Arab-Islamic context, not only from a religious perspective of this concept, but considering the political and social dimension of it. The study is based mainly on the analysis cronísticas medieval Arabic sources for this period, which have been located in episodes narrated demonstrations of forgiveness, trying to understand the political, economic, social or religious underlying the telling of those stories. We found that the study of forgiveness is a valid tool for the analysis of the political, religious and social of this period, as are the relationships that exist between the various groups that move in the vicinity of the ruler, the mechanisms by which broken links are re-established during the course of rebellion or disobedience or samples after the symbolic value of certain places or buildings. Also, forgiveness plays a role in the recreation of the events and the description of the sovereigns, from a rhetorical point of view. We have dedicated a large part of this work the analysis of the institution of aman or covenant of protection, both in its variant aimed at a non-Muslim - temporarily or permanently ("dhimma pact") - as in targeting the Muslim individuals who rebelled against the establishment, who are allowed to return to obedience unharmed in exchange for their submission and compliance with certain terms. The analysis of this case, which so far had not received extensive attention has allowed us to determine which characterized this practice and what kinds of conditions present at the negotiations. Thus, we have seen that besides the exchange of messengers between the rebels and the sovereign to negotiate peace, there was often subjected rebels stay in Cordoba, the delivery of hostages, and the grant by the sovereign former rebels of certain social and economic benefits, such as delivery of territorial concessions (iqta '), title (tasyil), tax exemptions or registration Army (Diwan al-Jund). On the other hand, we have also focused on the study of forgiveness of sovereign individuals from their immediate environment, both familiar and court elites Cordoba. We have seen that it is essential to pay attention to personal ties established between individuals and the sovereign, since many of the members of this elite belonged to the most influential families of al-Andalus and, therefore, the rulers should make a careful calculating gains and losses when deciding on the punishment or forgiveness when one of these individuals committed a foul. We have also paid attention to the networks that supported for individuals, within a context "factional" as the court. Thanks to these support networks, could not withstand the intrigues and the arbitrariness of rulers when punish or forgive. In the third part of this thesis, we have focused on the religious context of forgiveness. After devoting a chapter to a review of religious concepts associated with forgiveness, such as repentance, intercession or the distinction between major and minor sins (al-wa-l-kaba'ir saga'ir), and treatment on the fundamental sources of Islam (Quran, Sunna and theological writings), we have analyzed the examples obtained in the sources about forgiveness unorthodox behavior (apostasy, blasphemy or heresy, mainly). This allowed us to see how the context influenced the definition in every moment of what was considered unorthodox or not, so that certain crimes were punished with varying hardness depending on the time or even overlooked. It has also been shown that personal ties and contacts with which each individual had also influenced the outcome of some of these processes on religious offenses. In the fourth and last part of this thesis, special attention has been paid to the rhetorical dimension lenient practices, evidenced in places and practices associated with forgiveness, as well as punishment. We have reviewed the main places where performed public displays of punishment and forgiveness, among which is the Gate of al-Sudda and, in general, the whole environment of the palace of Cordoba, next to the mosque. Samples of forgiveness we find in the prayers addressed to the sovereign, as well as in their own spoken and written, have also received special attention in this part. We analyzed how the sources reflect the implementation of requests for forgiveness, both through poems, letters or gestures of supplication, which has allowed us to see how far these statements are inserted into Islamic rituals power. Also, the writers characterized the lenient ruling sovereign as through the use historiographical put in your mouth certain words that reflect their own intentions, so Umayyad rulers are expressing a preference for forgiveness from violence and highlighting the nature Clement would have characterized the Umayyads. Finally, a chapter is dedicated to the violent practices of forgiveness counterpoint, seeing both a conception of the same character "vertical", ie that both punishment and forgiveness of sovereign in this life are linked directly with God's forgiveness in the hereafter.

Autor u radu donosi prikaz dviju vladarskih crkava iz IX. st. slična ustroja s westwerkom. Uz obje crkve pronađeni su ulomci kamene plastike s dedikacijskim natpisom, od kojih jedan spominje župana a drugi kraljicu. Na Klisu je pronađena ploča s reljefom na temu Majestas Domini. Obje crkve spadaju u privatne crkve, tzv. eigenkirche, što upućuje na novi način franačke organizacije teritorija s utvrđivanjem feudalnog posjeda (Ordensburgen). ; The remains of churches that have been found and are discussed in the text can reliably be ascribed to the chapel of the long-sought Trpimir residence at Klis and the pre-Romanesque stratum of the church dedicated to the BVM at the cemetery of the village of Blizna Gornja in the Trogir hinterland. The find of sculpture and texts written on the altar screens show that in both cases these were churches of members of the medieval ruling elite: the church in Blizna Gornja can be connected with the župan of the županija of Drid, and the chapel in Klis directly with the ruler of Croatia. The existence of a medieval church at Klis is strongly supported by investigations of the walls, which showed that a large number of marble fragments of ecclesiastical stone architectural decoration from the 9th to the 12th century were incorporated into the building of the mosque. Among the fragments there are pilasters, plutei and the trabeation of an altar screen from the early Middle Ages, while the whole of the medieval material is built into the walls of the mosque above its floor level. In the western wall four marble fragments of architraves of an altar screen with parts of an inscription were found, one fragment of a marble architrave of a pluteus and a pilaster with the base of a pillar of the screen. All the fragments of this carving were made of Proconesian marble and were incorporated in such a way that the decorations and inscriptions were not to be seen. The fragments belonged to the septum and contain typical pre-Romanesque interlacing motifs, pretzels, and the parts of an inscription are carved on a ribbon of the trabeation of the altar screen below the characteristic hook decoration. Fragments of the trabeation contain parts of an inscription about a ruler that mentions the royal family, and on an architrave of the altar screen of the church in Klis that has been found, for the first time the title of queen is mentioned. The parts of the altar screen found with interlacing ornamentation of the 9th century belong to a pilaster with interlacing and an architrave of the pluteus with interlacing ornamentation and four fragments of the architrave of the altar screen with parts of a royal inscription. The fragments contain wording with the royal formula: ORUM FILIU(S)., MEA DOM(N)A S(C)LAVA REGINA. Although these are detached pieces, it is very clear that they are part of a single inscription in which the wife of the ruler or king is mentioned. It is clear in this part of the text that the wife of the ruler is called regina, from which it can be concluded that her husband, the subject of the inscription, is a ruler who bears the title of rex. It is important to point out also that she is addressed as domna, and that analogously to this her husband must have been addressed as dominus. From these titles, the votive inscription of the church in Klis might have belonged to a ruler of the middle of the 9th century, probably to Trpimir himself, the only ruler of that time who is mentioned together with the title of king, probably attained through victory in the war with the nation of the Greeks, as reported by the Saxon Gottschalk. And the fragment of the first part of the inscription contained this very title of the ruler (REX SCLAV)ORUM FILIU(S). This would be supported by the inscription in the Cividale Gospel, where Trpimir is signed as »domno Trepimiro«, and the title of his wife really could have been DOMNA SCLAVA REGINA, as this is read from the wording on the architrave of the altar screen. As well as the described parts of the septum, during works on the renovation of the Church of St Vitus a slab with a relief was found built flat as a building stone in the annular wall of the tambour. This fragment of early medieval figural sculpture of Proconesian marble shows Christ in Glory. Preserved from the composition featuring the topic Majestas Domini in the Klis relief is the central figure of Christ in a mandorla and an angel on his right hand side. Christ is shown down to the waist, his right hand raised in blessing, while in the left hand he holds a scroll with the Gospels. The relief from the Klis Church of St Vitus, though modest in its dimensions, might have belonged to the lintel of a portal of an early medieval church, although according to the mortise on the upper part it could equally well be supposed to have been a fragment of some stone furnishing that consisted of pillars and beams. The visual treatment of the relief of the linearly grooved surfaces that suggest folds of clothing, the manner of treatment of the figures with single incision of the features with expressive underlined eyes, the hatched curls of the hair and the particularly characteristic handling of the nose reveal the hand of the skilled mason who made the relief. As for the origin of the relief of the church in Klis, the finding of the medieval royal church in the foundations of the Church of St Vitus and the confirmation of the existence of a fortified royal court at the site of Klis Fort are sufficient warrant that it originally came from Klis. From this it could well be hypothesised that the relief of Christ from the church in Klis belongs to a separate sculptural unit, directly related to this site. Extensive archaeological and conservation-restoration excavations in 1999-2000 preceded the thoroughgoing renovation of the Church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja. Against expectations, the pre-Romanesque architecture of a ruler from the 9th century was found in them, belonging through their form among the few specimens of pre-Romanesque churches with external buttresses of semicircular cross-section. Like similar examples, the Church of St Saviour at the source of the Cetina and the church at Lopuška glava, Biskupija, by Knin, the Church of St Mary in Blizna had a forecourt in front of the main elevation. An external staircase led to the first floor, over which there was probably a tower, as in examples of similar churches with a westwork. In the forecourt of the church the lid of a Roman period sarcophagus used as a gravestone was found. The find of the sarcophagus lid and many fragments of stone sculptural decoration of the 9th century in marble and limestone show that the Church of St Mary was richly endowed and equipped. One of the fragments contains the name and title of the donor: .ANVSIV[panv]S, for which reason it is assumed to have belonged to an altar screen put up by a Croatian magnate, mostly likely a župan. Numerous fragments of trabeation have been found, the beams of which were marble, while the arched tegurium was made of limestone. Fragments of marble plutei and pilasters of the altar screen, as well as pillars with capitals found around the church belong in their form to the sculptural art of the 9th century. Fragments found are enough for the reconstruction of the original appearance of the screen and for an understanding of the inscriptions in the field of the lower part of the gable and the architraves. The inscription is a typical intercession, in which the prayer is addressed to Our Lady and to St John the Baptist, asking for their intercession with Christ, for the salvation of his soul, and the following reading can be proposed: .[pe]R I[nte]RCOESSIONEM BEATE ET GLORIO[se matri]S D[e]I GE[netricis apud Christum satvatOREm SCTAe Mariae] ET BEATI IO[hannis Baptistae] OP[vs] E[dificavit] pro animae suae[reme]DIO V[otum complevit Prod]ANVS IV[ppanu]S. According to the inscription on the septum the church would have been dedicated to St Mary like many of the churches of that time in the early of medieval Croatia, in Golubić, Ostrovica, Biskupija, Gradec, Pađeni and Lepuri. But the inscription relates it in a particular way via the intercession of Mary and John to Christ, to whom the intercession is addressed. The permeation of the contents by the theme of the Madonna's intercession (i.e. the Deisis), typically Byzantine iconography on the one hand and the Sanctus written in the spirit of the revived Roman liturgy on the screens of churches in Trogir as well as the churches of the Croatian župans in the hinterland and on the islands suggest something of their specific political position in the second half of the 9th century at the border between the tradition of the East and the new influences coming from the West. The question arises as to who the donor of the church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja was. Only the ending of the name and the beginning of the title in the letters IV[ppanu]S are in existence. From this it can be assumed that the church was put up by a župan, and his name, which ends with the letters.ANUS, might be Stephanus or, more likely, it was part of some Croatian name that is borne in the documents by the župans, like Branus or Prodanus. According to the results of the most recent research, St Mar in Blizna is a votive church of a Croatian magnate put up in the middle of the 9th century on the remains of an ancient villa that was part of his estate. Analysis of the architecture confirms this. The oldest archaeological stratum found at the site is the remainder of a wall of the later Roman period, probably from the 6th century, in front of the forecourt of the church. This stratum is insufficiently investigated, but it belonged to a building of much greater size than the pre-Romanesque Church of St Mary. The early medieval stratum, of the 9th century, lays claim to the foundations of the church, of a simple rectangular ground plan with semicircular buttresses, and the shallowly founded apse on the bedrock might be a building of later time. A very good state of preservation is exhibited by the walls of the pre-Romanesque building that bound the ground plan, the beginning of the staircase of the atrium, its western and southern doors, while in the interior of the atrium, in front of the façade of the church, a cylindrical sarcophagus lid has been found. The two-storey court, the chapel of the pre-Romanesque church and its undoubtedly funerary purpose in the ground floor part are known in the literature as westwork, and their finding at the site of Blizna Gornja suggests there was a very strong influence from the Carolingian court on the Croatian ruling and aristocratic stratum of the 9th century, to which, along with the actual rulers, it was primarily the župans that belonged. The Church of St Mary on the current graveyard of the village of Blizna Gornja was, then, the church of a magnate, who in his name has the ending anus, most probably Prodan (Prodanus?) or Bran (Branus?) rather than Stjepan (Stephanus), a župan of the županija of Drid of the middle of the 9th century, for at that time along with the titular functions of the Croatian župans their Slavic names were regularly given. This is a typical example of a private church (Eigenkirche), a new legal institution of the Frankish type, put up on the foundations of a renovated Roman period villa, the feudal property of the lord, who used it for ceremonial purposes, as well as a private funeral chapel for him and the members of his immediate family, and hence it was forbidden to bury members of the community at large in its vicinity. Among the process that took hold of Europe in the post-Carolingian period an important place is occupied by the construction of fortified manors, which from the 9th to the 12th century totally changed the image of early medieval Europe. The Croatian ruler, who was at first directly subject to Aquileia, the Frankish ecclesiastical centre in Friuli, must have been directly impressed by the construction of the fortified estates of the marquisate of Friuli, for it was from here that Frankish missionaries arrived in Croatia. Its connection with Frankish church centre even after the abolition of the marquisate in 828 is shown by the pilgrimages of Croatian dukes and their families to the Benedictine monastery of Cividale during the whole of the 8th century. Einhard's Annales mentioned Borna's forts in Dalmatia, into which the duke retreated before the attack of Ljudevit Posavski. Trpimir's royal residence is mentioned in a deed of gift of his of 852. There is an obvious difference in the name of the ruler's residence of Trpimir's time, as mentioned in two texts: one mentions villa nostra, the other curte nostra. The mentioned curtis in the document is called Clusa, which implies the name of the fortress of Klis, which for the whole of its history was in strategic control of the approach to the sea, to ancient Salona and the city of Split. Unlike Klis, which is called a curtis, the name of the villa from the Gottschalk text is not recorded, and it might be to do with some residential complex in the Salona area, or perhaps some place very close to Klis, such as Rižnice, in which Trpimir, wishing to make contrition for his sins, built a monastery and church after the war, at the time of the normalisation of relations with the Romans. The fact is that the concepts of villa and curtis appear at the same time in the mid-9th century in the context of the formation of feuds and manors, although there may be some fundamental difference concealed in them. One and the other may be related to the ruler's residence. The concept of curtis in this sense can be found afterwards, among many examples of the 11th century, when the king's curtis of Rogovi on the lower slopes of the hill by Biograd, or the curtes of the imperial protospatar and ban Stjepan Uitula, Nova sella and Butina ues, as well as many others related to the names of their owners, like that of Vlkomir and Preda in Žrnovnica or Tješen on Brač. Still, in the light of the new research, the curte nostra, quae Clusan dicitur mentioned in Trpimir's deed of gift should be looked at in a completely different context, not only as an estate but also as the residential complex of a feudal ruler.

