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Draws on public & private archival data, as well as mid-1980s oral history interviews in IN & 1990s life-history interviews with women to explore their participation in the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Addressed are issues centered on gender & the Right. Three conceptual problems ensuring the lack of scholarship on women & right-wing extremism are delineated before providing a historical overview of the KKK. At issue is the gendered nature of 1920s & current female participation in the Klan & implications for women's involvement in other right-wing organizations, women's motivation for joining an organization contrary to their interests, & the KKK's gender ideologies & how women's rights rhetorics reinforce racial, religious, national, & sexual hatred & bigotry. Three implications are discerned: (1) Research on the far Right cannot ignore women. (2) A difference exists in right-wing group propaganda & women's motivations for joining them. (3) Rightist ideology is dangerously multifaceted. J. Zendejas

Draws on public & private archival data, as well as mid-1980s oral history interviews in IN & 1990s life-history interviews with women to explore their participation in the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Addressed are issues centered on gender & the Right. Three conceptual problems ensuring the lack of scholarship on women & right-wing extremism are delineated before providing a historical overview of the KKK. At issue is the gendered nature of 1920s & current female participation in the Klan & implications for women's involvement in other right-wing organizations, women's motivation for joining an organization contrary to their interests, & the KKK's gender ideologies & how women's rights rhetorics reinforce racial, religious, national, & sexual hatred & bigotry. Three implications are discerned: (1) Research on the far Right cannot ignore women. (2) A difference exists in right-wing group propaganda & women's motivations for joining them. (3) Rightist ideology is dangerously multifaceted. J. Zendejas

Compares the personal beliefs & group propaganda of women racist activists & the neo-Nazi organizations to which they belong, drawing on an analysis of white supremacist propaganda & 1994/95 in-depth interviews with 34 such women. It is found that the women do not employ racist ideologies in ways that exactly parallel organizational positions. Rather, they disagree with the organizational ideology along a narrow range of issues that include gender, childbearing, & family life. This conflict is rooted in the relatively constricted organizational role that women play in the white supremacist movement, & suggests the extent to which members of organized racist groups misunderstand organizational doctrine. However, it is argued that this discrepancy between personal belief & organizational ideology is a key factor that has allowed organized racism to broaden its base beyond its traditionally male, lower-middle-class, older, rural Southern constituency to reach women, the young, & the middle class. D. Ryfe

Introduces a collection of papers investigating the role of women in radical & nonmainstream political movements in modern US society from a variety of perspectives. Despite their diversity, contributions share several themes: (1) Gender shapes political identity & consciousness. (2) Women's radicalism is sensible only in terms of local organizational contexts & personal histories. (3) Women's militant activism is nurtured in institutions that privilege emotional issues. (4) Women's activism is directly connected to wider social & political contexts that can be supportive, hostile, or neutral. 33 References. D. Ryfe

This article examines how women members of contemporary U.S. racist groups reconcile the male-oriented agendas of organized racism with understandings of themselves and their gendered self-interests. Using life history narratives and in-depth interviews, the author examines how women racial activists construct self-understandings that fit agendas of the racist movement and how they reshape understandings of movement goals to fit their own beliefs and life experiences. This analysis situates the political actions of women racists in rational, if deplorable, understandings of self and society.

This paper explores current understandings and proposes new directions for research on the place of race in rightist social movements in the contemporary United States. We examine two broad categories of rightist movements. The first is white-majority conservative movements that deny their participation in racialized politics but in which race is implicit in their ideologies and agendas, such as the Tea Party. The second is far-right movements that explicitly espouse racist ideologies and agendas, such as neo-Nazi groups. For conservative movements, we examine the extent to which racial factors shape agendas and motivate participants. For far-right movements, we examine how they define race and seek to enact their racial goals. We point to productive possibilities for new research on the racial positionality of scholars of social movements, the relationship between rightist movements and larger social trends, and processual and longitudinal aspects of rightist movements.