Economic expectations and voting behavior in United States House and senate elections
In: American political science review, Band 75, Heft 2, S. 436-447
ISSN: 0003-0554
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In: American political science review, Band 75, Heft 2, S. 436-447
ISSN: 0003-0554
World Affairs Online
In: American politics quarterly, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 139-164
ISSN: 1532-673X
In earlier research, Cnudde and McCrone (1966) presented a revised version of the Miller and Stokes model of representation, which they contend to be an accurate portrait of the causal processes by which public preferences are translated into roll call votes. Using nonrecursive analytic techniques, we reexamine their thesis and conclude that it is correct. On policy domains that representatives believe to be highly salient to their constituencies, legislators' perceptions are the key linkage mechanism. Conversely, when representatives see a policy domain as relatively less salient, the influence of their perceptions declines.
In: American political science review, Band 73, Heft 4, S. 1090-1099
ISSN: 1537-5943
Students of democratic politics have long been concerned with the role of political participation in linking government and the people it serves. Whereas participation is generally defined in terms of voting, this article defines participation as the communication of citizen preferences to public officeholders. We show that aggregate sentencing decisions of California superior courts changed to reflect more closely prevailing public opinion after a large percentage of the populace expressed their preferences on a marijuana issue. The fact that members of California superior courts are seemingly immune from any effective electoral sanction serves both to underline the importance of this form of participation to a responsive system of government and to caution against conceiving of the participation-responsiveness relationship only in terms of punitive electoral devices.
In: American journal of political science, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 278
ISSN: 1540-5907
In: American journal of political science, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 135
ISSN: 1540-5907
In: The Affect Effect, S. 316-334
In: Quarterly Journal of Political Science 9 (1): 45-86 (2014)
SSRN
In: American political science review, Band 90, Heft 3, S. 654
ISSN: 0003-0554
SSRN
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 876-892
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Political behavior, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 485-510
ISSN: 1573-6687
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 876-892
ISSN: 0022-3816
World Affairs Online
In: The Political Psychology of Democratic Citizenship, S. 100-124
In: Political behavior, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 485-510
ISSN: 0190-9320
In: British journal of political science, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 159-183
ISSN: 0007-1234
Over the past thirty years, the Democratic party has carried the mantle of racial liberalism. The party's endorsements of equal rights, fair housing laws and school busing have cost it the support of some whites, but these losses have been concentrated at the periphery of the party, among those least committed to its guiding principles or most unsympathetic to its efforts on behalf of racial equality. We argue that with the rise of affirmative action as the primary vehicle to advance racial equality, racial politics have become divisive in a new way, and that opposition to affirmative action now encompasses whites within the liberal core of the Democratic party. Contrasting traditional survey measures of affirmative action attitudes with an experimentally-based, unobtrusive measure of opposition to affirmative action, we show that racially liberal whites are reluctant to admit their anger over racial preferences when confronted with traditional survey questions in a telephone interview. When measured with an unobtrusive instrument, however, white opposition to affirmative action is found to be just as strong among liberals as conservatives, among democrats as republicans, and among those most committed to racial harmony and equality as among those least committed to such values. We argue that whites' anger over affirmative action stems less from a lack of concern with racial equality than from a commitment to individual achievement and self-reliance. Thus, while core constituents of the Democratic party are more opposed to affirmative action than has previously been recognized, the democrats can draw strength from the enduring commitment of many whites to the goal of racial equality. (British Journal of Political Research / FUB)
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