The community of development partners in the Republic of Moldova would be honored to engage in the development policy dialogue with the new Government. This briefing book from development partners is offered as a first step in such a dialogue and is solely intended to assist the new Government by providing development partners views and proposals that it can use to the extent it considers useful and relevant. These recommendations are based on Moldova s existing policy orientations as set out in the National Development Strategy Moldova 2020, its international obligations, and the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union (EU). Moldova made a formal commitment to accelerate the country s development by making it capital-intensive, sustainable and knowledge-driven. With a strategic framework outlining Moldova s development path in place, it is now critical to accelerate implementation of the reforms including those set out in the Association Agenda to move closer to the EU. Moldova faces significant risks in the financial sector, which should be addressed as a matter of urgency. A well-regulated and reliable banking sector is fundamental to business, people and international investors. At the same time a robust system of public financial management should be in place to ensure transparency and accountability of public finances. Moldova should develop a competitive business environment attractive to new investment. Moldova should also take advantage of new trading opportunities through effective implementation of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA).

IN CROATIAN: Okrugli stol Mreža naselja u umreženom društvu: društvene i prostorne promjene u nekim tranzicijskim zemljama održan je 2. lipnja 2006. godine u Institutu za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu. Organizirala ga je grupa za istraživanje prostora, sela i grada iz IDIZ-a vezujući ga uz znanstvenoistraživački projekt Sociološki aspekti mreže naselja u kontekstu tranzicije (2002.-2005.). Navedeni projekt i okrugli stol realizirani su uz novčanu potporu Ministarstva obrazovanja, znanosti i športa RH. Okrugli stol bio je podijeljen na dva tematska dijela. U prvom dijelu, pod nazivom Mreža naselja u umreženom društvu, raspravljalo se o tematskom broju Sociologije sela (169/2005.) s radovima na temu Sociologijski aspekti mreže naselja, proizišlim iz spomenutoga projekta. U drugom dijelu otvorena je diskusija na temu Akteri društvenih promjena u prostoru i to kako u Hrvatskoj tako i u nama susjednim tranzicijskim zemljama, Sloveniji i Srbiji. Iz Slovenije su sudjelovali i izlagali prof dr. Zdravko Mlinar i dr. sc. Marjan Hoćevar (obojica iz Ljubljane), a iz Srbije dr. sc. Ksenija Petovar, dr. sc. Sreten Vujović, dr. sc. Miodrag Vujošević (svi iz Beograda) i dr. sc. Ljubinko Pušić (iz Novog Sada). Iz Hrvatske su, uz sudionike iz Instituta za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu, bili pozvani izlagači iz nekoliko institucija - Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Instituta društvenih znanosti "Ivo Pilar" iz Zagreba, Studijskog centra za socijalni rad Pravnoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Ministarstva zaštite okoliša, graditeljstva i prostornog uređenja, te nekih drugih institucija. U spomenutom tematskom broju Sociologije sela objavljena su dva podskupa radova koji se odnose na fenomen umreženoga društva (networked society) i mrežu naselja (settlements network). Prvi podskup čine radovi proizišli iz znanstvenoistraživačkog projekta Sociološki aspekti mreže naselja u kontekstu tranzicije u kojem je objavljeno pet izvornih znanstvenih radova troje istraživača - Alije Hodžića, Dušice Seferagić i Milana Župančića. Drugi podskup sadrži pet predmetno srodnih tekstova šestoro inozemnih autora - Marjana Hočevara i Zdravka Mlinara iz Slovenije, Ksenije Petovar i Ljubinka Pušića iz Srbije, te Zorana Roce i Marije de Nazare Oliveira Roca iz Portugala. Skup je otvorila dr. sc. Dušica Seferagić i njime koordinirala u suradnji s mr. sc. Alijom Hodžicern. U uvodnim izlaganjima sudjelovali su i mr. sc. Alija Hodžić i Antun Petak (obojica iz Zagreba - IDIZ), koji su iznijeli iscrpna izvješća o rezultatima projekta. Zatim je slijedilo izlaganje dr. sc. Ljubinka Pušića (Novi Sad) o teorijskom diskursu i o stanju u Srbiji i Vojvodini u vrijeme tranzicije te promjenama u urbanim i ruralnim prostorima u njima. Milan Župančić (Zagreb - IDIZ) iznio je stanje u ruralnim sredinama Hrvatske u proteklom vremenu. Na temu umreženosti prostora govorili su i mr. sc. Anđelina Svirčić Gotovac (Zagreb - lDIZ) (ukratko je izložila problematiku svoga magistarskog rada o kvaliteti života u zagrebačkoj mreži naselja), te dr. sc. Marjan Hoćevar (Ljubljana) (o globalizacijskim uvjetima unutar postojećih mreža naselja u Sloveniji). Nakon izlaganja u prvom tematskom dijelu nastavljena je plodna diskusija u kojoj su sudjelovali brojni sudionici - Ivan Cifrić, Sreten Vujović, Zdravko Mlinar, Jasenka Kodrnja, Dušica Seferagić, Miodrag Vujošević, Ksenija Petovar, Ljubinko Pušić, Alija Hodžić . Najzanimljivija su bila teoretska izlaganja i diskusije o prostorno-socijalnom diskursu (Pušić, Vujović, Vujošević, Cifrić, Hodžić .) u kojima se dovode u pitanje dosadašnji pristupi prostoru "zapadno-centričnog tipa" te zastarjelo poimanje podjele na ruralno i urbano, s obzirom da su stvarne promjene u prostoru pokazale prožimanje tih dvaju prostora, pa onda i kategorija kojima se više ne mogu objasniti nova zbivanja u prostoru. VI Drugi dio okruglog stola na temu Akteri društvenih promjena u prostoru potaknut je prijedlogom istraživačkog projekta što ga je grupa za prostor, selo i grad IDIZ-a podnijela Ministarstvu znanosti, obrazovanja i športa Republike Hrvatske, ali i prethodnim istraživanjima koja pokazuju da je društveni prostor poprište sučeljavanja i kompeticija različitih aktera za postizanjem određenih ciljeva. U novom kontekstu akteri su svi subjekti koji svojim djelovanjem i interaktivnošću utječu na društvene promjene i razvoj određenog prostora, od lokalne i regionalne sredine do nacionalne i globalne razine. Oni utječu na upotrebu prostora, društveno strukturiranje, prostornu i socijalnu pokretljivost, na naseljenost i naseljsku morfologiju. U svome djelovanju različiti akteri koriste i različite resurse, izvore moći i kompetencije. Hrvatska je (kao i ostale tranzicijske zemlje) nagl koji, pod utjecajem neoliberalizma podliježu deregulaciji, otvorenosti, te društvenoj i prosto moj fleksibilnosti. Na djelu je troces u kojemu raste utjecaj globalnih aktera, a smanjuje se utjecaj državnoga rguliranja na različitim razinama prostorne organizacije društva. To se na lokalnoj razini najviše manifestira kroz sučeljavanje tradicionalnoga i modernoga što je Jjedno izazov i za domaće aktere da se uključe u globalizacijske trendove. Pritom nužno dolazi i do novoga restrukturiranja u prostoru pri čemu će brže napredovatilgradovi i regije koje se svojim intelektualnim kapitalom i informatičkom osposobljenošću mogu efikasnije uključivati u globalno i hijerarhijski umreženo društvo (Castelis, Soja, Sassen), U prostoru postoji snažna koncentracija financijske moći, infprmacija i kulturnog kapitala, pogotovo u megagradovima i svjetskim metropolarna, što ne isključuje i djelovanje prodornijih lokalnih aktera u urbanoj i ruralnoj ~Iredini (Mendras), Stoga bi ciljevi budućih istraživanja trebali biti prepoznavanje r zličitih tipova aktera koji svojim djelovanjem i interaktivnošću formiraju nove obli e društvene strukture, te promjene u prostoru, funkcioniranju grada, sela i lokalne zajednice. Prvo izlaganje na ovu temu iznio je prof. dr. sc. IZdravko Mlinar o brojnim teoretskim pristupima koji se bave akterima i strukturama u fizičkom i virtualnom prostoru. Naveo je niz primjera, oslanjajući se najviše na slučaj Kopra. Zatim je slijedilo izlaganje dr. sc. Sretena Vujovića o podjeli i utjecaju različitih aktera u urbanim prostorima Srbije danas. Dr. sc. Ksenija Petovar govorila je o brojnim uzurpacijama i malverzacijama u prostoru te negativnostima što ih sa sobom donose, također na primjeru Srbije. Dr. sc. Anka Mišetić iznijela je specifičan primjer iz hrvatske ruralne mreže naselja, kroz istraživanje o stanju u selima Lonjskog polja kao dijela europske i svjetske mreže naselja. I drugi dio okruglog stola izazvao je burnu diskusiju brojnih sudionika - Miodrag Vujošević, Ljubinko Pušić, Sreten Vujović, Dušica Seferagič, Anđelina Svirčic Gotovac, Zdravko Mlinar, Alija Hodžić, Marjan Hočevar, Antun Petak . Referati i diskusije o analiziranim fenomenima pokazali su sličnosti i različitosti u trima zemljama - Sloveniji, Hrvatskoj i Srbiji, u europskom i u globalnom kontekstu. Slovenija je visokourbanizirana zemlja, s najvišim standardom života stanovništva. Teza M. Hočevara o sklonosti Slovenaca ruralnom načinu života može se propitati ali i objasniti urbaniziranošču cijelog njezina prostora, fizičkom dostupnošcu svih urbanih dobara te izvrsnim prometnim vezama među naseljima. Hrvatska ima piramidainu mrežu naselja, sa Zagrebom kao metropolom na vrhu, ima tri makroregionalna centra (Split, Rijeka i Osijek), s većim brojem srednjih gradova te mnogo manjih gradova i sela; potonji ne pokazuju razvojne potencijale, što zbog politike centralizacije što zbog inertnosti lokalnih aktera. Srbija je u cjelini oslonjena na glavni grad, Beograd, koji još uvijek privlači najviše stanovnika Srbije te Bosne i Hercegovine, dok provincija propada. Uz Beograd, ističe se još samo Novi Sad, kao glavni grad Vojvodine, premda je Vojvodina više urbanizirana od uže Srbije. Kvaliteta života, posebno u Beogradu, pokazuje velike nejednakosti potencirane neregularnim neoliberalnim ponašanjem aktera u prostoru. Slična, ali blaža konstatacija odnosi se i na Zagreb. Pitanje mreže naselja u trima navedenim tranzicijskim zemljama ovisi o stupnju njihove opće društvene razvijenosti ali i o različitim koncepcijama razvoja prostora: policentričnosti u Sloveniji, piramidalnosti u Hrvatskoj, te monocefalnosti u Srbiji. Cilj ovoga skupa bio je potaknuti daljnju suradnju medu istraživačima iz zemalja koje su, kako se ovdje i pokazalo, dijelile slične probleme i sličnu tranzicijsku sudbinu, a potom ušle u grube neoliberalne sustave. Svaka od prisutnih zemalja specifična je na svoj način, te je namjera sudionika okruglog stola bila osvijetliti postojeću situaciju u njima, aktualizirajuči pri tom problematiku umreženosti prostora odnosno društva u cjelini. --- IN ENGLISH: The round table Settlements network in a networked society: Social changes and changes in regional space in some transitional countries took place on the 2nd of June 2006 at the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb. The round table was organized by the Group for research of the regional space, village and town from the Institute that associated it with their own research project: Sociological aspects of the settlements network in the context of transition (2002 - 2005). The said project and the round table were subsidized by the Ministry of Science, Education and Sports. The round table was divided into two parts. The first part The Settlements Network in the Networked Society included the discussion on the speciai theme edition (169/2005) Sociology of Viliage Sociological Aspects of the Settlements Network resulting out of this project, while the second consisted of the discussion on Protagonists of Social Changes in Regional Space in Croatia and in our neighboring transitional countries such as Slovenia and Serbia, as well. The participants from Slovenia were professor Zdravko Mlinar (Ljubljana), Ph.D. and Marjan Hoćevar, Ph.D. (Ljubljana) and from Serbia Ksenija Petovar, Ph.D. (Belgrade), Sreten Vujović, Ph.D. (Belgrade), Miodrag Vujošević, Ph.D (Belgrade) and Ljubinko Pušić, Ph.D. (Novi Sad). Besides the participants from the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, the participants from some other institutions were also invited - from the Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Social Sciences "Ivo Pilar" from Zagreb, University Study Center for Social Work at the Law Faculry in Zagreb and Ministry of Environmental Protection, Physical Planning and Construction and also some individuals. OI Two groups of papers related to the phenomenon of networked society and the settlements network were published in the special theme edition Sociology of Village =Sociological Aspects of Village Network. The first group consists of the papers resulted from the said research project Sociological aspects of the settlements network in the context of transition where were published five original papers made by three authors - Alija Hodžić, Dušica Seferagić and Milan Župančić. Another group consists of five topically related papers by six foreign authors - Marjan Hočevar and Zdravko Mlinar from Slovenia, Ksenija Petovar and Ljubinko Pušić from Serbia and Zoran Roca and Maria de Nazare Oliveira Roca from Portugal. The conference was opened and coordinated by Dušica Sefaragič, Ph.D. and Alija Hodžić, MD. Alija Hodžić, MD (Zagreb, Institute for Social Research) and Antun Petak (Zagreb, Institute for Social Research) o also made the keynote speeches with detailed reports on the project and its results, After that followed the reports by Ljubinko Pušić, Ph.D. (Novi Sad) on the situation in Serbia and Voivodina in the period of transition and changes in urban and rural spaces there. Milan Župančić (Zagreb, Institute for Social Research) presented the situation in the past years in Croatia from the aspects of the rural milieu. After that Andelina Svirćić Gotovac, MD (Zagreb, Institute for Social Research) made ashort presentation of her MD thesis on the quality of life in the Zagreb settlements network and Marjan Hočevar, Ph.D. (Ljubljana) spoke about globalization conditions within the existing settlements network in Slovenia and in the world context. The first topically related part was followed by a creative discussion in which many speakers and participants took part (Cifrić, Vujović, Mlinar, Kodrnja, Seferagić, Vujošević, Petovar, Pušić, Hodžić and others), The most interesting presentations and discussions were those on the socio - regional space discourse (Pušić, Vujović, Vujošević, Cifrić, Hodžić and others) that question the past approach es to the regional space "of Western- centric type" and an obsolete concept of division between rural and urban, having in mind that the real changes in the regional space have shown the interpenetration of these spaces and of categories as well which can not explain the new occurrences in the regional space any more. The second part of the round table with the ma in topic Protagonists of Social Changes in the Regional Space was incited by a research proposal of the Group for the regional space, village and town of the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb to the Ministry of Science, Education and Sports, and it was also based on previous researches that have shown that social space is the arena of confrontations and competitions of various protagonists aiming at achieving certain goa ls. In the new context the protagonists