Suchergebnisse

1. The Eisenhower administration (1953-1961) : a promising start -- 2. The Kennedy administration (1961-1963) : trade winds start blowing -- 3. The Johnson administration (1963-1969) : EEC falls off the agenda -- 4. The Nixon administration (1969-1974) : zigzags -- 5. The Ford administration (1974-1977) : Cyprus -- 6. The Carter administration (1977-1981) : Turkey-US relations improve -- 7. The Reagan administration (1981-1989) : the US involvement commences -- 8. The (George H.W.) Bush administration (1989-1993) : the US support becomes public -- 9. The Clinton administration (1993-2001) : deux ex machina -- 10. The (George W.) Bush administration (2001-2009) : an underestimated effort -- 11. The first Obama administration (2009-2013) : decline.

1. Introduction / Armagan Emre Cakir -- 2. Political dimension : always in the list of 'also-rans' : Turkey's rivals in EU-Turkey relations / Armagan Emre Cakir -- 3. Economic dimension : the Turkish economy from the 1960s to EU accession / Tevfik F. Nas -- 4. Security dimension : a clash of security cultures? Differences between Turkey and the European Union revisited / Pinar Bilgin -- 5. Elite opinion dimension : behind the scenes of Turkey's protracted accession process : European elite debates / Nathalie Tocci -- 6. Public opinion dimension : Turkey in the EU? An empirical analysis of European public opinion on Turkey's 'protracted' accession process / Ebru S. Canan-Sokullu and Cigdem Kentmen -- 7. Identity dimension : postwesternisation : a framework for understanding Turkey-EU relations / Chris Rumford and Hasan Turunc -- 8. Ethical dimension : promises, obligations, impatience and delay : reflections on the ethical aspects of Turkey-EU relations / Thomas Diez -- 9. Conclusion / Armagan Emre Cakir.

AbstractCriticizing the insurance theory, this article asserts that to measure post-constitutional political uncertainty, one should consider not only the power distribution among the 'political' actors but the power distribution among all actors involved in the constitution-making process, including the public and civil society. Comparing the constitution-making processes of the constitutions of Egypt (2012) and Tunisia (2014), this study presents the duration of the constitution-making process as an alternative measure of power distribution among all actors. The theoretical framework asserts that the long constitution-making process increases the possibility of deliberation at the public level. That will help to develop trust among polarized political actors and improve political actors' perception of the public as a credible control and constraint mechanism. This will ensure that the incoming government will respect the newly established institutions and lead to the establishment of an independent and powerful judiciary. In the second part of the article, to test this argument, I use a large dataset that covers information on the content and design processes of 140 countries' most recent constitutions adopted between 1945 and 2018. The empirical results indicate that as the duration of the constitution-making increases, the number of constitutional guarantees for judicial independence also increases.

AbstractExamining the writings of prominent Islamist women intellectuals in Turkey, including Fatma Barbarosoğlu, Cihan Aktaş, Yıldız Ramazanoğlu, and Nazife Şişman, this article explores the repercussions of their intellectual activism for how scholars understand and study piety politics. These Islamist women intellectuals, whose discourse and subjectivities have been translated into analytical categories by scholars of piety politics, contest the terms of their encounters with academics and, more broadly, the conversion of Muslim women into objects of research. Their writings shed light on the complex interpretative interplay between academic and lay discourse when the objects of scholarly study speak back to social scientists. I argue that these kinds of critical engagements between Islamist women intellectuals and social scientific discourses attest to the mobility and circularity of social scientific categories, which have infused and reconstituted Islamist debates in Turkey. Rather than uncritically endorse or dispute these intellectuals' interpretations of social scientific accounts, I leverage their claims to underscore the social life of academic discourse and to promote an enriched vision of piety politics and reflexive methodology.

This study argues that the proximity to a general election would affect the frequency of the opposition parties' referrals to the constitutional court. This effect is hypothesized to be conditioned on the opposition parties' prediction of the upcoming election results. To test this theory, I constructed an original data set including all acts promulgated by Turkish Parliament and all cases that were brought to the constitutional court by the opposition parties during 1984-2011. The results show that once the opposition party believes that it will lose the election, it increases its referrals to the court as election approaches. Adapted from the source document.