are all those entities that by their acting and interacting affect social changes and development in a certain space, from the local and regional rnilieu to the national and global level. They influence using the space, social structuring, spatial and social mobility, population density and morpbology of the settlements. Different protagonists use different resources, sources of power and competences. Croatia has been (as well as other countries in transition) suddenly affected by globalization processes, which, under the influence of neoliberalism, set forth the requirements of deregulation, openness, and social and spatial flexibility. The presumption is that we are facing right now a process of an increasing influence of global protagonists and a diminishing impact of govemmental regulation at various levels of spatial organization of society. At the local level it is manifested the most through the confrontation of the traditional and modem and this is a challenge for different local protagonists to join the trends of globalization. This inevitably leads to the new restructuring in the regional space. The towns and regions that, with the ir intellectual capital and IT competence, can integrate into a global and hierarchically networked society (Castells, Soja, Sassen), will advance quicker. There is a strong concentration of financial power, information, culturai capital in the megapolises and world metropolises, but this does not necessary exclude the activities of some more penetrating 10- cal protagonists in the urban and rural area (Mendras). This is the reason why the objective of future researches should be the recognition of the different types of the protagonists that by their acting and interacting create new forms of social structure, changes in the space, functioning of town, village and local community. The subject matter of the first presentation by professor Zdravko Milinar, Ph.D. (Ljubljana) comprised the various theoretic approaches dealing with the protagonnists and structures in the physical and virtual space. He quoted many examples, with a stress on the city of Koper. After that Sreten Vujović, Ph.D. (Belgrade) spoke about a division and influence of different protagonists in urban areas today on the case of Serbia. Ksenija Petovar, Pb.D. spoke about many so-called usurpations and malversations in the space and the negativities that they bring, also on the case of Serbia. Anka Mišetić, Ph.D. (Zagreb, Ivo Pilar Institute) presented a specific exarnple from the Croatian rural settlements network on the research of the present situation in the villages of Lonjsko polje as a part of the European and world settlements network. The second part of the round table also set off an ardent discussion of many participants - Miodrag Vujoševič, Ljubinko Pušić, Sreten Vujović, Dušica Seferagić, Andelina Svirčić Gotovac, Zdravko Mlinar, Alija Hodžić, Marjan Hočevar, Antun Petak etc. The presentation and discussions showed the similarities and differences of the three countries: Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia (which have also existed before) in a European and global context. Slovenia is a highly urbanized country with the highest standard of living. The thesis of M. Hočevar of an inclination of the Slovenians to a rural way of life can be questioned but also explained by the urbanization of the whole territory, physical availability of all urban goods and excellent traffic connections. Croatia has a pyramidal settlements network with Zagreb as the metropolis on top, three macro-regional centers, a number of medium-size towns and many small towns and numerous smail villages. The latter don't show the developmental potentials due to the centralization policy and the inertness of local protagonists as well. Serbia is by and large leaned on its capital Belgrade that stiil attracts the most of the inhabitants from Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, while the provinces are decaying. Besides Belgrade, only Novi Sad stands out as the capital of Voivodina, although Voivodina is more urbanized than Serbia proper ("narrower" Serbia). The quality of life, especiaily in Belgrade, shows huge disparities intensified by irregular and neoliberal doings of the protagonists in the regional space. The similar but less emphasized statement can be applied to Zagreb as well. The question of the settlements network in the three above mentioned transitional countries depends on the degree of the ir general social development but also on various concepts of development of the regional space: policentricity in Slovenia, pyramidality in Croatia and monocephality in Serbia. We hope that this conferenee will help the future cooperation of the scholars from the countries that, as it was seen here, shared the similar problems and similar transitional destiny and after that entered the rough neoliberal systems. Each of the present countries is specific in its own way, so the intention is to explain the present situation in them and make the problems of the networked space, respectively, current society as a whole, actual.

Constitutional justice in Ecuador has evolved in light of the 2008 Constitution, recognizing rights and implementing mechanisms for their respect and protection; However, those who are called to apply the supreme norm and carry out a conventional control in specific cases of violations of fundamental rights, are people without specialization in the matter whose resolutions converge in a continuous violation of legal security. Through a qualitative investigation and the method of documentary observation, 50 resolutions of the Constitutional Court of Ecuador were analyzed within extraordinary protection actions corresponding to the years 2020 and 2021 that originated protection actions. As a result, the lack of legal criteria in constitutional matters as evidenced by the justice operators, in the first and second instance, which forced those affected to go to the highest interpreter of constitutional justice to carry out an adequate analysis of the specific case, arising the need to create specialized judiciary in constitutional matters that hear these actions. Keywords: Constitutional justice, violations of fundamental rights, legal security, the specialized judiciary in constitutional matters. References [1]J. Asencio, Introducción al Derecho Procesal, Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2015. [2]R. Ávila, Los Principios de Aplicación de los Derechos, Nuevas Instituciones del Derecho Constitucional Ecuatoriano, Quito: Ediar, 2008. [3]Asamblea Nacional Constituyente del Ecuador, Constitución Política del Ecuador, Decreto Legislativo No. 000. Registro Oficial de fecha 11 de agosto de 1998, Quito, 1998. [4]Asamblea Nacional Constituyente del Ecuador, Constitución de la República del Ecuador, Decreto Legislativo No. 000. Registro Oficial No. 449, de fecha 20 de octubre del 2008, Montecristi, 2008. [5]C. Ballén, "Algunos desafíos procesales de la jurisdicción especial", Iuris Tantum Revista Boliviana de Derecho, n° 25, pp. 474-501, 2018. [6]R. Reyes, "Los Derechos Humanos y la Seguridad jurídica", Revista UNAM, n° 37, pp. 93-97, 2016. [7]E. Figueroa, Jueces Constitucionales. En Corte Suprema de Justicia de la República del Perú, Lima: Fondo Editorial, 2016. [8]J. Riofrío, "Alcance y límites del principio de jerarquía. Criterios para jerarquizar derechos, valores, bienes y otros elementos", Revista Derecho PUCP, (84), 189-222, 2020. [9]M. Casals and J. Núñez, "Los principios en el derecho: ¿una fuente del derecho o una fuente de interrogantes?", Revista de Derecho, n° 16, pp. 31- 45, 2020. [10]S. Andrade and L. Ávila, La transformación de la Justicia, Quito: Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos, 2008. [11]V. Aguirre, "La administración de justicia en Ecuador", Revista Horizonte de los derechos humanos, pp. 11-25, 2012. [12]S. Andrade, La Función Judicial en la vigente Constitución de la República, Quito: Corporación Editora Nacional (CEN), 2009. [13]G. Plaza and A. Zamora, "La necesidad de jueces especializados en el sistema judicial multicompetente ecuatoriano", Revista Polos y Conocimiento, n° 49, pp. 1073-1087, 2020. [14]A. Figueruelo, El derecho a la tutela judicial efectiva, Madrid: Tecnos, 2017. [15] A. Brewer, Derecho Procesal Constitucional. Instrumentos para la justicia constitucional. Bogotá: Ediciones Doctrina y Ley, 2013. [16] A. Grijalva, Constitucionalismo en Ecuador, Quito: Corte Constitucional para el Período de Transición, 2012. [17]I. Quintana, La acción de protección, Ecuador: CEP, 2016. [18]Corte Constitucional para el periodo de transición, "Sentencia No. 031-09-SEP-CC dentro del Caso No. 0485-09-EP", 2009. [Online]. Available: http://doc.corteconstitucional.gob.ec:8080/alfresco/d/d/workspace/SpacesStore/97245b3a-3639-4594-a77c-eedb7d2a431c/0485-09-EP-sent.pdf. [Last access: December 2nd, 2021]. [19]R. Oyarte, Derecho Constitucional Ecuatoriano y Comparado. Quito: Corporación de Estudios y Publicaciones, 2014. [20]G. Zagrebelsky, Principios y votos. El Tribunal Constitucional y la política. Madrid: Editorial Trotta, 2008. [21] L. León González, D. Barrueta and L. Martell, "La seguridad jurídica una proyección general", Revista Conrado, n° 5, pp. 292-299, 2019. [22]R. Hernández, C. Fernández and P. Baptista, Metodología de la Investigación, México: Mc Graw Hill Education, 2014. [23]Asamblea Nacional del Ecuador, Código Orgánico de la Función Judicial, Ley No. 0. Registro Oficial Suplemento No. 544 de, fecha 09 de marzo de 2009, Quito, 2009. [24]Asamblea Nacional del Ecuador. Ley Orgánica de Garantías Jurisdiccionales y Control Constitucional, Ley No. 0. Registro Oficial Suplemento No. 52 de, fecha 22 de octubre de 2009, Quito, 2009. [25] Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, Celebrada en una Conferencia especializada del 7 al 22 de noviembre de 1969, San José, 1969. [26]A. Pérez, Justicia que tarda…. [Online]. Available: https:// www.eluniverso.com/opinion/2020/02/28/nota/7758489/justicia-que-tarda/. [Last access: December 2nd, 2021]. ; La justicia constitucional en Ecuador ha ido evolucionando a la luz de la Constitución del año 2008, reconociendo derechos e implementando mecanismos para su respeto y protección; sin embargo, quienes son llamados a aplicar la norma suprema y realizar un control convencional en casos concretos de violaciones a derechos fundamentales, son personas sin una especialización en la materia, cuyas resoluciones convergen en una continua vulneración a la seguridad jurídica. A través de una investigación cualitativa y del método de observación documental, se analizaron 50 resoluciones de la Corte Constitucional del Ecuador dentro de acciones extraordinarias de protección correspondientes a los años 2020 y 2021 que tuvieron como origen acciones de protección. Comoresultado se evidenció la falta de criterio jurídico en materia constitucional por parte de los operadores de justicia, en primera y segunda instancia, que obligó a los afectados a acudir al máximo intérprete de justicia constitucional para que realice un adecuado análisis del caso concreto, surgiendo la necesidad de crear judicaturas especializadas en materia constitucional que conozcan estas acciones. Palabras Clave: Justicia constitucional, violaciones a derechos fundamentales, seguridad jurídica, judicaturas especializadas. Referencias [1]J. Asencio, Introducción al Derecho Procesal, Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2015. [2]R. Ávila, Los Principios de Aplicación de los Derechos, Nuevas Instituciones del Derecho Constitucional Ecuatoriano, Quito: Ediar, 2008. [3]Asamblea Nacional Constituyente del Ecuador, Constitución Política del Ecuador, Decreto Legislativo No. 000. Registro Oficial de fecha 11 de agosto de 1998, Quito, 1998. [4]Asamblea Nacional Constituyente del Ecuador, Constitución de la República del Ecuador, Decreto Legislativo No. 000. Registro Oficial No. 449, de fecha 20 de octubre del 2008, Montecristi, 2008. [5]C. Ballén, "Algunos desafíos procesales de la jurisdicción especial", Iuris Tantum Revista Boliviana de Derecho, n° 25, pp. 474-501, 2018. [6]R. Reyes, "Los Derechos Humanos y la Seguridad jurídica", Revista UNAM, n° 37, pp. 93-97, 2016. [7]E. Figueroa, Jueces Constitucionales. En Corte Suprema de Justicia de la República del Perú, Lima: Fondo Editorial, 2016. [8]J. Riofrío, "Alcance y límites del principio de jerarquía. Criterios para jerarquizar derechos, valores, bienes y otros elementos", Revista Derecho PUCP, (84), 189-222, 2020. [9]M. Casals y J. Núñez, "Los principios en el derecho: ¿una fuente del derecho o una fuente de interrogantes?", Revista de Derecho, n° 16, pp. 31- 45, 2020. [10]S. Andrade y L. Ávila, La transformación de la Justicia, Quito: Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos, 2008. [11]V. Aguirre, "La administración de justicia en Ecuador", Revista Horizonte de los derechos humanos, pp. 11-25, 2012. [12]S. Andrade, La Función Judicial en la vigente Constitución de la República, Quito: Corporación Editora Nacional (CEN), 2009. [13]G. Plaza y A. Zamora, "La necesidad de jueces especializados en el sistema judicial multicompetente ecuatoriano", Revista Polos y Conocimiento, n° 49, pp. 1073-1087, 2020. [14]A. Figueruelo, El derecho a la tutela judicial efectiva, Madrid: Tecnos, 2017. [15] A. Brewer, Derecho Procesal Constitucional. Instrumentos para la justicia constitucional. Bogotá: Ediciones Doctrina y Ley, 2013. [16] A. Grijalva, Constitucionalismo en Ecuador, Quito: Corte Constitucional para el Período de Transición, 2012. [17]I. Quintana, La acción de protección, Ecuador: CEP, 2016. [18]Corte Constitucional para el periodo de transición, "Sentencia No. 031-09-SEP-CC dentro del Caso No. 0485-09-EP", 2009. [En línea]. Disponible: http://doc.corteconstitucional.gob.ec:8080/alfresco/d/d/workspace/SpacesStore/97245b3a-3639-4594-a77c-eedb7d2a431c/0485-09-EP-sent.pdf. [Último acceso: 02 de diciembre de 2021]. [19]R. Oyarte, Derecho Constitucional Ecuatoriano y Comparado. Quito: Corporación de Estudios y Publicaciones, 2014. [20]G. Zagrebelsky, Principios y votos. El Tribunal Constitucional y la política. Madrid: Editorial Trotta, 2008. [21] L. León González, D. Barrueta y L. Martell, "La seguridad jurídica una proyección general", Revista Conrado, n° 5, pp. 292-299, 2019. [22]R. Hernández, C. Fernández y P. Baptista, Metodología de la Investigación, México: Mc Graw Hill Education, 2014. [23]Asamblea Nacional del Ecuador, Código Orgánico de la Función Judicial, Ley No. 0. Registro Oficial Suplemento No. 544 de, fecha 09 de marzo de 2009, Quito, 2009. [24]Asamblea Nacional del Ecuador. Ley Orgánica de Garantías Jurisdiccionales y Control Constitucional, Ley No. 0. Registro Oficial Suplemento No. 52 de, fecha 22 de octubre de 2009, Quito, 2009. [25] Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, Celebrada en una Conferencia especializada del 7 al 22 de noviembre de 1969, San José, 1969. [26]A. Pérez, Justicia que tarda…. [En línea]. Disponible: https:// www.eluniverso.com/opinion/2020/02/28/nota/7758489/justicia-que-tarda/. [Último acceso: 02 diciembre 2021].

[spa] La tesis, que hoy presento, describe las funciones del interventor en la Administración Local española, como agente encargado del control económico financiero interno y la responsabilidad patrimonial y contable derivada del ejercicio de la intervención local. Por esta razón el trabajo se divide en dos partes claramente diferenciadas, en la primera se analiza el control interno y en la segunda la responsabilidad contable, que puede ser exigida por un incorrecto ejercicio del control. Estas dos cuestiones principales se plantean también desde el punto de vista del Derecho comparado, en concreto la regulación en el Reino Unido, Francia, Alemania e Italia. Estudiaremos en primer lugar el marco legal según el cual el interventor local ejerce el control interno en los entes locales, compartiendo con los interventores de las otras administraciones sus ejes básicos, como son los procedimientos para el control interno, función interventora, control financiero y auditoría pública, así como la naturaleza jurídica de la función, pero con unos problemas específicos en su ejercicio derivados, básicamente, del tamaño de las administraciones en las que sirven, mucho menor que la del Estado o las de las Comunidades Autónomas. Este menor tamaño coloca al interventor local, en la inmediatez del poder político porque, donde en el Estado o en las Comunidades Autónomas existe una organización, en la gran mayoría de las entidades locales es sólo una persona. Esto afecta de modo importante a dos elementos básicos en el ejercicio de sus competencias, la autonomía respecto del gobernante y la segregación de funciones, cuestiones que serán objeto de especial atención. En la segunda parte de la tesis se analiza, la función jurisdiccional del Tribunal de Cuentas, la fiscalizadora exclusivamente como antesala de la jurisdiccional, la responsabilidad contable, los supuestos legales que la generan, los elementos que la componen, la naturaleza jurídica y el tipo de responsabilidad, directa o subsidiaria, deteniéndonos en la que puede incurrir el interventor, ya que aquí se concreta uno de los principales objetivos del trabajo, la responsabilidad contable del interventor, y en concreto del local. El interventor local, a diferencia de los de otras administraciones, ha de decidir por si mismo, en la mayoría de los casos, sin otro apoyo que sus conocimientos. Obviamente, esta situación, lo hace mucho más vulnerable a cualquier tipo de responsabilidad, y más en concreto a la contable. Esta vulnerabilidad no es teórica, no existen sentencias condenatorias de la jurisdicción contable relativas a interventores estatales o autonómicos, pero sí respecto de locales. Por eso, sobre la base de la jurisprudencia contable, se analizan los principales supuestos en los que los interventores locales pueden incurrir en responsabilidad contable, como son los contratos públicos, las retribuciones del personal, las subvenciones públicas, los gastos de representación y la fiscalización de los ingresos. Por último se formulan unas conclusiones, con propuestas de política legislativa en materia control económico financiero, que podrían ayudar a resolver problemas enquistados, basadas en la experiencia de 34 años dedicados a la función interventora, once de ellos como interventor general del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona. ; [cat] La tesi, que avui presento, descriu les funcions de l'interventor en l'Administració Local espanyola, com a agent encarregat del control econòmic financer intern i la responsabilitat patrimonial i comptable derivades de l'exercici de la intervenció local. Per aquesta raó el treball es divideix en dues parts clarament diferenciades, a la primera s'analitza el control intern i en la segona la responsabilitat comptable, que pot ser exigida per un incorrecte exercici del control. Aquestes dues qüestions principals es plantegen també des del punt de vista del Dret comparat, en concret la regulació al Regne Unit, França, Alemanya i Itàlia. Estudiarem en primer lloc el marc legal segons el qual l'interventor local exerceix el control intern en els ens locals, compartint amb els interventors de les altres administracions seus eixos bàsics, com són els procediments per al control intern, funció interventora, control financer i auditoria pública, així com la naturalesa jurídica de la funció, però amb uns problemes específics en el seu exercici derivats, bàsicament, de la mida de les administracions en les que serveixen, molt menor que la de l'Estat o les de les comunitats autònomes. Aquesta menor grandària col·loca a l'interventor local, en la immediatesa del poder polític perquè, on a l'Estat o a les comunitats autònomes hi ha una organització, en la gran majoria de les entitats locals és només una persona. Això afecta de manera important a dos elements bàsics en l'exercici de les seves competències, l'autonomia respecte del governant i la segregació de funcions, qüestions que seran objecte d'especial atenció. A la segona part de la tesi s'analitza, la funció jurisdiccional del Tribunal de Comptes, la fiscalitzadora exclusivament com a avantsala de la jurisdiccional, la responsabilitat comptable, els supòsits legals que la generen, els elements que la componen, la naturalesa jurídica i el tipus de responsabilitat, principal o subsidiària, detenint-nos en la qual pot incórrer l'interventor, ja que aquí es concreta un dels principals objectius del treball, la responsabilitat comptable de l'interventor, i en concret del local. L'interventor local, a diferència dels d'altres administracions, ha de decidir per si mateix, en la majoria dels casos, sense altre suport que els seus coneixements. Òbviament, aquesta situació, el fa molt més vulnerable a qualsevol tipus de responsabilitat, i més en concret a la comptable. Aquesta vulnerabilitat no és teòrica, no existeixen sentències condemnatòria de la jurisdicció comptable relatives a interventors estatals o autonòmics, però sí respecte de locals. Per això, sobre la base de la jurisprudència comptable, s'analitzen els principals supòsits en què els interventors locals poden incórrer en responsabilitat comptable, com són els contractes públics, les retribucions del personal, les subvencions públiques, les despeses de representació i la fiscalització dels ingressos. Finalment es formulen unes conclusions, amb propostes de política legislativa en matèria control econòmic financer, que podrien ajudar a resoldre problemes enquistats, basades en l'experiència de 34 anys dedicats a la funció interventora, onze d'ells com a interventor general de l'Ajuntament de Barcelona. ; [eng] The thesis, which I present today, describes the duties of the financial comptroller in the Spanish Local Administration, as agent in charge of the internal financial economic control and the patrimonial and accounting liability derived from the exercise of the financial local control, will take place throughout the development of this work. This is why, the work is divided into two clearly differentiated parts, the first one analyzes the internal control and the second the accounting liability, which can be demanded by an incorrect exercise of control. These two main issues also arise from the point of view of comparative law, namely the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Italy. Firstly we will be look carefully into the legal framework according to wich the local comptroller exercises the internal control in the local entities, sharing, in its basic lines, the procedures of the preliminary control of legality, financial permanent control and public auditing, with the comptrollers of the other administrations, as well as the legal nature of the function. However, they face a number of issues in the performance of their work, derived, predominantly, from the size of the administrations in which they serve, much smaller than the Administration of the State or Autonomous Communities. This minor size of local authorities places the local comptroller in the immediateness of the political power, as, where in the State or in the Autonomous Communities there is an organization; in a large majority of cases of the local entities there is an individual. This affects two elements in the exercise of their duties, the autonomy from the Ruler and the segregation of functions, and it calls for particular attention. In the second part of the thesis I analyse, the judicial functions of the Court of Accounts, the auditing function, exclusively as a prelude to the judicial functions, the legal nature and the kind of liability direct or subsidiary, and particular attention is paid to the questions in which the comptroller can be held liable, mainly local comptrollers, because this is one of the mains targets of this work. A local comptroller must decide by himself, and, in large amounts, without no other help than that of his own knowledge. Obviously, this situation, makes him much more vulnerable to any kind of responsibility, and, in particular, to the accounting responsibility. This vulnerability is not theoretical, there are no convictions of the countable jurisdiction related to comptrollers who serve the state, but there are several related to local comptrollers. Because of this reason, based on the accounting jurisprudence, I have analysed the main cases where local comptrollers can incure accounting responsibility. That is why, based on accounting jurisprudence, the main issues in which local auditors may incur in accounting responsibility, such as public contracts, staffing costs, public subsidies, representation allowances and preliminary control of legality of the incomes. Finally, some conclusions are formulated, with legislative policy proposals on financial control, which could help to solve problems, from the point of view of the experience of 34 years of financial control, eleven of them as Comptroller General of Barcelona City Council.

Abstract : Images acquired from unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) can provide data with unprecedented spatial and temporal resolution for three-dimensional (3D) modeling. Solutions developed for this purpose are mainly operating based on photogrammetry concepts, namely UAV-Photogrammetry Systems (UAV-PS). Such systems are used in applications where both geospatial and visual information of the environment is required. These applications include, but are not limited to, natural resource management such as precision agriculture, military and police-related services such as traffic-law enforcement, precision engineering such as infrastructure inspection, and health services such as epidemic emergency management. UAV-photogrammetry systems can be differentiated based on their spatial characteristics in terms of accuracy and resolution. That is some applications, such as precision engineering, require high-resolution and high-accuracy information of the environment (e.g. 3D modeling with less than one centimeter accuracy and resolution). In other applications, lower levels of accuracy might be sufficient, (e.g. wildlife management needing few decimeters of resolution). However, even in those applications, the specific characteristics of UAV-PSs should be well considered in the steps of both system development and application in order to yield satisfying results. In this regard, this thesis presents a comprehensive review of the applications of unmanned aerial imagery, where the objective was to determine the challenges that remote-sensing applications of UAV systems currently face. This review also allowed recognizing the specific characteristics and requirements of UAV-PSs, which are mostly ignored or not thoroughly assessed in recent studies. Accordingly, the focus of the first part of this thesis is on exploring the methodological and experimental aspects of implementing a UAV-PS. The developed system was extensively evaluated for precise modeling of an open-pit gravel mine and performing volumetric-change measurements. This application was selected for two main reasons. Firstly, this case study provided a challenging environment for 3D modeling, in terms of scale changes, terrain relief variations as well as structure and texture diversities. Secondly, open-pit-mine monitoring demands high levels of accuracy, which justifies our efforts to improve the developed UAV-PS to its maximum capacities. The hardware of the system consisted of an electric-powered helicopter, a high-resolution digital camera, and an inertial navigation system. The software of the system included the in-house programs specifically designed for camera calibration, platform calibration, system integration, onboard data acquisition, flight planning and ground control point (GCP) detection. The detailed features of the system are discussed in the thesis, and solutions are proposed in order to enhance the system and its photogrammetric outputs. The accuracy of the results was evaluated under various mapping conditions, including direct georeferencing and indirect georeferencing with different numbers, distributions and types of ground control points. Additionally, the effects of imaging configuration and network stability on modeling accuracy were assessed. The second part of this thesis concentrates on improving the techniques of sparse and dense reconstruction. The proposed solutions are alternatives to traditional aerial photogrammetry techniques, properly adapted to specific characteristics of unmanned, low-altitude imagery. Firstly, a method was developed for robust sparse matching and epipolar-geometry estimation. The main achievement of this method was its capacity to handle a very high percentage of outliers (errors among corresponding points) with remarkable computational efficiency (compared to the state-of-the-art techniques). Secondly, a block bundle adjustment (BBA) strategy was proposed based on the integration of intrinsic camera calibration parameters as pseudo-observations to Gauss-Helmert model. The principal advantage of this strategy was controlling the adverse effect of unstable imaging networks and noisy image observations on the accuracy of self-calibration. The sparse implementation of this strategy was also performed, which allowed its application to data sets containing a lot of tie points. Finally, the concepts of intrinsic curves were revisited for dense stereo matching. The proposed technique could achieve a high level of accuracy and efficiency by searching only through a small fraction of the whole disparity search space as well as internally handling occlusions and matching ambiguities. These photogrammetric solutions were extensively tested using synthetic data, close-range images and the images acquired from the gravel-pit mine. Achieving absolute 3D mapping accuracy of 11±7 mm illustrated the success of this system for high-precision modeling of the environment. ; Résumé : Les images acquises à l'aide d'aéronefs sans pilote (ASP) permettent de produire des données de résolutions spatiales et temporelles uniques pour la modélisation tridimensionnelle (3D). Les solutions développées pour ce secteur d'activité sont principalement basées sur des concepts de photogrammétrie et peuvent être identifiées comme des systèmes photogrammétriques embarqués sur aéronefs sans pilote (SP-ASP). Ils sont utilisés dans plusieurs applications environnementales où l'information géospatiale et visuelle est essentielle. Ces applications incluent notamment la gestion des ressources naturelles (ex. : agriculture de précision), la sécurité publique et militaire (ex. : gestion du trafic), les services d'ingénierie (ex. : inspection de bâtiments) et les services de santé publique (ex. : épidémiologie et gestion des risques). Les SP-ASP peuvent être subdivisés en catégories selon les besoins en termes de précision et de résolution. En effet, dans certains cas, tel qu'en ingénierie, l'information sur l'environnement doit être de haute précision et de haute résolution (ex. : modélisation 3D avec une précision et une résolution inférieure à un centimètre). Pour d'autres applications, tel qu'en gestion de la faune sauvage, des niveaux de précision et de résolution moindres peut être suffisants (ex. : résolution de l'ordre de quelques décimètres). Cependant, même dans ce type d'applications les caractéristiques des SP-ASP devraient être prises en considération dans le développement des systèmes et dans leur utilisation, et ce, pour atteindre les résultats visés. À cet égard, cette thèse présente une revue exhaustive des applications de l'imagerie aérienne acquise par ASP et de déterminer les challenges les plus courants. Cette étude a également permis d'établir les caractéristiques et exigences spécifiques des SP-ASP qui sont généralement ignorées ou partiellement discutées dans les études récentes. En conséquence, la première partie de cette thèse traite des aspects méthodologiques et d'expérimentation de la mise en place d'un SP-ASP. Le système développé a été évalué pour la modélisation précise d'une gravière et utilisé pour réaliser des mesures de changement volumétrique. Cette application a été retenue pour deux raisons principales. Premièrement, ce type de milieu fournit un environnement difficile pour la modélisation, et ce, en termes de changement d'échelle, de changement de relief du terrain ainsi que la grande diversité de structures et de textures. Deuxièment, le suivi de mines à ciel ouvert exige un niveau de précision élevé, ce qui justifie les efforts déployés pour mettre au point un SP-ASP de haute précision. Les composantes matérielles du système consistent en un ASP à propulsion électrique de type hélicoptère, d'une caméra numérique à haute résolution ainsi qu'une station inertielle. La composante logicielle est composée de plusieurs programmes développés particulièrement pour calibrer la caméra et la plateforme, intégrer les systèmes, enregistrer les données, planifier les paramètres de vol et détecter automatiquement les points de contrôle au sol. Les détails complets du système sont abordés dans la thèse et des solutions sont proposées afin d'améliorer le système et la qualité des données photogrammétriques produites. La précision des résultats a été évaluée sous diverses conditions de cartographie, incluant le géoréférencement direct et indirect avec un nombre, une répartition et des types de points de contrôle variés. De plus, les effets de la configuration des images et la stabilité du réseau sur la précision de la modélisation ont été évalués. La deuxième partie de la thèse porte sur l'amélioration des techniques de reconstruction éparse et dense. Les solutions proposées sont des alternatives aux techniques de photogrammétrie aérienne traditionnelle et adaptée aux caractéristiques particulières de l'imagerie acquise à basse altitude par ASP. Tout d'abord, une méthode robuste de correspondance éparse et d'estimation de la géométrie épipolaire a été développée. L'élément clé de cette méthode est sa capacité à gérer le pourcentage très élevé des valeurs aberrantes (erreurs entre les points correspondants) avec une efficacité de calcul remarquable en comparaison avec les techniques usuelles. Ensuite, une stratégie d'ajustement de bloc basée sur l'intégration de pseudoobservations du modèle Gauss-Helmert a été proposée. Le principal avantage de cette stratégie consistait à contrôler les effets négatifs du réseau d'images instable et des images bruitées sur la précision de l'autocalibration. Une implémentation éparse de cette stratégie a aussi été réalisée, ce qui a permis de traiter des jeux de données contenant des millions de points de liaison. Finalement, les concepts de courbes intrinsèques ont été revisités pour l'appariement stéréo dense. La technique proposée pourrait atteindre un haut niveau de précision et d'efficacité en recherchant uniquement dans une petite portion de l'espace de recherche des disparités ainsi qu'en traitant les occlusions et les ambigüités d'appariement. Ces solutions photogrammétriques ont été largement testées à l'aide de données synthétiques, d'images à courte portée ainsi que celles acquises sur le site de la gravière. Le système a démontré sa capacité a modélisation dense de l'environnement avec une très haute exactitude en atteignant une précision 3D absolue de l'ordre de 11±7 mm.

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Samuel C. Powell. Mr. Powell discusses the failure of Ogden State Bank, his experiences as attorney for the Utah Construction Company, and the building of the Ogden Arsenal, the Defense Depot, etc. ; 16p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Samuel C. Powell Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Samuel C. Powell Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Powell, Samuel C., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Samuel C. Powell. Mr. Powell discusses the failure of Ogden State Bank, his experiences as attorney for the Utah Construction Company, and the building of the Ogden Arsenal, the Defense Depot, etc. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: Would you please give us your profession and where you practiced? SP: I was an attorney at law. I practiced in Ogden, Utah. I've been in this building ever since I started to practice law outside of the time that I was in the military service during World War I. But I still maintained an office and I've been here 56 years. MT: What were some of the problems of the attorney during the Depression years? SP: The attorney suffered like everyone else did. The problem of getting sufficient clientele and business, money was tight and people couldn't afford to pay what they might have otherwise if you didn't have the Depression. Many of the young attorneys who started at that time were having a very difficult time. It happened that I had built up a clientele that was representative of people that had connections and wealth that I went through the Depression very easily with the exception of my investments when they went down. As an example, you buy Utah Power and Light stock, preferred stock, for $110 and $100, 6 and 7 percent stock. I rode it down to $10 a share and back up. Stocks were the same way. Of course, back in New York, like one of my friends said, those people who suffered when the stock market dropped not only lost their wealth, but they threw themselves out of windows. They committed suicide because of it. No one knows today what it meant to go through that Depression. 2 MT: What do you remember about the Ogden State Bank? SP: The Ogden State Bank failed in 1931, I believe, and of course it was an old bank, a well-established bank here for years. And the bank closed. My own connection with it was that on Friday before it closed, I heard a rumor that it might be closing, and I went over there to the bank to see whether I'd take my money out of the bank. I had $4,000, I think it was, in a savings account there. My principle bank was the First Security, but I had shifted over there on this. So I decided that I wouldn't take it out. On Monday morning, I was going by the bank and there was a great big sign, "Closed by the bank commission." It had a very serious effect on Ogden and Weber County. In fact, I think in the whole state. You had the same situation down in Salt Lake. You had the Deseret Bank, which was about ready to go under, and Marriner Eccles and Browning and the interests - E. G. Bennett was director then - finally took it over, and that's how they got that present building down there. I happen to be familiar with that very well. I had a connection with it. Another incident; I don't remember the name of the vice president of the bank in New York, but I was attorney for the Utah Construction Company, I guess it was, and I was in New York, and I had a letter of introduction for the vice president of this bank. So I went up to see him, and I wanted to get some tickets to a theater. I finally got them through him and some other things, and I became quite well acquainted with him and got talking about this Depression. One morning about two in the morning, I received a call from Heber J. Grant. He said, "We're having trouble. We need several million dollars." Now, I 3 don't know whether that was Zion's or First National, or whatever, but anyway it was the church bank. He said, "We need this money. Get it out to us as quickly as you can." And it was several million dollars. I forget just what it was. And they put it in the window and said, "Come on, and get it if you want it." Well, that, I guess, saved the bank from closing. And afterward he came out west here, and he was talking with Heber J. Grant - or it was Adams, I don't remember which. He said, "For what you have done, we will show you the assets of the church." And he showed them to no one else. But it was just indicative of what happened over the whole state, in fact over the whole country. Businesses were failing, bankruptcy courts were filled with petitions for relief, and the government had enacted the law in relation to the RFC and another financing law. Something along the line of what they're doing now to help Lockheed. And they were trying also to get things going. Of course it was a worldwide Depression. Poor Old Hoover got the blame for it. I went down to the depot, and I remember I never saw a sadder man in my life. He was going through, and everyone was blaming Hoover. You had Roosevelt, who was elected and Roosevelt - he wanted Roosevelt to step in and do something before he got out of office. He agreed upon the thing, and Roosevelt would not do it until after he got in office and then he closed all the banks. All the banks were closed for a week or two. I don't know whether it was that long, maybe only a week. They finally opened up. 4 They tried to weed out the ones that they thought wouldn't stand up, and I don't recall how, if they made loans or not. One of the problems that we had here, was that people were thrown out of employment. Now I was the attorney, as I said, for three of the directors on this Ogden State Bank affair, and this is a report that was given to John A. Mailai, who was the bank commissioner. It was a confidential report, but I did get it. And afterward I made a settlement in behalf of all the directors in connection with the bank. But the closing of the Ogden State Bank was the thing that hit Ogden harder than anything else. MT: Do you recall how much you received out of the liquidation of the bank? SP: I believe it was about 76 percent. It should have been more if they had hung on to the assets and gradually liquidated, but they pressed a lot of them, and I think it was about 76 percent. See, that was owned, or the majority stock owned by the Bigelows, A. P. Bigelow, and H. C. Bigelow. They were bankers who came here from Nebraska in the early days and started the Ogden State Bank. During that time I was in the Ogden Chamber of Commerce, and I was on the Military Affairs Committee of the Ogden Chamber of Commerce, and we were trying to rehabilitate the Ogden Arsenal. Now the Ogden Arsenal had been originally built after World War I, and we had a bad windstorm come down Weber Canyon and cut across the sand ridge there, and blow down most of the magazines they had constructed. They were made out of brick. I don't know why they used that. And so the Work Progress Administration had the people who were unemployed doing a lot of foolish things. One thing up around Lester Park, 5 they were taking the dirt out from under the grass and lowering it in places, just creating jobs that didn't mean anything at all. So a group of us got together, and we decided that we were going to try to use it for some kind of benefit to the community and state. So we got permission from the Works Progress Administration to start the reconstruction of the magazines and rehabilitate the Ogden Arsenal. And so we spent money in that matter until we could get an appropriation through Congress to complete it. So we went out there and built the igloo type magazine, which was the Navy type of strong base, wide base of concrete and then up with a thin ceiling. So that if there was an explosion, it went up in the air, it didn't scatter sideways as much. And that was how all this military started after 1920 when they originally built that after World War I. And that led from the Ogden Arsenal to Hill Field and then the Defense Depot and the Davis Supply Depot down at Clearfield. But there were about five of us that did most of the work in connection with getting that started. The Chamber of Commerce bought land and gave it to the government, drilled wells out there, military springs brought down from the mouth where the Job Corps is piped in down to the Ogden Arsenal. They were trying and yet interesting days. If you were young enough, then why, you could take it. You got some enjoyment out of doing something worthwhile. I was president of the Chamber of Commerce then and afterward when Hill Field was being activated, and our first officer was Colonel Burman in charge, and then later on the Defense Depot came up, and we were working hard to get it. I got a telegram from the Secretary of War Stimpson, and he said, "If the OCC 6 will raise $100,000 to help buy the land there, you can get the site there in Ogden. But you have to have information back to my office by 10 am." Well, I called a meeting and we got all the directors of the Chamber of Commerce, the city commissioner, and county commissioner, and other prominent people around here, in Ogden to pledge $100,000. That's how we got the Ogden Defense Depot. MT: Are there any of the city or county commissioners that are still living now, Mr. Powell? SP: Frank Browning was in on it with me. Harold Hemingway was in on it. There's no one living with the exception of Ezra Felstead, who was secretary of our Chamber of Commerce now, that was very active in it at all. MT: Would you compare for me a young attorney starting now with one starting during the Depression years? SP: The young attorneys now starting have so many more avenues to make money. There's a greater demand for attorneys than there was when I first started. And of course the economy of the area is much better. There is more opportunity. I might say that I was kind of halfway in between. There were the old-time attorneys that were out here in the territorial days that were admitted practice. And they were individualists, and they had an idea that the only way they could make money was in the trial of lawsuits. Well, the whole picture has changed to a great extent. The workman's compensation law came along and a lot of them complained about it, and the Federal Employees Act, which made compulsory settlements and took away the lawsuits that were made in that connection. 7 And also in the early days here in Utah, a great deal of the legal work was done in the bishop's court. As a matter of fact, I've heard it said that the church did not encourage their young people to become lawyers in the early 1890s, and where people came to me with little things who I knew were members of the church, I would refer them back and say, "Why don't you go back to your bishop's court and get this thing settled?" Now I don't know. I'm not a member, and I don't know whether they still have the bishop's courts or not. MT: Do you remember any interesting experiences that you recall during those times that would indicate the economy or spirit of the times? SP: Of course during your practice, you have a number of interesting experiences and losses and things that way. I've been an attorney for the Weber County School Board for 46 years. I was county attorney, I think in 1924, and prior to that time, the county attorney had taken care of that business. And so when I got out of office they asked me if I would stay, and I have ever since then. And I've been attorney for Ogden City Schools for fifteen years, up until last year when I decided that I had too much to do. I'm trying to reduce some of my practice. My work principally now is probate and corporation work, and I've tried to eliminate a lot. I won't take a divorce action, and I haven't for a number of years, and I won't take a number of things. I was attorney for the Utah Construction Company when they sold ranches out of Nevada, which involved a large transaction and transfer of property. I don't recall the exact numbers, but they extended into Nevada, Utah, and Idaho, 8 probably 500,000 acres of land, and another 500,000 tied up in forestry and public lands. MT: Were there many cases in the courts to recover debts and properties and so forth? SP: Yes, there were a lot of foreclosures, and then there was, of course, congressional action taken forbidding them, and there were a lot of bonds. You took out a federal home owner's loan. I represented a party in Salt Lake who had a large amount of money involved in mortgages on homes, and we took bonds in place of it. Of course they finally paid out. But in order to save the homes of people, that legislation was enacted. And it worked out very well during those times. MT: What do you remember about the government programs during that time that came out to assist the individual? Were there projects here that you recall? SP: Well, there were projects around here. I don't remember exactly. Most of it was in relation to public buildings and grounds and so forth to improve it. And the principle thing, and where most of it went, was out here at the Ogden Arsenal. There were some dams - Pineview Dam came along, the Echo Dam. The Echo Dam came first. And of course after that you had the Utah Construction Company and six other companies building the Hoover Dam down here, and the Utah Construction Company was the leader in that. W. H. Wattis was the first president. Now that was built during the Depression. MT: Do you have any recollection of any projects done by the CC Camps? 9 SP: Yes, there were a number of CC Camps around here. I remember one of them that we got working with the road going up to Snow Basin and the CCC were all through the forests. Mostly the Forest Service took them, and this was the headquarters for the Forest Service for Utah, Wyoming, and part of Montana and Nevada. But, undoubtedly, that did a lot for the young people. The Job Corps is kind of a successor to it, but in a different way. MT: Are there things that you recall from those years that you think might be good for people to experience? SP: Well, this may be kind of harsh, but sometimes I think we need a good Depression in order to jerk the people up and find out where we're going. I'm not in sympathy with all this give-away. We're running into the ground, nobody wants to work. We're having our problems on the account of that and everybody wants a high salary. And I don't want to say this in a prejudicial way, but I think that the unions are destroying our country right at the present time. You're getting salaries up so high, and the production isn't going along. At the same time we've got the Japanese taking over the camera business, they've taken over the television, they've taken over the building of ships, the manufacturing of steel, and their salaries are nowhere near what ours are. And we can't compete in the world market, so those who are doing those things are cutting their people. I don't think we have any patriotism in this country any more. I think if we had an invasion, we wouldn't stand up and fight like we would have done during the First World War. At that time, I experienced that because I was in it, but we had extreme patriotism. We haven't anything like that now. 10 We went through that experience, of course, and we didn't have the controls that we have now on the economy, and we just waited it out. Before we never heard about depressions. We heard about panics. We had the panic of 1907, and we had a panic back in the 90s. I heard my mother and father talk about it, and it just kind of worked itself out. But the Depression of 1930 was really worldwide. Hoover wasn't to blame for it, and yet he got all the blame. And I criticize Roosevelt severely in my own thinking. We became great because we were willing to work and we had certain principles that we lived by. We went and cut off all the stuff to Europe, and he went over to Europe and borrowed all the stuff that we did not adopt and brought it back into the so-called New Deal to take care of you from the cradle to the grave. Well, what's resulted? A weak people, in my opinion. Sometimes some of these young attorneys come to me and say, "How can I be successful?" And I say, "How much are you saving?" And they say, "Oh, I'm not saving anything." And I say, "If you can't save money, I don't care whether it's five dollars a month or ten dollars a month, and create a habit of saving, the spirit of success is not in you." Which is true. And if you're a lawyer and you have any kind of clientele, if you have saved money, you bet your clients will come to you and say, "Do you want to make some money? Here's something that you should get in on." That's been the experience with me. And if you have the money to make the investment, you'll make money. You see, the income tax law became effective March 15, 1913. Now you take these old timers that had accumulated, like David Eccles and all 11 these wealthy people that came in here. They could save everything that they made. But in 1913 you start in with the income tax law, and it was very low at that time, very low. And then we got into all these wars, and we got into terrible indebtedness, and consequently they kept increasing it and increasing it until the average person cannot save everything because so much is taken away from them. The only way they can get ahead is to save what they can and make investments on long-term gains in the industries of this country, and grow with the industry. Now they're trying to put a law through instead of fixing a value on stocks or assets, that each person at the time of their death, to establish the amount of inheritance tax you pay to the state of Utah, or the federal or state tax. They want to go back and say, "How much did it cost you when you originally bought it?" Well, that means the destruction of wealth. The cost would be terrific for people who have worked hard all their life, and are trying to pass it on to their children on the day of their death. And then they go back and pick it up after that and it destroys the whole thing.

The last few weeks have looked like a fast-forward version of the Biden administration's broader approach to its support for Ukraine. At the war's outset, Washington insisted that it was not at war with Russia and that American troops would not be deployed to defend Ukraine.The administration laid out a series of guidelines that it hoped would allow them to support Ukraine without provoking Russia to the point that Moscow felt compelled to escalate. Little by little, however, the U.S. began loosening its policies, notably on the supply of certain weapons, greenlighting the transfer of long-range missile systems, Abrams tanks, cluster munitions, and more.At each step, the Biden administration would wait and gauge the Russian response before making more escalatory decisions. In recent weeks, perhaps motivated by Ukraine's deteriorating battlefield position, this process has accelerated. In late May, Washington reversed course and gave Kyiv permission to conduct limited strikes in Russian territory using U.S. weapons. Then, on June 10, the State Department lifted a years-long ban on the neo-Nazi-linked Azov brigade's access to American weapons. The following week, the Biden administration said that attacks using U.S. arms need not be limited to the region near the northeastern city Kharkiv, but that they could hit Russian targets "anywhere" across the border. Now, this week, reports indicate that the president is "leaning toward" rescinding a "de facto ban" against deploying American contractors to Ukraine.Like the earlier moves, Washington will likely wait to see how Mocow reacts, but it does make the prospect of a dangerous escalation more likely. "It is too soon to tell whether such a move, if enacted, would bring the United States closer to having its own troops participate in the war effort more directly, at least in some fashion," the Quincy Institute's Zachary Paikin wrote in RS on Wednesday. "Undoubtedly, the Kremlin would view a full-fledged contingent of Western troops on Ukrainian soil as intolerable, and it is difficult to assess the precise threshold at which Moscow will consider one of its red lines to be crossed."As Paikin notes, this kind of escalation is inevitable given that the Biden administration has defined the war as a battle for the future of democracy and the international order. Without a change in the broader U.S. strategy, policy changes are likely to continue down this path if conditions in Ukraine become increasingly desperate. Washington is already dealing with the fallout from one of these decisions. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin spoke with his Russian counterpart for the first time in 15 months on Tuesday, after the Kremlin blamed the U.S. for a Ukrainian attack in Crimea that killed four and injured more than 150, according to Russian media. The attack was carried out using American-provided ATACMs. "Of course, the involvement of the United States of America in hostilities, direct involvement in hostilities that result in the death of Russian civilians, this, of course, cannot but have consequences," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said in response to the strike. "What exactly — time will tell."In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine:— Two former staffers on Donald Trump's national security council released a plan on how they would bring an end to the war in Ukraine. The America First Policy Institute published Retired Lieutenant General Keith Kellogg and Fred Fleitz's report, titled "America First, Russia, & Ukraine." "We tell the Ukrainians, 'You've got to come to the table, and if you don't come to the table, support from the United States will dry up,'" Kellogg told Reuters. "And you tell Putin, 'He's got to come to the table and if you don't come to the table, then we'll give Ukrainians everything they need to kill you in the field.'"Fleitz said that they had shown the proposal to the former president, who responded favorably, according to Fleitz's account. ""I'm not claiming he agreed with it or agreed with every word of it, but we were pleased to get the feedback we did," he said. Kyiv, however, is reportedly not taking the proposal very seriously. "We believe it's just the race of folks who want to make it look like they are setting new Trump's foreign policy agenda and reminding [people] about themselves," a source close to Zelensy's office told Politico. "The perception is that nobody actually knows what Trump's approach will be. Kyiv is quite calm with that."— The European Union on Monday approved the first tranche of aid for Ukraine that will be paid for with seized Russian assets. "The money won't be used for reimbursements, as is normally the case with the [Ukraine Assistance Fund], but for direct purchases of kit like ammunition and aerial defense systems. A quarter of the amount will be used for purchases from Ukrainian industries," according to Politico. — NATO appointed outgoing Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte as its next secretary-general on Wednesday. Rutte won support from Hungary after agreeing that Budapest would not be forced to provide personnel or funds to NATO's new Ukraine aid proposal. "While he was Dutch prime minister, Rutte was a strong supporter of Ukraine and its right to defend itself after Russia's 2022 invasion," according to The Washington Post. "Under his leadership, the Netherlands pledged military hardware to Kyiv including Leopard tanks and F-16 fighter jets."— Zelensky suggested on Thursday that Ukraine would be looking to put a plan to end the war at the next peace summit, according to The Kyiv Independent. "We don't have much time. We have a lot of injured, killed, both military and civilian," he said. "So we do not want this war to last for years. Therefore, we have to prepare this plan and put it on the table at the second peace summit." So far, Zelensky's conception of a settlement has been his "peace formula," which is a non-starter for Moscow, and the first peace summit was aimed at shoring up global support for this vision. U.S. State Department news:In a Tuesday press briefing, State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said that Washington supports International Criminal Court investigations into Russian war crimes. This week, the ICC issued arrest warrants for former Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu and the Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov."We have made clear that there have been atrocities committed by Russian forces in their illegal invasion of Ukraine and that there ought to be accountability for those atrocities," Miller said. "We support a range of international investigations into Russia's atrocities in Ukraine, including the one conducted by the ICC."

Out of several countries in the coup-stricken African Sahel slated to hold elections this year, Senegal looked like the only one that might escape the threat of voter suppression, rigging, or other corrupt practices.But this is no more the case as a sudden turn of events last week plunged the West African nation into an unprecedented constitutional crisis, which pundits argue could lead anywhere at this point, from an uneasy elite pact to a total state collapse. On February 3, the eve of the official presidential campaign, Senegal's President Macky Sall announced a postponement of the election, citing dispute over the candidate list. His decision to postpone came weeks after a controversy erupted over the exclusion of opposition candidates from the ballot. The opposition Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), whose candidate Karim Wade was among those excluded by the Constitutional Council from running in the election for possessing a dual French-Senegalese citizenship, had earlier filed a formal request to postpone the vote. Also excluded is the opposition PASTEF's popular leader Ousmane Sonko, who opposed Sall in 2019 and has been behind bars since last year for immoral behavior and plotting an insurrection. His candidacy in the 2024 election was rejected last month by the Constitutional Council in a move critics say was targeted at eliminating the most potent obstacle to Sall's preferred candidate, Prime Minister Amadou Ba, running and winning the forthcoming elections. Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Sonko's substitute candidate, is also in jail on charges of contempt of court, defamation, and acts likely to compromise public peace.OutrageNever before has Senegal postponed a presidential election. Ordinary Senegalese are shocked by the strange turn of events in part due to the sense of security created by Sall's decision in July last year not to run for a third term."I feel sad for Senegal, a beautiful and peaceful country always considered as an example of democracy and for the Senegalese people who fought in 2011 in the name of democracy so that the current President Macky Sall could be elected," Awa Diouf, a Senegalese activist, told RS. Sall has repeated his stance not to run for a third term, but the opposition doesn't believe him, accusing Sall of premeditated plans to cling to power or to force his preferred candidate on the people. After the decision, protests resurfaced in the country's capital Dakar reminiscent of scenes of deadly clashes with police that were once a fixture of life from 2021 to 2023. One leading opposition politician was arrested in the renewed disturbance on Feb. 4, as police fired tear gas to disperse angry protesters amidst a growing crackdown which has seen a private television station, Walf TV, suspended for 'inciting violence' and internet cut. The crisis continued into last week at the country's parliament where a bill seeking to fix a new date for the elections and extend Sall's tenure led to a row with some opposition MPs forcibly removed by police clad in riot gear. At the end of proceedings, the parliament, which is dominated by the ruling coalition, Benno Bokk Yakaar (which includes President Sall's Alliance for the Republic party) voted for a 10-month extension of the election until December 15. Sall's term was originally meant to lapse in early April. In response, activists are once again mobilizing for new protests and many fear for more violent crackdowns.A diplomatic solutionThese developments, which occurred on the heels of U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken's tour of the region last month, have attracted widespread condemnation. The West African bloc, ECOWAS, whose credibility has taken a beating over its handling of a string of coups in the region, failed to condemn the postponement.In sharp contrast, a statement by the U.S. State Department was more decisive in describing the poll's postponement as a move that runs "contrary to Senegal's strong democratic tradition," while also calling the National Assembly's vote illegitimate, "given the conditions under which it took place." The U.S. also condemned the attacks on press freedom and the severing of internet communications in the country. "The U.S. is a strong all round partner with Senegal and is the leading provider of development assistance valued at $238 million per year," Dr. Joseph Siegle of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies noted to RS. Besides the significant economic ties and trade, it is in the area of regional security that Senegal is most important for the United States. As one of the most stable democracies in Africa and a model for religious and ethnic tolerance, Senegal has been a longtime partner of the U.S. in promoting peace and security in Africa. "[Senegal's] importance has become even more outsized in the wake of recent coups and military regimes in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and Guinea," Afolabi Adekaiyaoja, a research analyst with the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD-West Africa) explained. Although an outlier in the region's anti-democratic trends, this does not mean Senegal's democracy has been free of turmoil. For instance, out of four Presidents that have governed Senegal since it gained independence from France in 1960, only two have taken office in peaceful transfers of power — the first of which occurred in 2000. In 2012, Sall was only elected following a period of widespread protests against his predecessor Abdoulaye Wade's attempt to undemocratically cling to power. After 12 years at the helm of the country, critics now accuse Sall of the same crimes as Wade's, which include eroding the country's democratic credentials through a pattern of jailing political opponents under spurious charges and bending Senegal's justice system to his will. What is most significant, however, is that even in the midst of chaos "the struggle of the Senegalese people always takes place within the framework of institutions as much as peaceful and unarmed resistance," activist Louise M. Faye told RS. The hope is that today's disagreements won't be litigated in a coup like Senegal's Sahelian neighbors.By and large, experts believe what is likely is an uneasy pact within the elite, which has been brought about as a result of rising opposition to conventional politics. "The US [needs to start] talking directly to all of the relevant Senegalese actors as well as ECOWAS to navigate a stable, constitutionally-based, democratic outcome," Siegle explained. The Biden administration's playbook for the continent, U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa, mandates Washington to "stem the recent tide of authoritarianism and military takeovers by working with allies and partners in the region to respond to democratic backsliding and human rights abuses."While doing this, however, Washington needs to be mindful that recent anti-French sentiment has played into Russia's plans to expand its influence in the region. "While that does not necessarily mean direct anti-American perceptions, it will also need to ensure it can retain backchannels to the different factions if it wants to diplomatically intervene. Washington's important role will be to maintain pressure on Dakar to ensure a fair and transparent review process, or national dialogue as President Sall has put it, ahead of the elections," Adekaiyaoja added.

Traditionally, the most important platforms for political analysis on television in the United States have been the Sunday morning news talk shows on the major networks—NBC, CBS, ABC, and Fox. The staple feature of the talk show format is the interviews with guests, who include newsmakers, prominent individuals, and current and former officials, followed by news roundtables or panels featuring officials, journalists and experts. How they discuss the issues of the day reflects the priorities and biases of the political elite, which risks leaving audiences uninformed and unexposed to a range of views in the world. When it comes to Gaza, these shows illustrate just how one-sided and detached are America's leading policymakers and media. The shows' names are most familiar to middle-aged and older Americans: Meet the Press (NBC), Face the Nation (CBS), This Week (ABC) and Fox News Sunday (FOX). These shows are not as dominant as they once were, but they still command relatively high ratings, ranging from the 908,000 viewers of Fox News Sunday to the 2.78 million viewers of Meet the Press in September, 2023. This writer carried out an analysis of the shows' guests and their remarks during the three months immediately following the Hamas attacks of October 7. The database Nexus Uni and the programs' websites provided transcripts from the episodes from October 8 to January 14. After removing episodes that did not discuss Gaza beyond a brief mention, there were 51 transcripts to analyze. In these transcripts, there were 140 guests, defined as "outside" or invited interviewees and panelists (removing from the analysis those guests employed by the networks as reporters or analysts as well as interviewees in the edited packages). Data were collected on these 140 guests regarding their national affiliation, employer, and job title, and their remarks were ranked on a scale from pro-Israeli to neutral to pro-Palestinian. Finally, the frequency of particular key words was gauged — such as "hostages," "occupation," and "ceasefire," among others.FindingsThe overwhelming majority of guests—120 out of 140—were American. Most notably, not one of the American guests were of Palestinian heritage or even Arab-American. Three American guests were of South Asian Muslim heritage, but only two of them expressed pro-Palestinian views. The third works for a conservative think tank and was far more sympathetic to Israel in his comments than the other two. Israelis made up the second most common nationality, 10 total guest appearances, representing only 7 percent of the total (see chart 1). Only one program, CBS's Face the Nation, had any Arab nationals as guests, but they were relatively well represented on that show, making up 11 percent of all the guests who appeared. Notably, only one Palestinian national was a guest. Hussam Zomlot, the head of the Palestinian Mission to the United Kingdom was on Face the Nation in November, 2023.The views expressed by American interviewees and panelists were overwhelmingly pro-Israel. These guests were more than twice as likely to sympathize with Israel than with the Palestinians. As chart 2 shows, there was some variation worth noting. Fox News Sunday was an outlier with a whopping 96 percent of guests expressing pro-Israel views; there was not a single pro-Palestinian view expressed.
On the other programs between 60 and 65 percent of guests expressed pro-Israel views. In sum, pro-Israeli views were almost five times as frequent as pro-Palestinian on all the aired programs.
One systematic problem with these shows is that they overrepresent the views of a narrow band of the political elite in the United States. Eighty-two percent of guests (115 out of 140) on the Sunday news shows analyzed for this article were current or former US government officials. Given the lopsided nature of U.S. foreign policy as resolutely pro-Israel, it is expected that framing in these talk shows would disproportionately reflect that position, even though Israeli guests were a small percentage of those who appeared.Bias in FramingDue to the biases in U.S. foreign policy and the paucity of Palestinian and Arab perspectives, the key contexts that identify deep problems with Israeli policies were nearly absent. For example, "occupation" was mentioned only 15 times in the 51 hour-long programs analyzed, and it was mostly the Arab guests who did so. By contrast, guests uttered the word "hostages" 529 times, a ratio of 35 mentions to one mention of "occupation." The Israeli hostages in Gaza were brought up ten times per program on average. Hamas and other groups declared that they took hostages in part to secure the release of Palestinian prisoners, many of whom Israel holds without charge. Yet, Palestinian prisoners were mentioned only 17 times. Israel's holding of Palestinian prisoners is of course a function of its military occupation. One surprising finding was how few guests talked about "Palestinians" at all. As a baseline, guests mentioned Israel 2,282 times. Hamas was brought up half as frequently (1,108 times). Yet, Palestine or Palestinians — who have borne the brunt of Israel's war on Gaza — merited only 456 mentions, less than half as often as Hamas. This signifies a preferred framing of the war as a conflict between Israel and Hamas, which distracts from Israel's systematic punishment of Palestinian civilians. Another framing pattern concerns how to end the Gaza crisis. Despite "ceasefire" being the prevailing demand of a vibrant U.S. protest movement, including a growing number of U.S. lawmakers and many world leaders, it was hardly discussed. "Ceasefire" was brought up only 94 times on all the shows. More than half of these mentions were on Fox News Sunday, where guests roundly opposed the idea. Even more scarce than "ceasefire" was the term "genocide," which was uttered by guests just 23 times. And only once was it applied to Israel's conduct in Gaza, despite its widespread consideration by scholars, international lawyers and governments, in relation to Israel's siege and bombardments of Gaza. Notably, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found South Africa's complaint of genocide plausible in at January ruling.The lone appearance of "genocide" in relation to Gaza came when when the host of one show read a social media post by Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-MI) regarding the ICJ case. But the overwhelming majority — 20 of the mentions total — repeated the erroneous claim that American university campus protest slogans are calls for genocide against Jews. ConclusionGiven the strongly pro-Israel tilt in U.S. foreign policy, many will not find these results surprising. This study documents the extent to which that bias manifested and it is overwhelming. That the Sunday news shows on ABC, NBC, and FOX failed to include a single Palestinian guest (while CBS only had one) is an astounding failure. Yet, no data point should be as worrisome as the fact that officials in the Biden administration and Democratic lawmakers were among the main producers of pro-Israel messaging that did not take into account — at all — realities on the ground in Gaza or potential war crimes, if not genocide, being committed in Gaza today.

While the battle still rages over term limits
hitting the ballot in Bossier City this fall, momentum appears headed in the
direction that some form, if delayed and diluted, of these will come into being
sooner rather than later.Last month, the turmoil
kicked off when a group of citizens had certified a petition, as authorized
under the city charter, that invoked one of the two methods to amend
the charter to include term limits. The petition
process allows for the City Council to amend the charter directly through
ordinance, using the exact language of the ballot propositions, within 30 days
of receipt; if not done, then the Council is required to call an election
within the next 90 days after with the exact proposition language put upon the
ballot. The other process has the Council form a charter review commission whose
members it and the mayor appoint, which then formulates amendments that the
Council must put on the ballot.Prior to the Aug. 8 deadline, at the last Council meeting
prior to that Aug. 1 Republican Mayor Tommy Chandler tried to have the enabling
ordinance introduced, but he missed the deadline which required unanimous Council
approval for the addition. Instead, councilors Republicans David
Montgomery, Jeff
Free, and Vince Maggio,
plus Democrat Bubba Williams
and no party Jeff Darby,
vetoed that – an atypical move, as the Council historically hardly ever has denied
putting tardy submissions on the agenda.Undeterred, Chandler tried
again at the next regular meeting, Aug. 15. He also submitted a resolution to
call the election, apparently as a backup plan in case the same bloc that
prevented consideration of the ordinance to amend voted it down. These reflected
the petition: that anyone serving as mayor or councilor could serve only three
terms in their lifetimes. Darby, Free, Montgomery, and Williams would be unable
to run for reelection under this language.Throughout all of this, apparently that bloc had
utilized mayoral appointee City Attorney Charles Jacobs – who works for both
the mayor and Council – to find outside counsel to review an alleged problem with
the petition. That counsel, Katie Bell who doesn't hold out having expertise in
the area of local charters, was misrepresented by Jacobs as not having worked
on city legal matters in any capacity, when in fact she had.Jacobs also prior to the most recent Council
meeting had refused to release the contents of the rendered opinion, which
originally was said to have an indeterminate release date but subsequently was
said to have come out just after the Aug. 1 meeting. Instead of making it
public immediately thereafter, he waited until this meeting to do so and
revealed a possible point of contention exploiting the charter's technical
demand that the petition be in the form of ordinance for the Council to
consider amendment by ordinance, but also that the charter asked for the
petition's language to be exportable to a ballot proposition called by
resolution in the form of a question, as by state statute. The petition opted
for the latter approach.Yet if the bloc against had a legal out on passing
an ordinance to amend, it had no clear option to use legal niceties as an
excuse to vote against a resolution to call an election to amend. The charter
language does not yield as it maintains the Council "shall" call that.
Opponents therefore could use the excuse of legal infirmity only if you bought
the argument that potential invalidity of one option of the petition method
spilled over to make the other option also invalid even as it seemed in adherence
with the charter and state law. Only invoking his microscopically thin reed convincingly
would prevent exposure of those casting a vote against not only as opposing term
limits, but also as violating the charter.So, another ploy became necessary to prevent a
vote on term limits regardless of outcome that could be politically damaging to
the bloc, which, as the opinion mentioned, was in statute stating that any
petition delivered to a registrar of voters must contain, among other things,
the year of birth of a signatory that the petition didn't have. Some doubt
exists about whether absence of this truly invalidated the petition, as other identifying
information seemed more than adequate, so in response the Council resolved to
have the Attorney General's office render a decision. In turn, they also
deleted the agenda items involving the ordinance – which had a problem anyway
in that the 30-day window had expired – and resolution, with only Republican Councilor
Chris Smith
in opposition.This series of events prompted Republican Councilor
Brian
Hammons to complain he previously had suggested obtaining an AG opinion,
and that there had been no need to waste taxpayer dollars and time on a the matter
that, if these were the problems allegedly with the petition, the city's legal
department could not have discovered. Jacobs, backed by Montgomery, in response
provided stream-of-consciousness verbiage that said issue clarification was
required first, whiffing entirely on the fact that clarification comes before opinion
rendering and that just as easily occurs in house as in now asking the AG to
reinvent the wheel.Hammons' more subtle point is that this all was a
delaying tactic. With great uncertainty in the opposition bloc's mind that it
could find a way to invalidate the petition and election, the goal of the
opposition bloc is to delay that election as long as possible, certainly past
the Nov. 18 general election runoff this fall, which has an effective Sep. 25
deadline for Council action to have commenced.Further, regardless of what reason the bloc may
use to forgo any resolution prior to that date, citizens could sue on the basis
of the charter's election insistence, because by the charter's wording it received
a certified petition and it in that instance the Council didn't have the choice
not to call the election. Perhaps this is why rumors, bolstered by some of the
rhetoric surrounding the issue at the Council meeting, have gained currency
that some kind of compromise will be brokered involving a charter review
commission summoned later this fall.With this, the bloc may try to cut off at the pass
momentum behind the petition wording by promising to call a commission whose
members they chose would approve of another form of term limits, along the
lines of a three-term limit starting with the 2025 term. Since all bloc members
are in their sixties, they unlikely would want to serve beyond well into their
seventies. In exchange, if they refuse to call the election, by ponying up a commission
they say will have term limits supporters throughout it (their appointees would
represent five of the nine votes), they would count on this defusing term
limits supporters from challenging that in court failure to call the election and
from not reorganizing anytime soon to petition again with the same language in
the form of an ordinance and including birth years of signatories.The longer the controversy drags on, the more
attention the bloc brings to its anti-term limits position that would prove to be
a political liability. Its members continue a rearguard action that ultimately
may win the battle legally, but they're still losing the war politically.

Forest policy increasingly mobilizes the forest sector to address environmental concerns. Owing to the forest sector's complexity and time scales involved, simulation models are often used as research methods to explore the future. This thesis investigates the contributions of Forest Sector Models (FSM), bio-economic simulation models commonly used for prospective analysis, to this transition.We first adopt a conceptual perspective and, through a parallel exploration of the early literature in forest economics and the epistemology of model use, we show that forest policy has been, and still is, a strong driver of FSM research, influencing representation processes in models as well as narratives used to drive research. We also highlight that the nature of facts within the forest sector, the local context, data availability and past practices are other important determinants of model-based research. We subsequently review more recent literature to assess the extent to which environmental issues have been addressed. While originally focused on timber production and trade, a majority of the research now focuses on goals such as renewable energy production or the conservation of biodiversity. The treatment of such objectives has however been unequal, and those closer to the models' original target are treated more often and more deeply. On the contrary, modelling is hindered when economic values are hard to estimate or when models cannot handle spatialized data, hence objectives related to cultural and some regulation services are less commonly studied.The remainder of the thesis addresses two aspects of climate change, namely mitigation and adaptation, and brings methodological contributions by leveraging two ways of overcoming obstacles to the investigation of environmental objectives with large-scale bio-economic models: model couplings and the consideration of local environmental conditions. Both chapters focus on France, where the diversity of local contexts makes analyses focused on the upstream forest sector relevant, and use the French Forest Sector Model (FFSM).First, using the FFSM and Hartman's model for optimal rotations with non-timber amenities, we investigate consequences for forestry and landscapes of management practices aiming at both producing timber and sequestering carbon. We show that, while postponing harvests can increase carbon stocks in the short-term, changes in management regimes and species choice yield additional benefits in the long-term. Over time, these changes lead to more diverse forest landscapes in terms of composition and structure, with potential implications for policy and environmental co-benefits. However, trends show a high level of spatial variability across and within regions, highlighting the importance of considering the local context.In-situ carbon stocks are however exposed to risks of non-permanence. We assess implications for the forest sector of climate-induced changes in wildfire regimes, as well as implications for model projections of uncertainties related to these changes. To do so, we use a probabilistic model of wildfire activity, which we couple to the FFSM, and we carry out multiple simulations using various radiative forcing levels and different climate models. Although locally significant, wildfires' impacts remain limited at the sectoral scale. Fires affect a limited amount of the resource every year but in a cumulative manner, and the influence of climate change is mostly witnessed in the latter half of the century. Inter-annual fluctuations in fire activity only marginally propagate to the forest sector, and most uncertainty comes from the choice of climate models and scenarios. Stochasticity in the fire process, although never predominant, accounts for a significant share of uncertainty. These results stress the importance of considering multiple possible outcomes and the inherent variability in environmental processes in large-scale model projections. ; La politique forestière mobilise de manière croissante la filière forêt-bois pour contribuer à des objectifs d'ordre environnemental, et la modélisation est souvent utilisée comme moyen d'interroger le futur. Cette thèse explore la capacité des modèles de secteur forestier (MSF), des modèles de simulation bio-économiques, à accompagner cette transition.Sur le plan conceptuel, nous explorons la littérature à l'origine des MSF ainsi que celle sur l'épistémologie des modèles économiques. Nous montrons que la politique forestière a été un déterminant fort des pratiques de recherche, influençant les représentations du secteur dans les modèles et les discours mobilisés pour conduire les simulations. Nous illustrons également l'influence d'autres facteurs: la nature des faits forestiers, le contexte local, la disponibilité de données et les pratiques passées. Nous nous intéressons ensuite aux évolutions récentes et montrons qu'alors que la production et le commerce du bois constituent les thématiques de recherche d'origine, les enjeux environnementaux tels que la production d'énergie renouvelable ou la protection des habitats sont aujourd'hui centraux. Leur intégration reste cependant inégale, et ils sont d'autant plus traités qu'ils se rapprochent des sujets originels. A l'inverse, en raison de la difficulté d'estimer une valeur économique ou de la formulation d'outils à une échelle inadaptée, la modélisation de certains services culturels et de régulation est plus difficile et superficielle.Nous menons ensuite deux cas d'étude portant sur l'atténuation et l'adaptation au changement climatique et sur le secteur forestier Français, où la diversité des contextes locaux justifie de s'intéresser en détail à l'amont de la filière. Nous utilisons le French Forest Sector Model (FFSM) et cherchons à mettre en œuvre deux leviers méthodologiques susceptibles d'améliorer la prise en compte d'enjeux environnementaux: le couplage de modèles et la considération de l'hétérogénéité des conditions environnementales.Le FFSM est d'abord utilisé avec un modèle de rotations optimales incluant les aménités autres que le bois afin d'étudier les implications d'une gestion cherchant à séquestrer du carbone. Nous montrons que, sur le court terme, la séquestration est principalement améliorée en repoussant les récoltes. Sur le long terme, des bénéfices supplémentaires sont attendus en faisant évoluer la composition et la structure de la forêt, amenant à des paysages forestiers plus variés. Ces tendances présentent cependant une forte hétérogénéité spatiale entre et au sein des régions, soulignant l'importance de considérer le contexte local.Le carbone in situ est cependant exposé à des risques de non-permanence. Nous évaluons les conséquences pour la filière forêt-bois de l'évolution des régimes de feux en contexte de changement climatique et les implications pour les projections des incertitudes liées à cette évolution. Nous utilisons un modèle probabiliste d'activité des feux que nous couplons au FFSM, et réalisons de multiples simulations pour plusieurs niveaux de forçage radiatif et modèles climatiques. Bien que localement importants, l'impact des feux reste limité à l'échelle de la filière. Ces derniers touchent une faible proportion de la ressource chaque année mais d'une manière cumulative, et leurs conséquences projetées sont particulièrement visibles dans la deuxième moitié du 21e siècle. Les variations interannuelles de l'activité des feux se propagent peu aux dynamiques de filière, et l'incertitude dans les projections provient principalement du choix du modèle et des scénarios climatiques. L'incertitude due à la stochasticité du phénomène de feux ne prédomine jamais mais représente une part significative de l'incertitude totale. Ces résultats soulignent l'importance de considérer de multiples scénarios ainsi que la variabilité inhérente aux processus écologiques dans la prospective utilisant des modèles bio-économiques à grande échelle.

Editorial I am delighted to announce the successful publication of Volume 26, 2020 of our esteemed journal, Lagos Notes and Records. This current edition is made up of thirteen well-researched articles across the various disciplines of the Humanities and Social Sciences namely History, Philosophy, Creative Arts, Language Studies, Literature, Communication Studies, and Linguistics. Lynn Schler in the first article, 'The Local and the Global in African Studies: An Essay in Honour of Prof. Ayodeji Olukoju @ 60', argues that in every geographic context, African studies evolved as an intersection between local and global flows of ideas, politics and capital. She concludes that the future of African studies requires scholars to view Africa as both a singular idea and a conglomeration of vastly diverse cultural contexts. Scholars must be aware of what is distinctive in local contexts and also take cognizance of global solutions. In the second article, 'Identity and Ideological Positioning in Popular Nigerian Ethnic Jokes', 'Rotimi Taiwo and David Dontele examine the discursive constructions of selected jokes to determine their expression of attitudinal and ideological dispositions of the ethnic groups within the multilingual/multicultural context of Nigeria. They argue that ethnic jokes in Nigeria construct stereotypes about linguo-cultural signs, and that the jokes have been stripped of their stigmatizing effects owing to the ability of Nigerians to laugh collectively at their perceived prejudices and stereotypes. In a related article, 'Impression Management and Face Sensitivities in Delta State Courtroom Interactions', Olasimbo Takpor and Felix Ogoanah investigate impression management and courtroom interactions in High Court proceedings in DeltaState of Nigeria within the theoretical framework of Rapport Management Model (Spencer Oatey). They conclude that to manage face sensitivities, courtroom interactions create diverse impressions of themselves or others by deploying impression management strategies such as self-promotion, intimidation, apologies, ingratiation and conformity as determined by the peculiarities of legal procedures and cultural norms, which mediate judicial proceedings, interpretations and decisions. Felix Ajiola's 'Colonial Capitalism and the Structure of the Nigerian Cocoa Marketing Board, 1947-1960' examines the origin, structure and impact of the Nigerian Cocoa Marketing Board (NCMB) from its inauguration in 1947 up to 1960. The author argues that the NCMB served various interests and purposes, which hardly benefitted cocoa producers, but rather exploited them through intolerable taxes, harmful price regulations and unfavourable grading policies. In another article, 'The Language Factor and Internet Penetration in Nigeria: A Practical Assessment', Olushola Are examines all the unstated assumptions behind quests for more language options on the internet with specific reference to Nigeria. The author concludes that the provision of Nigerian language options online would not significantly enhance internet penetration in the country without broader adjustments to the roles and status of indigenous languages as well as greater socio-economic and political reforms to fight general social exclusion for which linguistic exclusion of any form may be merely symptomatic. In the sixth article, 'Theatrical Intervention towards "Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness"', Oluwatoyin Olokodana-James examines Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness (BPCR) strategies. She argues that BPCR reduces the risks of complications in that it helps health practitioners to detect danger signs from both mother and the newborn early enough. Using qualitative research approach, the author employs theatre and dance as interventionist tools to educate women within Ifako-Ijaye LGA in Lagos State on the usefulness of BPCR. In a different article on 'Stress Patterning in Polysyllabic Words among Educated Yoruba Speakers of English in Lagos', Emmanuel Osifeso investigates one hundred (100) undergraduate and post-graduate students across Lagos State to underscore the role of stress patterning of polysyllabic words among educated Yoruba speakers of English in Lagos (EYSEL). He concludes that EYSEL have a propensity for shifting the main stress in English polysyllabic words rightward. Victor Ariole's article, 'Peul (Fulani) Worldview as seen in Ba's Work: A Critique', identifies the cultural integration constraints in Africa using Ba's discussion of the Peul/Fulani as a case study. He concludes that Ba's thought patterns are quite relevant in understanding the Peul's worldview which sees probity and constituents' responsibilities as inalienable with peaceful living or existence. Babatunji Adepoju in the ninth article, 'Cohesion in English Biblical Narratives: A Study of "The Prodigal Son"', examines the different methods that writers/speakers employ in making English narratives coherent. He discusses the reasons why many texts are considered disjointed/disorganised thereby making such texts lose the desired radiance. He concludes that the unity of a text is enhanced by adherence to the appropriate usage of grammatical and lexical ties in English narratives. Ayọdele Shotunde in 'A Discourse on the Nature of Crime and Punishment in the Administration of Social Justice in an African Culture' evaluates the nature of crime and punishment among the Yoruba of Nigeria. Adopting the critical and prescriptive methodology, he concludes that it is important to take an insightful look at the traditional Yoruba conception of crime and punishment given its embedded spirit of forgiveness because such has the potential of fostering better social ethics in contemporary Nigeria. In the next article, 'China-Hong Kong Dual System: Twenty-Three Years of Uncertainty and Broken Promises', Henry Ogunjewo argues that the relationship between China and Hong Kong in the last twenty-three years have been characterised by broken promises, failed covenants, unnecessary political meddling, judicial undercutting, press gagging and restrictions on freedom of expressions, leading to protests and political tension in Hong Kong. He concludes that the United Kingdom, former colonial administrator of Hong Kong, needed to bring international pressure on China to protect the interests of Hong Kong. Bisoye Eleshin's 'High-Toned Vowel Prefix in Yoruba' examines prefixation as it relates to gerund derivation in Yoruba. He uses the morpho-syntactic approach to establish the claim that there actually exists a high-toned vowel prefix i- in Yoruba and that the class of noun it derives is gerund. The last paper by Mosunmola Ogunmolaji and Oyinade Adekunle ''Madam Due Process': The Public Life of Obiageli Ezekwesili' is a biography of Obiageli Ezekwesili. The authors analyse the public life of Obiageli Ezekwesili providing insights into her lifestyle, especially the major forces that spurred her interest in politics and public administration. They conclude that Ezekwesili is an intellectual who has broken gender barriers in Nigeria. She possesses pragmatic understanding of the yearnings of Nigerians through deliberate identification of their problems, acquisition of necessary problem-solving tools, and swift responses to the problems whether or not she stepped on toes in the process. I hereby warmly recommend these articles to the academic community with the hope that scholars will find them interesting and useful. I congratulate the Editorial Team for a job well done despite the constraints of the COVID era! Professor Olufunkẹ Adeboye Dean, Faculty of Arts Editor-in-Chief